Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Materiality Ontology and The Andes
Materiality Ontology and The Andes
Introduction
Regarding meaning, we seek to reintegrate a model of the sign with the material
world. Following Peirce (and in contrast to Saussurean models of the sign), we start with
the core observation that “…abstract sign systems in practice cannot be separated from
concrete instantiation—whether linguistic, performative, or material. Seemingly abstract
qualities (for example, as explored by Cummins [2002]—reducción—to reduce, render
intelligible, order…) that are significant across cultural domains must, in order to have
meaning or social efficacy, become somehow instantiated” (Wernke 2009). In this
process of materialization (conceived broadly, whether through utterance, production of
text, artifact, etc.), things become bound to other qualities, making meaning and efficacy
contingent (Wernke 2009). The relationship between an item, room, building, corpse,
landscape, etc, and its meanings (and the meanings themselves) will thus constantly
change and shift inter-subjectively through people’s engagement with it and through
people’s engagement with each other. Building on work of Webb Keane, we suggest that
“semiotic ideologies” both structure and emerge from those engagements. As the
“...basic assumptions about what signs are and how they function in the world” (Keane
2003:419), semiotic ideologies, for example, define the realm of possible agents (e.g., a
person, a stone monolith, a rock outcrop) to which signifying acts can be attributed,
2
whether signs are thought arbitrary or necessarily linked to their objects, and what role
intention plays in signification (Keane 2003:419). Andeanist researchers investigating a
variety of historico-geographical contexts can make vital contributions to the material
turn through an exploration of how distinct semiotic ideologies structure and emerge
through engagement with the material world.
highly culturally salient and spread through the region as shared markers of power, status,
and knowledge.
While we highlight the agency of objects, we also note the objectness of human
agents, wherein an individual is seen as both subject and object, showing how people can
be “thingified” or “objectified”. There have been admirable attempts by human rights
groups to limit the objectification of bodies, and necessary feminist critiques have tried to
intervene on the perception of female and other bodies as objects to be bought, traded,
brutalized, and enslaved. However, these discourses have had the effect of emphasizing
the division between subject-object in the case of human beings, such that the distinction
between inanimate objects and “people as sentient beings is reinforced rather than
investigated” (Sofaer 2006: 63). This is not to say that bodies should be objectified in
these horrific ways; rather, it is to highlight how the body itself and its emplacement in
society make it amenable (susceptible) to thingification. People are objectified because
they are material (Sofaer 2006). The body should not be treated as an exception, for the
body, like clay, is malleable; it is made into being through interaction with other bodies
and objects. Yet it also has fixed properties, or “extra-discursive” realities, also like clay.
That is, the body, as Foucault and constructionists would argue, is formed by discourse
(in the broadest sense of the term), yet it also has prediscursive qualities, such as
biological sex (but see Fausto-Sterling 1993) or biological systems “that exist before
social acts and historical circumstances shape the gender, identity, health status, or other
aspects of the body” (Tung 2007: 364). This does not imply that bodies are solely natural
vessels to be inhabited and filled; rather, they are simultaneously created and altered by
culture, practice, discourse, and history.
4
Andean Landscapes
Scholars have long been fascinated with the environment of the Andes mountains,
which they have classified (D’Altroy 2002: 24-47, among others) as one of the most
varied, unique, and challenging to human habitations in the world. Paradoxically, the
Andes mountains have long supported a large population organized into a multitude of
polities of various scales, from dispersed settlements to expansive empires. Scholars’
fascination with peoples living on a terrain which transitions from ocean coast to peaks of
more than 5,000 meters, to sloping piedmont, and to dense tropical rainforest, all within
200 kilometers, has led to countercharges of Andean environmental exceptionalism (and
more generally Andeanism, see Starn 1991: 78). A focus on the vertical nature of
environment (Murra 1967, 1972, 1985; Shimada 1985: xiii) has often weighed the impact
of environmental constraints over other factors in shaping the development of human
physiology, behavior, economy, and social institutions in the Andes (e.g. Baker and Little
1976; Flores Ochoa 1977). Although Andeanist anthropology has moved from cultural
ecological and environmental determinism (see critique in Van Buren 1996) into more
balanced approaches (i.e. cultural ecology, human ecology, historical ecology, optical
behavioral models, political ecology and landscape studies), we argue for a further
transformation, namely, an interpretation of landscape as an aspect of material culture.
Environment is as material and cultural and signatory as any other form of material
culture and thus also functions as a semiotic channel of communication. All landscapes
are culturally modified and socially constituted whether representing a built environment,
a collection of toponyms, or an animated geography. Experience and cultural
expectations prefigure interactions with this aspect of materiality (see Potter 2004).
We’ll examine three aspects of landscape: Animated cosmology, Landscape as a social
map, and time-Earth-Place.
5
Animated Cosmology
Salomon and Urioste 1991). People’s relationships with places are also mediated by
event and memory, which can potentially reach wider recognition through the process of
enregisterment. We have observed this process, which cannot often be separated from
wider political discourse1, in how people in various communities across the region
associate particular places with emotional, sometimes tragic or violent, events.
Ethnohistorical evidence from Justicia 413 (in Rostworowski 1988), in which the
sixteenth century communities of Chacalla (Yauyos) and Canta were engaged in a legal
dispute over access to coca fields in Quivi, exemplify a scenario during a capacocha
(capac ucha) rite in the Incaic past, which demonstrates the relationships between people,
land, ritual, and politics. During the ritual occasion in question, the Inka state required
that llama blood offerings be carried in sacred vessels to the edge of the territory
occupied by the Yauyos polity, to be handed off to a delegation from the Canta polity. A
man from Canta interrupted the hand-off, however, and violence ensued (see ff.178r-223r
passing). The place which was in the process of being bounded geographically through
ritual, reinforcing a people’s relationship to the landscape, was thus transformed into a
placed that linked place to a memory of violence and opposition between political bodies.
1
We also find it appropriate to mention the role of the anthropologist, through engagement with local
peoples, NGOs, and the state, in the creation of place. These power relations often result in a hegemonic
discourse which results in a diachronic re-association of place with a set of particular events, chosen from a
particular people’s historical trajectory and colored with a particular narrative, transforming landscape in
very real ways (see Kojan and Angelo 2005).
7
Andean Commodities
Commodities as Signs
Among the Karaja and Kamayura (Agostinho 1974) from the Central Brazilian
Plateau, or even the Wayampi from Amapa (Galois 1988), drawings of certain geometric
patterns represent tattoos on vessels’ “skins.” These tattoos connect vessels to kin groups
and individual identities. Such tattoos also transform that identity into a commodity.
Furthermore, as shown by several anthropologists, zoomorphic and anthropomorphic
shapes often also have geometric correlates. This confers an economic-symbolic value to
the designs and embeds the materiality of representations on bodies, vessels and
landscapes (Boomert 1987; Levi-Mendes 2003; Galois 1988; Bradley 2000). Since
perfect shapes such as circles, triangles and quadrangles are not found in nature, it seems
perfectly reasonable to analyze these shapes as a reduction of the geometry of nature
(Mandelbrot 1982). In this process of shrinking the geometry of nature into perfect lines,
geometric patterns, potters communicate ideas on surfaces of the vessel, corresponding to
a long chain of translations of ontological beings at the material level. Waura from the
Lower Batovi River (Mato Grosso, Brazil) represent several spirits of animals through
geometric symbols associated with specific kinships. Once common shared geometric
8
This process, however, gains a particular variability that can be seen by the major
geometric similarities between polychromic traditions from Andes to Marajoara Island
(Brazil), including the Maraca Tradition in Amapa (Schaan 2001, Guapindaia 2001).
Even across different artistic traditions and different time, it is possible to find
connections between paintings and geometries of the mind, cosmological substances that
are depicted/carved onto new supports of a body or a vessel that have similar value of the
body itself as a material channel between landscape and community through the
individual (Lemmonier 1993, Heckenberger 2005, Fagundes 2004). Instead of natural
bodies, or human/animal bodies (such as in Viveiros de Castro 2002), a translation of
meaning is transubstantiated from idealistic representation into ontological materialized
geometry, thus a reduction of the complex shapes found in nature is expressed on the
“skins” of the recipients. Decorated/ritualistic vessels constitute a parallel for inferring
how other complex ideas were depicted on surfaces, thus serving as bridge through a long
chain of symbols/meanings from mind to materiality, from landscape to body (Vialou
2006).
Similarly, we can approach the Inka imperial aryballoid jar as a complex sign. In
its iconic, indexical, and symbolic meanings, the aryballoid jar represents the relationship
between provincial polities and individuals and the state. As an icon, the
anthropomorphic vessel is a representation of the body of the Inka lord himself bearing
the tocapu insignia of the state. The iconic representation of the state indexes the
reciprocity for service to the state and its agents (deistic entities, huacas, mummies, or the
Inka lord himself). The aryballoid vessel symbolically and literally serves life-giving
food to the client, and was also charged with kamay in its production. While the triadic
nature of the sign points to different referents, through the mediation of elicited
interpretants each of these referents point to a multitude of other referents. Many of these
referents were universally shared (i.e. hegemonic) at the imperial scale, but others were
rooted in local understanding of the political and economic relationships which the sign
represented. For example, at one level the Emperor’s body, of which the
anthropomorphic aryballoid was iconic, was also the symbolic embodiment of the people
who were his subjects, but this meaning may have had an individual significance as well.
Through the process of enregisterment, various aspects of the anthropomorphic vessel
iconic of the Inka lord, such as the tocapu motif, could also be borrowed and used on
other vessels which are less anthropomorphic in form such as bowls, and the semiotic
9
repertoire as a register becomes iconic of the same referent, the Inka lord as host and
patron, engaged in reciprocal serving.
During the Incaic period, the valuation of reciprocal exchange was governed by
the numerical philosophy which is built into Quechua grammar (Urton 1997). This
arithmetic is the same as Andean structures of kinship, which denotes rank and follows
certain form of logic of symmetry. Urton surmises that the underlying premises, is a
worldview which relies on the principle that he terms “rectification”. The concept is a
notion of universal equilibrium manifest in all things, and redistributive adjustments
occur in order to rectify an imbalance. This concept is not only at the core of the
cosmological order and motivates Quechua mathematical practice, but it also serves as
the base of reciprocity (Urton 1997: 145-148) and ranked reciprocal relationships, which
are the basic building blocks of Andean political organization. The basic political
concepts of duality, rank, and reciprocity, work together within Andean polities to rectify
imbalance (see Gelles 1995) at different levels of material and social scale.
Raw materials associated with the landscape (i.e. crops – such as coca, clays, or
metals) are culturally transformed through human engagement, but often in Andean
contexts, retain associations with the landscape/environment and the act of production.
For example, in the Prehispanic Andes and in many highland communities today,
commodities are produced through a process of engagement which involves the transfer
of vital energies, kamay (also sometimes called sami – see Allen 1988 [2002]; see also
Taylor 1976), which circulate throughout the animated universe and which are directed in
the transformation of an object from one state of being to another (see also Bray 2008*;
Urton 1981; Bastien 1985 [1978]; Silverblatt and Earls 1976; Zuidema 1980). In the case
ceramic vessels under the Inka state, specialized kamayoqs responsible for their
production, channeled kamay through the supernatural Sanu Mama (Mother-Clay) into
the raw clay, which was transformed into shaped and fired ceramic.
The act of infusing and charging an object with kamay changes the properties of
the material. The object now indexes the sacred event of production, which continues to
link the object to both its kamayoq (the one who channeled this energy in its
transformation from raw substance to finished form) and the supernatural from which the
life-giving energy originates. In this way, “traditional” Andean commodities could not
be separated throughout their life-history from the labor which produced them. However,
it is precisely this charging with kamay, which in itself signifies the labor inherent in
production, which also fetishizes the commodity. The emphasis of production is placed
not on the capture of human energy (labor) alone, but on bestowing the commodity with
the sacred energy of kamay. In this way, a farmer who receives a fancy ceramic cup in
return for his yearly labor on state fields, which does not represent the same number of
productive hours of labor as the farmer put into the fields, is not simply duped into
believing that his labor is equivalent in value to the value of the cup, as the Marxist
10
concept of mystification would posit. Inka subjects most likely understood the sacred
value of the cup, symbolic of his status, through the kamay as a property of the cup.
The mining, refinement, and working of sacred metals, associated with celestial
supernaturals (i.e. lunar, solar), is similar to the production of Incaic ceramics in that the
transformative process from ore to worked metal involves an infusion of kamay. In
Incaic production, copper, silver, and gold were mined, refined and then worked into
disks, which would later be transformed by metal smiths into other sacred forms by
working or casting the metal (see Lechtman 2007). Lechtman (1996, 2007; see also
Lechtman and Klein 1999) discusses how the final form of Prehispanic metallic artifacts,
much like the production of textiles, were imbued with meaning through the process of
their creation, which in the case of metal objects, involved prescribed proportions and
ratios of mixture between the elements of gold, silver, and copper. In the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries under colonial rule, different properties of metals are emphasized
and as signifiers they point to different referents. However, in silver mining centers like
Potosí it is impossible to separate, even in the emergence of a capitalist climate, silver as
a good, commodity, and currency from the labor which produced it (Weaver 2008: 137-
138). Appadurai (1986) argues that in the production of commodities labor is often
disenfranchised from the product, which seems to take on a life of its own independent of
the material conditions of production. In the case of Andean mining districts, however,
this tendency of capitalistic fetishism does not occur until silver, as commodity and
currency, leaves the mining region of production when it circulates through the global
market (Weaver 2008: 138).
The production of silver in the colonial period also offers some insight into the
relationships between physical constraints of the material world (its effective agency), the
development of technology and social organizational structures of labor. In the high
altitudes of the silver mining districts of Porco and Potosí, silver-smelters made use of
indigenous smelting furnaces, huayrachinas, in order to smelt the lead necessary for
purification of the silver ore (Van Buren and Mills 2005; see also Cieza de León 1984
[1553]: 375; Matienzo 1967 [1567]: 70; Capoche 1959 [1585]: 110). Provided the
placement on windy ridges or hilltops, these small rock and clay furnaces with
perforations on two sides (in order that wind pass through to oxygenate the flame), are
able to reach higher temperatures than European-style smelting furnaces, which required
large bellows to oxygenate the flame. The oxygen-deprived nature of the high Andes
made huayrachinas a more efficient technology, influencing how labor categories such as
the colonial yanacona, were organized in a place like Potosí (see Weaver 2008: 117-129).
Both indigenous (e.g. the quimbalete/muray to triturate ore) and European technologies
(e.g. the ingenio and patio processing w/ Hg amalgamation) were employed in various
stages in the refinement process; which technologies were employed in a given context
depended as much on the market price of silver (a function of macro-economics), the
quality of ore available (a function of environment and the social inequalities among
11
those with access to particular silver veins), and the social organization of labor (i.e.
mode of production) (Ibid.: 129-147; see also Bakewell 1984).
Andean Bodies
The body is a culturally constructed entity and can be subjected to the same kind
of analytical framework as other material objects. This may seem like a truism, but
archaeologists who study material culture tend to ignore the body in favor of objects that
are more obviously constructed such as lithics and ceramics. Indeed, archaeology texts on
material culture often have long lists describing objects for archaeological study,
including pottery, glass, enamels, copper, iron, steel, gold, lead, stone, wood, cotton,
wool, textiles, leather, dyes, paints, antler, ivory, fur, and bone: from animals, not
humans. This exceptional treatment of the human body as ‘outside’ the material world
partly emanates from modern perceptions of humans as subject and sentient beings, and
from the structuring strictures of academic disciplines that push the biological and
psychological being into one realm of study, typically the biological sciences. However,
like ceramics and other artifacts, human bodies are simultaneously formed through
discourse and practice; they are cultural modifiable, highly symbolic, and able to function
as a semiotic channel of communication in multiple ways.
The idea of body as symbol is not new. In 1970 Mary Douglas explored how the
body acts as a central metaphor through which the ideas of purity and pollution which
structure social boundaries are constructed. As a symbol, Douglas explored how the
human body often serves as a means of understanding the image of a system (1996
[1970]: xxxvi), which is often applied to the social, bridging the scale of the individual
with the scale of society. The relationship is of course dialectical, and it also follows
that, “the social body constrains the way the physical body is perceived” (Ibid.: 69).
Bodies structure society in several ways. The living and dead body can function
as an interface between individuals in a social group in that the body represents a highly
charged surface that can be coached, disciplined, and transformed in culturally specific
ways to convey information about gender, group affiliation, social status, identity,
occupation, and life histories. Among Aztec children, for example, gender was learned
and performed through recitation of norms (Joyce 2000), and through these normalized
performances the body was made material by producing gendered bodies with clothing,
hairstyle, play with gender-specific items, bodily comportment, and modifications and
markings on the body (also see Bachand et al, 2003). Similarly, bodies in the Wari
empire were made into being through the reiteration of norms and representations of
ideals, for example, among men made into warriors (or at least temporary aggressors).
12
These bodies were produced as gendered and aggressive beings through clothing (i.e.,
military attire), interaction with identity-specific objects (e.g., weapons), facial markings,
and animal associations (Ochatoma and Tung 2008), as well as through the development
of muscular bodies (inferred through musculo-skeletal markers that imprinted the
malleable body), healed head wounds that recorded a life history of violence (Tung
2007), and images and acts of these men controlling prisoners and wearing human war
trophies (Tung 2008). These bodies were not simply material representations of
individual prowess and state domination, they were the materiality of those ideals,
presenting us a concrete case in which ideology of, or beliefs about, dominance and
aggression (and perhaps masculinity and other abstract qualities) becomes instantiated.
In the Andes this was also done both through permanent means such as cranial
modification and tattooing as well as temporary means such as body painting, hairstyling,
clothing, and other types of personal adornment. While we have limited information on
tattooing in the Andes, a slew of recent finds on the North Coast as well as the numerous
tattooed mummies excavated by Arturo Ruiz on the Central Coast in the 1970’s suggests
that this practice may have been widespread, at least among coastal groups. Like cranial
modification, tattoos can be used to present information about an individual to a wider
public. Unlike cranial modification, tattoos can be inscribed on the body at any time
during the individual’s life. As such, they may have been used to mark and record
significant events in the course of the individual’s life in such a way as to be immediately
visible to others. Furthermore, the geometric patterns used in tattooing (and as ceramic
decorations) often serve as indexes of cosmological relationships. As such, in the same
way that decorations on ceramics can serve essentially as a cosmogram by indexing
idealized relationships between human communities, nature, and the supernatural, tattoos
on the human body can indexically link the individual body to the cosmos.
For example, in the Huaura valley, modern malenderos regularly use skeletal material
taken from Prehispanic cemeteries for their rituals. Furthermore, conversations with
local people who live near archaeological sites are replete with examples of people who
claim to be visited by these ancestors through dreams and other mechanisms. Some even
claimed to have been attacked by unknown entities while passing through ancient
cemeteries. A common thread of these tales is that the non-living bodies of ancestors still
have considerable conscious agency (sensu Robb 2004). For example, a woman told
Szremski, how as a student she had taken a skull from a Prehispanic site as part of a
school assignment. The skull was later stored in her parent’s house, where many
misfortunate events were attributed to its presence. The woman was forced to return the
skull from where she had taken it, leaving it with some offerings, but also scolding it for
“misbehaving.” The woman returned to the spot a few days later, only to find that that
the skull had disappeared. Narratives of this sort are common in the region, suggesting
that even in culturally criollo areas with strong traditions of Roman Catholic orthodoxy,
there is a continuity of cultural discourses which imbue non-living bodies with conscious
agency.
Concluding Remarks
One of the primary approaches in this position paper to the study of Andean
ontology and materiality is semiotic. A criticism that can be leveled at semiotic
approaches to materiality is that of “logocentrism”: an over reliance on language and
structuralism as models for understanding the relationship between materiality, social
organization, cultural transmission, and other entities. Although considered above, other
studies have emphasized the importance for human relations and their development of
practices that are not semiotic- and language-like (e.g., Bourdieu 1977; Bloch 1998). For
instance, particular attention has been drawn to the types of social knowledge that
influence people directly, for example, what Mauss called “body techniques,” which are
not presented as linguistic and semiotic propositions. As Gell (1998) has observed,
Mauss’s notion “stems from the fact that it is through the body, the way in which the
body is deployed, displayed, and modified [in the living and the dead], that socially
appropriate understandings are formed and reproduced.” Such knowledge may range
from routines of behavior, personal presentation, work and consumption, to prescribed
practices of ritual and ceremonial activity. Practice-centered approaches to the analysis of
social change are rooted in the socially educated bodies of individuals and their
repertoires of behavior that are socially and culturally learned.
(e.g., tombs, offerings) in the transformation of the social experience and the inferred
Maussian-like understandings assigned to it. Instead of seeing this patterning of the
archeological record as a material bias to be corrected or minimized, it can be turned to
our advantage by placing activities surrounding death and the body at the core of
interpretations of long-term social changes. This does not mean treating funerary remains
as if they were snapshots of mundane life, rather than the outcome of purposeful ritual
transformations. In this exemplary case, what is asserted is that the relationships between
the living and the dead—sustained, negotiated, and altered through ritual activity—were
deeply interwoven, albeit in complex and indirect ways, with the material conditions of
social existence and production: sufficiently interwoven to provide meaningful insights
into Andean ontologies and historical and social developments throughout time and
space. Our tasks are to identify, reconstruct, and understand the histories and meanings of
these different ontologies, and what they might imply about broader human processes.
It also is useful to view these and other approaches presented throughout this
essay as extensions or externalized images of the human mind, which, for the purpose of
this argument, views mental constructs externalized into the physical world through
material representations. An example is the idea of “Gods”, often depicted in material
images and figurines, but also a mental construct or idea as well. “Gods,” writes the
Indian anthropologist, Chakrabarty (2000:78), “are as real as ideology is—that is to say,
they are embedded [and given meaning] in practices” enacted in mundane events and in
formal ritual and other activities in the real physical world, but they also are internalized
as complementary mental or metaphysical constructs. The idea is that people are divided
into an inner person and an outer person, so that information collected in the outside or
external world is internalized, and used to reconstruct a Peircian-like semiotic or mental
image of the outside world. In a sense, this can be seen as a Cartesian model in which a
person inhabits a geometrical world of objects (sensu Heidegger), and all meanings are
events that take place in the metaphysical world of the mind. Language, symbols, and
mental constructs are thus the means by which meanings produced inside the mind are
transformed into physical objects, whether they are objects, landscapes, modified bodies,
dances, and so forth. Thinking in terms of collective social transmissions, interactive
practices, and agencies, these meanings vis-à-vis the physical world are decoded by other
minds through everyday practices and encounters by using the same semiotic apparatus
the mind uses to perceive the outside world in general. These are arbitrary semiotic
frameworks of reference constructed by and across physical surfaces. Agency comes into
play when individuals and collective social bodies employ these frameworks as mental
and physical knowledges to negotiate their own goals through interactive practices in
everyday life.
15
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