New Evidence from Mission Archives on the Death of Galt in Ankole, Uganda, 1905

Author(s): M. Tibamanya Mushanga and M. Louise Pirouet

Source: History in Africa , 1978, Vol. 5 (1978), pp. 121-130
Published by: Cambridge University Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3171482

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 NEW EVIDENCE FROM MISSION ARCHIVES ON THE
DEATH OF GALT IN ANKOLE, UGANDA, 1905

M. Tibamanya Mushanga
University of Nairobi
M. Louise Pirouet
University of Nairobi

Recently Edward Steinhart has discussed the assassination

of the British colonial officer Harry St. G. Galt in Uganda in
1905.1 Steinhart's account is based almost entirely on the
Entebbe Secretariat Archives and on interviews he conducted.
It focuses on the political intrigue brought to light by the
murder enquiry, but much of the interest derives from the
mystery surrounding Galt's death. In our opinion, Steinhart
comes very close to the truth when he writes of his discovery
that a conclave of chiefs had been held on the night of the
murder, and he begins to suspect that Kahaya, ruler of Ankole,
as well as Igumira, a reactionary chief, were involved in a
plot which was somehow intended to discredit Nuwa Mbaguta,
enganzi (Prime Minister) of Ankole, and Igumira's rival.2
Steinhart is then deflected because he thinks that the evidence
for a conspiracy rests only on this event, and on statements
from Sir Charles Gasyonga, Kahaya's successor. We think we can
come much closer to a solution to this mystery by using
archival material which has hitherto escaped notice.3 The
Diary of the White Fathers Mission at Mbarara, the capital of
Ankole, refers to the events of this year, and for the first
time offers a plausible motive for the assassination. The
White Fathers Archives in Rome have been open to scholars for
some years, but it seems that not all researchers are aware of
the wealth of material which they contain. Mission archives
assume particular importance in the case of Uganda, which is
now virtually closed to research, and we will try to illustrate
their value by reference to this incident.
In addition to printed material, including the Chroniques
Trimestrielles and the Rapports Annuels which were printed for
limited circulation among the missionaries, there are mission
diaries, correspondence, and a mass of unpublished writings on
ethnography, history, and other subjects, collected together

HISTORY IN AFRICA, Vol. 5(1978)

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122 MUSHANGA/PIROUET

at the behest of the mission superiors. Cardinal Charles

Lavigerie, founder of the order, commanded his missionaries to
take note of everything related to the life of the people
among whom they worked. Many took his injunction seriously,
and were good observers, listeners, and recorders. The
results of their work are now meticuously arranged and cata-
loged.4 The White Fathers material provides new perspectives
on Ugandan history as well as new data, and is sometimes use-
ful for the pre-colonial period. The Archives contain some of
the earliest attempts to record traditional history; for
example, Fr. Auguste Achte's accounts of early Toro and
Bunyoro date from 1895/96.
The Archives of the Church Missionary Society in London
have been extensively used by historians but much remains, and
among the collections of papers, such as those of the Rev.
A. B. Fisher, there is material which has not yet been used.
Two other Roman Catholic missionary societies worked in
Uganda, the English and Dutch Mill Hill Fathers, whose London
headquarters are St. Joseph's College, 2 Lawrence Street,
Mill Hill, London NW7, and the Verona Fathers with their head-
quarters and archives in Rome. The Mill Hill Fathers' archives
are not yet fully open, and are in process of being cataloged.
There is some diary and journal material which is useful, and
more will presumably become available soon. For instance, the
early Diary of the Nsambya Mission provides a fascinating
insight into some of the court cases which arose because of
religious rivalry. It is greatly to be hoped that the Verona
Fathers, who worked throughout northern Uganda, will also open
their archives soon, as material for this is notoriously scarce.
Some remarks by H.F. Morris in the Uganda Journal gave the
first hint that the White Fathers archives might throw new
light on Galt's murder. Morris noted that
it is unlikely that the mystery of the murder will
ever be solved. Those who know the secret are taking
it with them to their graves, whilst among the
younger Banyankore there is supposition but little
knowledge; indeed legend seems to be taking the place
of fact and I should like to conclude by quoting one
of these legends.
A European of the White Fathers Mission, it is
said, was staying at the Ibanda rest-house the day
before Galt arrived. That evening, an African came
to the rest-house concealing a spear and professing
to have a chicken to sell to the White Father. The
latter at the time was reading his breviary, and,
seeing an African come into the compound, and not
wishing to be disturbed, he curtly told him to be
off. The would-be murderer, thinking that the White
Father had by the magic of his book divined his inten-
tions, made off as fast as he could.5

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 NEW EVIDENCE ON THE DEATH OF GALT 123

This "legend", like so many others, seems to contain at

least a grain of truth. The Mbarara Mission Diary, originally
in Father (later Bishop) Julien Gorju's handwriting, contains
an account which, for the first time, suggests a plausible
motive for the murder.6 The original diary was damaged by
white ants, and today only a typescript copy exists. The typist
was familiar with Gorju's Canadian French, but was not always
able to transcribe Ugandan names and phrases correctly, so that
"Kahaya," for instance, appears as "Rawaga," a mistake which is
perfectly understandable when one is familiar with the bishop's
handwriting, and remembers that Europeans often wrote "w" for
"h" in the early days of their contact with Ankole. Gaps in
the original are indicated by ellipses but there is no indica-
tion of how much may be missing. Previous entries give a good
deal of information about the political situation in Ankole,
and provide support for the interpretation which is put forward
here. The account which follows is heavily dependent on the
Diary, and deliberately so, in order to give a consistent
picture of how matters appeared to an intelligent and well-
informed contemporary observer. Some repetition of matters
already dealt with by Steinhart is inevitable, but the episode
will be presented from a somewhat different angle, concentrating
on the personalities who headed the factions in Ankole with
which Steinhart deals.
Ibanda, where the murder took place, lies in sparsely popu-
lated country on the borders of Ankole and Toro, about forty
miles north of Mbarara. It is dominated by a huge, flat-
topped hill with grassy slopes where the mugabe (king) performed
part of his accession rituals. At Ibanda there lived a chief-
tainess-diviner simply entitled Murogo (diviner), one part of
whose duty was to keep an eye on the border situation.7 The
area was largely inhabited by Bahima pastoralists who wandered
with their herds over wide tracts of country. The Bairu agri-
culturalists lived in areas more suited to settled cultivation.
The two groups were interdependent, though pastoralism carried
greater prestige, and the mugabe and his chiefs were drawn
from Bahima clans.

Soon after the death of mugabe Ntare V in 1895, the British

began to administer Ankole, and in 1901 and 1902 the mission-
aries began to arrive. Encouraged by Mbaguta, the mugabe became
an adherent of the Anglican Church Missionary Society, and
other chiefs followed suit. There were strong undercurrents
of resentment against the imposition of alien administration,
against the threat to traditional ways of life which the
missions posed, and against the Baganda who came in with the
administration and the missions. The Bahima felt themselves
particularly threatened, and their hostility was focused on
Mbaguta, the kind of collaborator and innovator who was of
immense value to both missions and government. He used the
opportunity to increase his personal power. The Bahima looked

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124 MUSHANGA/PIROUET

on him as an upstart from Mpororo, a principality to the south-

east of Ankole, which was absorbed into colonial Kigezi. The
Bashambo clan from which he came was vying with the royal
Bahinda clan for power in Ankole.8 He had a forceful person-
ality and great powers of leadership, and even his detractors
allow that the course he took was on balance helpful to
Ankole. 9
At the centre of discontent was Igumira, Kahaya's uncle.
Unable to rule himself owing to a physical defect (he had only
one eye), he arranged for his young nephew to succeed Ntare as
mugabe and hoped to rule through him.10 Igumira's supremacy
was threatened by Mbaguta's rapid rise to power under the
British, and in 1901 he was deported for fostering rebellion.
Two years later he was allowed to return, and was given a tum-
ultuous welcome by the Bahima.11 Even so, he found that his
former position was no longer open to him, and that Mbaguta had
profited from his exile.12 Within weeks of his return, he and
three county chiefs, Ruhara, Bucunku, and Ryamugwizi,, were
plotting to assassinate the hated Mbaguta. News of the plot
was leaked by a Muganda interpreter who, like all the Baganda
in Ankole, relied on Mbaguta's support. The matter was raised
at a council of chiefs presided over by the mugabe, but the
plotters managed to talk their way out of the accusation.13
Dissatisfaction continued to grow, and the Bahima chiefs
pointed out to the mugabe that the real ruler was not he but
Mbaguta, and that the country was being overrun by Baganda who
flouted ancient customs, especially dietary restrictions.
The mugabe's distress was increased when he learned that the
royal herds were being encroached on by the chiefs. This re-
opened an old wound, for at the time of his accession a rival,
Kahitsi, had refused to hand over the royal herds in his
care.14 Mbaguta proved the truth of the accusations made
against him by sending away some of Igumira's retainers from
lands he held in Sheema county, and replacing them with
Baganda. In spite of rising discontent, the people of Sheema
had to accept the presence of these Baganda, and Igumira had to
content himself with an unimportant position in Kashari county,
whose senior chief was Mbaguta. On two or three occasions the
chiefs complained of Mbaguta in the council, and accused him of
high-handedness, and the Bahima continued to plot against him.15
It was against this background of rising discontent that the
murder of Galt took place. All who took part in the investi-
gations were, as Steinhart points out, convinced that there
were political undercurrents, though they were unable to show
exactly what these were. Morris notes that many Banyankore
were of the opinion that the murder was done in order to get
Mbaguta into trouble, and Doornbos, Steinhart, and the present
writers all encountered the same opinion.16

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 NEW EVIDENCE ON THE DEATH OF GALT 125

In this context the Mbarara Diary makes startling, if

tantalizingly incomplete, reading:
Mr [Frederick] Knowles and Mbaguta go to see Igumira
... the two narrowly escape assassination. The
Bahima [Bahinda] and Kahaya had decided to kill them,
to [get rid of them?]. For several days packets of
... had arrived at Igumira's. Hardly had the sub-
commissioner returned than Kahaya went to see Igumira,
his uncle, the author of the plot. Having failed in
their attempt, they waited for the moment when Galt
came to Ankole ... Immediately the chiefs and all the
royal family sent an order to a certain Rutaraka to
kill the white man with one stroke of a spear; he is
promised a hundred cows.

So, according to the Mbarara Diary the real intention was to

murder Mbaguta, not Galt at all. The murder of Galt never made
much sense; whereas an attempt on Mbaguta's life does make
sense. After describing the murder, the Diary continues:

The murderer died the following day by committing

suicide and was buried straightaway. Since then
the truth has become known: the king, at a meeting
that very night, decided to kill Rutaraka also.17
Karugire confirms the information given to Steinhart that at
the time of the murder Kahaya and most of the princes were at
Igumira's residence which was situated between Mbarara and
Ibanda. Karugire's informants told him that the people had
gathered there "as usual", but he adds a little later that
"the reason for everyone's presence at Igumira's on that
occasion was that Igumira had just removed his residence there,"
which seems contradictory.18 Both Steinhart's informants and
those of Karugire said that the gathering aroused the suspicions
of the British, though as Steinhart notes, there is no suggestion
of this in the contemporary trial records. According to the
Mbarara Diary, the meeting decided on the murder of Rutaraka,
not Mbaguta (or Galt), which must have been decided well before
this. We will deal with Sir Charles Gasyonga's statement later
on; we only note here that there may be good reason for Sir
Charles, the successor to Kahaya, deliberately to mislead his
questioner.
According to the Diary, Kahaya returned hastily to Mbarara
and at first said that Galt was seriously injured but would
recover. The Diary alleges that the Collector was hunting
lions, and the doctor and the lieutenant were hunting elephants,
and the captain at first did nothing. "We were with him when,
after two days we heard of Galt's death. Only then did he get
excited and give orders to the king and to Mbaguta." Perhaps
some allowance must be made here for French prejudice against

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126 MUSHANGA/PIROUET
what they regarded as British administrative inefficiency.
Mbaguta and a number of Baganda then immediately set out
accompanied by the doctor. Two of the White Fathers were
present at Galt's funeral.19
The Diary then goes on to give an account of the investiga-
tions carried out by George Wilson, the Deputy Commissioner,
in which, as Steinhart notes, a great many red herrings were
drawn across the investigators' paths. The Rev. H.E. Maddox,
a CMS missionary from Toro, as well as the Rev. A. Clayton
from Mbarara were involved, but no Catholic missionary.20
The Diary continues:
The Banyankore of Ibanda had more than 2,000 spears
and a further supply kept coming in, tied up in
grass bundles. The Nubian guards saw all this. All
the soldiers at Mbarara are in danger, for a white
man who understands Runyankore went near the house
of Kahaya at night and overheard, in substance,
the following conversation: "Let us kill them all
tonight; let us begin with the soldiers and after-
wards the white men." The king replied, "You will
fail, and how can I, who am so heavy, escape?""21
"We will carry you," replied the others, "and is not
Bikwasi down there with 600 men?"""22

Steinhart well describes the obstructionist tactics of the

Bahima throughout the enquiry, and the Diary underlines Kahaya's
worried preoccupation. At last it was announced that the country
would have to pay a heavy fine, that two suspects would be de-
ported (originally they had been found guilty of the murder and
condemned to death, but they were acquitted on appeal), and that
Igumira would also be deported. Otherwise everything would
continue as before, and Kahaya, Mbaguta, Ruhara, and Ryamugwizi
were confirmed in their positions. Mugabe Kahaya was so re-
lieved when he heard this that he went and thanked Knowles
fulsomely, and all-night revelings took place at Ruhara's
homestead.23 Since all the men mentioned, as well as others,
had, according to Gorju's account, been involved in the plot,
Yahaya's relief is easily understood.
This account is not altogether satisfactory. The Mbarara
Diary does not give a day-by-day account; a composite entry for
April 1905 contains much that took place considerably later
than that, and uncertainty arises because we do not know how
long the gaps where white ants have destroyed the original
are. But certain things stand out clearly enough. First,
Gorju was convinced that the real targets of the assassination
were Mbaguta and Knowles, not Galt at all, and this makes much
better sense. There had been a series of plots against Mbaguta,
some of which are recorded in the Mbarara Diary. One plot, in
1901, is said to have been directed against both Knowles and
Mbaguta. An assassination attempt -- which miscarried -- as a

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 NEW EVIDENCE ON THE DEATH OF GALT 127

prelude to a general uprising against foreign rule is readily

understandable. Gorju was convinced that a general uprising
was planned -- partly, at least, on the basis of the scrap of
conversation which either he or one of the other White Fathers
had overheard outside Kahaya's house, and he claims that the
Nubian troops knew about the spears which were being collected.24
However, the scrap of conversation, provided that it was
correctly heard and reported, only shows that such an uprising
was under discussion, and that Kahaya was apparently against it.
Then too Gorju was convinced, like Wilson and others, that
Kahaya himself and many of the Bahima were involved. The
obstruction of the chiefs and Kahaya's own well-attested anxiety
seem to lend weight to this. Many Bahima left Ankole as a
result of this upheaval, but for some reason the plot misfired.25
Why Galt was killed when it was realized that Mbaguta and
Knowles had escaped is not at all clear, and is the biggest
question mark hanging over this account of the murder. One
theory that would seem to fit the facts is that the Banyankore
"hawks," having for some reason failed in their attempt to
kill Mbaguta and Knowles, tried to precipitate action by killing
the next white man who came along. Perhaps they were foiled by
a majority of "doves" who shared Kahaya's fears that a general
uprising would be bound to fail, as Mwanga's rebellion had
failed a few years previously. This explanation would fit well
with the subsequent fumbling behavior of Kahaya and the chiefs,
who seized on first one possibility and then another throughout
the enquiry. The failure of previous plots against M4baguta,
and the realization that to remove him would still not remove
the foreign presence may well have led to a division of opinion
when the likelihood of being able to win a decisive victory
against the British and the Baganda was debated.
The Diary account bears out the legend reported by Morris in
one important respect: the White Fathers seem to have known
more than they deemed it wise to disclose at the time. Morris'
footnote suggests that he thought the legend had some truth
behind it ("This may well, however, be no legend but a state-
ment of fact in which case it confirms the suspicion that it
was the indiscriminate murder of any European that was in-
tended"), though the grain of truth was perhaps different from
what Morris imagined, for there is nothing in the Diary as it
stands to bear out the actual details of the legend. The
scrap of overheard conversation is the only direct evidence
in the Diary about the source of Gorju's special knowledge,
but the general tone of the writing suggests other sources
of inside information. Nor does the scrap of conversation give
any hint that Mbaguta rather than Galt was the real target.
Where did Gorju learn this? Probably he was careful, even in
the private mission diary, not to record this. Yet the Diary
seems to contain one hint. Ruhara, a prominent chief,

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128 MUSHANGA/PIROUET

is several times mentioned as one of the plotters, and Ruhara,

as the Diary records, was one of the very few Bahima ever to
become a Catholic, a decision which was made just after the
government's decision on the fate of Ankole was announced, and
when Ruhara had returned to Ankole after visiting Hoima in
Bunyoro:26
He says he will seriously become a Catholic. Other
Catholic chiefs came to welcome him and there was
quite an occasion for which the mission provided a
bottle of light wine. Ruhara made a speech telling
of all the wisdom he had learned; Banyankore and
Baganda fraternized ... The mission got him to
promise thatching grass for the church.27
All in all, Ruhara was very likely one of Gorju's sources of
information.

Why has it been so difficult to establish the truth of what

took place, just as difficult now as over seventy years ago?
We can understand why nothing was said during the colonial
period. Abagabe b'Ankole, the history of Ankole by Alosio
Katate and Lazaro Kamugungunu was first published in 1955,
before independence. Besides, Katate was a son of Ruhara and
Kamugungunu, a dependent of Mbaguta, which would have been
added incentives for discretion. Understandably their book
has very little to say about the matter, though it was be-
lieved by some that Kamugungunu knew more than he would admit.
But the book was revised after independence when resistance
became something of which to be proud rather than ashamed, and
a younger generation of Ugandan historians was becoming
sensitive about suggestions that in Uganda one could find
cases of "primary collaboration" rather than the "primary re-
sistance" to colonial domination which was rapidly becoming
the glory of some other people's history. But of what advan-
tage would it be to reveal the details of an abortive act of
resistance, and one aimed at a collaborator rather than at the
colonial power itself? In any case it is far from clear that
the older generation of historians like Katate and Kamugungunu
subscribed to the new ideas which glorified resistance. Uganda
had been a Protectorate rather than a colony, and had thus
been spared many of the worst aspects of colonialism.
A further possibility arises, however. To have revealed
the truth, supposing that it is true that Mbaguta was the pri-
mary target, might have re-activated feuds which it may well
have been wise to leave dormant. Researchers in Ankole often
found themselves required to take sides in the debate over the
rightful succession of Kahaya and of Gasyonga, his successor,
and over Mbaguta. Karugire himself is in something of a
dilemma over Mbaguta. He admires him and at the same time
regrets his collaboration. Still, he concludes that being a
collaborator was not always a bad thing, and that probably

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 NEW EVIDENCE ON THE DEATH OF GALT 129

Mbaguta's way of cooperation with the British was better in the

long run for Ankole than Igumira's way of resistance would have
been.28 Was he, or was he not, told more than he has cared to
reveal? He is the first researcher, followed soon afterwards
by Steinhart, to learn about the meeting at Igumira's home-
stead. In the light of all this, Gasyonga's evidence to
Steinhart reads like a deliberate attempt to mislead, once he
had realized that Steinhart knew of the meeting of the chiefs
and princes. Perhaps he too had no desire to reactivate old
feuds. The kingdoms had been suppressed the year before
Steinhart went to Ankole, but the old establishment was quietly
working its way back into power."9 Why upset the process?
Since then so many changes have taken place as a result of
Amin's seizure of power in 1971 that the old feuds have far
less meaning. Both Katate and Kamugungunu, almost the last
survivors of the old guard, have died. There seems no
reason now why the story should not be published.
It is to be hoped that this discussion of the Galt assassin-
ation episode will encourage researchers to examine, or re-
examine, the mission archives and, in countries still open to
research, will also make use of local parish archives, of which
there is sometimes a real abundance. Wherever possible, the
policy should be adopted of making copies of papers, so that
one copy remains in the country of origin, which clearly has
a right to expect that important historical material will not
be taken overseas, and another copy should be placed elsewhere,
a policy adopted by the White Fathers. No place is entirely
safe, and to have two copies in different places reduces the
risk of material disappearing totally, as happened during the
Nigerian Civil War with some material which had been pain-
stakingly collected at Nsukka in the Eastern Region. London
and New York are not immune from bombs either, and it is only
sensible to take precautions.

NOTES

i. E.I. Steinhart. "The Politics of Intrigue in Ankole,

1905," African Studies Review 20(1977), pp. 1-17. This in-
cident is dealt with briefly in M.L. Pirouet, Black
Evangelists, (London, 1977), Chapter IV, Section 5. The
main part of the present article appeared in draft form
as a History Department seminar paper in the University of
Nairobi, 1977, under the title "The Murder of Galt, or
Agatha Christie Visits Ankole."
2. Steinhart, "Politics of Intrigue," p. 13; Samwiri R.
Karugire, Nuwa Mbaguta, (Nairobi, 1973), p. 57.
3. Other researchers have also been told that the murder was
in some way intended to harm Mbaguta, though in fact
Mbaguta profited. See H.F. Morris, "The Murder of H.
St.G. Galt," Uganda Journal 24(1960), p. 15; M. Doornbos,

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130 MUSHANGA/PIROUET

Regalia Galore, (Nairobi, 1975), p. 66ns. Both the present

writers have been told this. It has been suggested that
Mbaguta, as the one who profited most, should be considered
as a possible villain, but Mbaguta's whole career depended
on his alliance with the British, and it seems unthinkable
that he was the murderer.
4. A first printed catalog to the documents in the Annexe of
the Archives of the White Fathers was published in 1970.
5. Morris, "Murder," p. 15.
6. A large part of the material relating to the actual murder
forms a composite diary entry dated April 1905, even though
it refers mostly to events after that date.
7. J.M. Gray, "A History of Ibanda, Saza of Mitoma, Ankole,"
Uganda Journal 2(1960), p. 170.
8. Karugire, Nuwa Mbaguta, p. 10.
9. Ibid., pp. 58-78.
10. Ibid., p. 27. The British were persuaded that Kahaya was
Ntare's son; see Morris, A History of Ankole, (Nairobi,
1962), p. 33.
11. Igumira returned to Ankole in 1903, not 1905. See Morris,
History, p. 40, and numerous entries in the Mbarara Diary
for 1903.
12. Ibid., 3 and 10 October 1903.
13. Ibid., 9 November 1903.
14. Ibid., 22 January 1904; Karugire, Nuwa Mbaguta, p. 28.
15. Mbarara Diary, April 1905.
16. Morris, History, p. 15; Doornbos, Regalia Galore, p. 57;
Pirouet, Black Evangelists, Chapter IV, Section 5;
Mushanga, oral information.
17. Mbarara Diary, April 1905. Omissions in original.
18. Karugire, Nuwa Mbaguta, p. 57.
19. Mbarara Diary, April 1905.
20. Ibid.
21. Kahaya was a very heavy man, often carried in a basket-work
litter.
22. Mbarara Diary, 24 October 1905.
23. Mbarara Diary, 7 December 1905.
24. In 1904 there had been an uprising against the IWhite
Fathers in Rwanda, and this may well have reinforced
Gorju's fears that a general rising was planned in Ankole.
See Ian and Jane Linden, Church and Revolution in Rwanda,
(London, 1977), pp. 52-57.
25. Doornbos, Regalia Galore, p. 66.
26. Mbarara Diary, 7 and 10 December 1905.
27. Ibid., 10 December 1905.
28. Karugire, Nuwa Mbaguta, pp. 58-78.
29. Doornbos, personal communication.

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