ELECTRONICS & POWER JUNE 1986 487
A history of Ohm's Law
Early studies of electrical resistance are little known
amongst today’s engineers and technicians. Some of
these first attempts are described here, from early
studies using static discharges to work by Ohm in
‘The period from 1800 to 1831 is particul:
arly important in the history of electrical
engineering. Prior to 1800, electrical
facience was restricted to what A.M.
‘Ampere was later to call electrostatics,
but in thet year an Malian, Alessandro
Volta, made known his invention of the
primary battery or, as it then became
known, Volta’s pile. For the first time
‘workers had available to them a means of
producing a continuous electric current,
and the method of production was so
simple that it soon became widespread
throughout the laboratories of Europe.
This continuous electric current quickly
became a tool enabling new discover
to be made, the most important im
mediate outcome being the new science
of electrochemistry.
Apart from electrochemistry, it was
not until 1820 that news came ofthe first
of the fundamental ecientifie discoveries
upon, which electrical engineering is
founded, and that was the discovery of
electromagnetism by Hans Christian
Oersted at Copenhagen University.
Before 1820, electricity and magnetism
were generally viewed as similar but
quite separate phenomena, but Oersted
discovered that magnetism was essen-
tially a byproduct of the movement of
electricity. Whenever electricity flowed,
magnetic effects would be found.
Oersted's discovery was quickly follow-
ed by others: Biot and Savart’s Law
(1820), Ampére's laws of electrodynam-
{cs (1820-27), Ohm's Law (1826-27), and
the laws of induction (Faraday, 1831)
arid self-induction (Henry, 1832).
Of these and other discoveries of the
same period, Obm's Law stands out for
two reasons: lire, as the one most widely
known today even to schoolchildren,
and secondly, as one which was recelv
lke: 1986
1826-1827
by Tony Atherton
Georg Simon Ohm468
ed with very little enthusiasm by the
discoverer’s contemporaries. From
Paris, Ampére fulfilled a growi 3 need
by clarifying the essential differences
betwoen two types of electrical phenom
‘ena (electrostatics and electrodynamics)
and by providing the first clear desini
tions of what were meant by the terms
electric current and electric vol.age
(ension). Yet the concept of an elec
trical resistance relating the two was one
for which few felt any necessity. It was
Into this void that Ohm hopefully an
nounced his law, yet received little ac
clamation. Indeed his theory was even
attacked by G. Pohl, a respected Ger:
man physicist, as a ‘web of naked fan
cies’ that had ‘no support even in the
‘most superficial observation of facts’!
And yet the concept of electrical res-
Istance affecting the flow of current had
not been completely missed by others. In
the previous century, H. Cavendish, 1.
Priestley and J. Leslie had each
demonstrated a clear understanding of
it, as did H. Davy in 1821 and A.C. Bec:
querel in 1825.
Work performed before Ohm
Cavendish, Priestley and Leslie all
performed their work before Volta an-
nounced the invention of the primary
battery. The currents with which they
worked were of short duration, simply
being the oscillatory discharges from
statically charged banks of Leyden jar
capacitors, devices then used for storing
electrical charge. Not that they realised
that the discharges were oscillatory
That impression seems to have arisen
‘early in the 19th century and was finally
verified by Lord Kelvin (William Thom-
on) in 1853, To obtain accurate infor-
‘mation about the flow of a current
through a resistor, without prior
Inowledge, without what we know as an
ammeter and using only the cecillating
discharge of a capacitor, is no mean
feat. That those three men succeeded to
varying degrees speaks highly of their
skill and ingenuity.
The study of electrical conduction
may be said to have begun in 1729 when
Stephen Gray (1666-1736) in England
discovered that some materials could
conduct an electric charge whereas
others could not. This work was extend
ed by J.T. Desaguliers (1683-1744), @
Frenchman living in England. It was he
who Introduced new terminology to
replace the ‘electrics’ and ‘non-electrics’
of the earlier age. An ‘electric’ was a
substance such as amber (Greek name
electron, hence electric) which could be
given an electric charge by friction; @
‘non-electric’ was one that could not.
Desaguliers used the new discovery of
electrical conduction to change these
names to our familiar terms insulator
(from the Latin word for island) and con-
ductor. Back in France, Charles du Fay
(1688-1739) repeated ' Gray's experi
ments in 1733 and further studied Otto
yon Guericke’s nearly 10-year-old
discovery of electrical repulsion, which
was paired with the ancient knowledge
ELECTRONICS & POWER JUNE 1986
of electrical attraction. Du Fay was led to
the conclusion that there are two kinds of
electricity: vitreous and resinous. Ben:
jamin Franklin (1706-1790), the great
American scientist and statesman, later
renamed them positive and negative.
In 1753 it had been shown by G.B.
Beccaria of Turin that, ifa discharge was
made to pass along a path which includ
ed a tube filled with water, the shock
received by the observer was more pow-
erful if the cross-section of the tube was
increased. Possibly this is the first (obli.
que) reference to the dependence of
resistance on the cross-sectional area of
the conductor, Later, Cavendish extend
fed this work considerably and brought
‘Sir John Leslie
forward the concept, though not the
name, of resistivity.
Henry Cavendish (1731-1810) was a
remarkable man who made many impor-
tant discoveries in the field of electrical
science; most of these, however, played
no part in the advancement of that
science as he published litle of his work,
most of st only coming to light through
the efforts of another, greater, physicist,
James Clerk Maxwell who published
book about Cavendish’s researches in
1879, a lifetime after Cavendish’s death,
In 1775 Cavendish reported to the
Royal Society of London on a comp-
ariton between the resistances of pleces
of iron and quantities of rain water,
distilled water and salt water: ‘electricity
‘meets with no more resistance in passing
through a piece of iron wire 400 000 000
inches long than through a column of
water of the same diameter only one inch
long’. Cavendish was operating some
45 years before the invention of the
galvanometer and $0, like Beccaria and
others, he judged the current from his
static discharges by passing them
through his own body and judging the
shock he received. Maxwell, who was
impressed by the accuracy of the results,
‘gave the following fascinating account of
Cavendish’s experimental technique:
"Every comparison of two resistances was
made by Cavendish by connecting one
‘end of each resistance-tube with the ex:
ternal coating of a set of equally charged
Leyden jars and touching the jars in suc-
cession with a piece of motal held in one
hand, while with a piece of metal in the
other hand he touched alternatively the
tends ofthe two resistances. He thus com-
pared the sensation of the shock felt
When the one or the other resistance in
addition to the resistance of his body was
placed in the path of the discharge. His
Fosults therefore are derived from the
comparison of the sensations produced
by an enormous number of shocks pass-
ed through his own body.”
Joseph Priestley (1733-1804), a British
chemist, one of the discoverers of oxy-
‘gen and author of a book on the history
of electricity (1775), also performed 'ex-
periments on the conducting power of
various substances’ and showed that oil
and asbestos are insulators. Like Caven-
dish he subjected himself to electric
shocks in order to measure the discharge
but he also used another rather more
reliable technique: measuring the
length of the maximum air gap across
which he could just get a spark to jump
when different resistors were in circuit,
The larger the air gap, the better the
conducter,
John Leslie: While these two English:
men had performed very useful work, a
Scot, Sir John Leslie (1766-1832), went
considerably further than either of them
and all but stated Ohm's Law in a paper
written in 179] but not published until
1824, two years before Ohm's earliest
correct statement of his law. Leslie's
paper has been compared with Ohm's
work, with the conclusion that: "Both
Ohm's and Leslie's statements can be
represented by an equation of the form
1=V/R.‘ though it should be emphasis-
fed that Leslie did net, in fact, give this
equation,
Leslie objected, apparently on gener:
‘al philosophical grounds, to the abit
rary classification of materials as either
conductors or non-conductors, and set
himself the task of determining the
parameters which control the velocity of
transmission of electricity. He succeed-
ed both in producing a theoretical treat:
ment and in obtaining experimental
verification. Ohm's later work, however,
was far more rigorous and there is no
doubt thet the law is correctly named
after Ohm, not Leslio
Leslie's theoretical treatment wes bas-
ed on an analogy drawn between the
conduction of heat and the conduction of
electricity, and on the assumption that
there is an electrical law analogous to
Isaac Newton's law of cooling (which
states that a body loses heat in propor-
tion to the temperature difference bet
ween it and its surroundings). Ohm's
treatment was based on the same
analogy between heat and electricity but
employed Fourier's mathematical
analysis of heat flow (Théorie analytique
de la chaleur, 1822) as the analytical
tool. Leslie's problem was complicated
by the fact that by working before the in-
vention of the primary battery he could
not employ a conslant voltage source,
his source being a statically chargedbody whose exponential leakage during
discharge gave him his current.
One statement by Leslie: 'I have sup:
posed that the rate of communication of
‘electricity is proportional to the intens!
ty’ may be taken as a partial and ten
tative statement of Ohm's Law, predat-
ing Ohm, if we allow that by ‘intensity’
he understood this to be the difference in
Intensity between the charged body and
the body to which the discharge was tak:
‘ng place. His paper leaves little room to
doubt that he did understand this.
But Lealie did even more than this.
Again by analogy with heat conduction,
he argued that the current is inversely
proportional to the length of the conduc-
tor, directly proportional to the cross:
sectional area, and proportional to the
conductivity. Also, that a series com
bination of resistances of different con:
duetivities or cross-sectional areas can
be replaced by an equivalent uniform
resistor. All that remained was to verify
some of his claims by a fascinating ex-
periment: comparing the time taken to
discharge a Leyden jar capacitor via a
slip of carbon-coated paper with the
time required when the paper's length
was halved, when its width was halved,
and when coated with extra charcoal
dust to change its resistivity!
In his own words:
“These deductions are confirmed by ex
periment, as far as the nature of the sub-
Ject will admit. Thus, if slip of paper,
sufficient to discharge a Leyden phial in
about a quarter of an hour, be rubbed
slightly with charcoal dust, it will per:
form the effect in ten seconds. If now
reduced to one-half its broadth, i will
require about double the time; and, if
‘again shortened to one-half its length,
the time will be nearly the same as at
first, If the charcoal dust be gradually
sirewed thicker, the discharge will
become more and more rapid, till the in-
terval can no longer be distinguished.’
Soon after Leslie completed his work,
the science of electricity was completely
changed by the announcement of the in-
vention of Volta’s pile, or primery bat-
tery. The announcement was made in
1800 in a letter to the Royal Society of
London. Almost overnight the easy
availability of a continuous electric cur-
ront relegated to a back seat the study of
the science that Ampére later termed
electrostatics. The first discovery made
with the new source of electricity was the
dissociation of water into hydrogen and
oxygen by a feeble electric current (W.
Nicholson and A. Carlisle, London,
1800). This, together with attempts to ex.
plain the action of the battery, quickly
established electrochemistry as the new
field of interest
If Leslie's work had been published in
1791, when it was written, it might have
‘made an impact on the march of science.
By the time it was published in 1824,
electrochemistry was well established
and the new sciences of electromagnet
ism and electrodynamics were the focal
‘points of interest. Leslie's work failed to
‘make any real impact on the growth of
ELECTRONICS & POWER JUNE 1986
knowledge of electricity. Perhaps the
best that Leslie could have hoped for
‘would have been, at some later date, 10
make a weak claim for priority over
‘Ohm, but even that is optimistic in view
of the thoroughness of Ohm's work, and
there seoms no evidence that Leslie ever
‘entertained such hopes.
Humphry Davy: The dissociation of
‘water by an electric current was used in
1821 by Sir Humphry Davy (1778-1829)
{as an ‘ammoter’ when he made his own
Investigations into electrical conductivi
ty, now using ‘galvanic’ electricity (a
continuous current) rather than a static
‘André Marie Ampare
discharge. With his work, the basic
knowledge already gained for electro-
statics, though not widely known, was
‘extended to the continuous current case
with some additional information about
the effects of temperature. Davy's well:
known work soon formed the basis of
most workers’ understanding of elec:
trical conductivity, particularly in
England.
His method was simple and elegant,
The wire under test was placed in
parallel with a conducting path of water
0 that the current flow was through two
parallel resistors, one fixed (the water)
and one variable (the wire). The length
of the wire, and hence its resistance, was
reduced until the dissociation of water
Just stopped,? i.e. until a fixed, though
unknown, limiting value was reached. In
this way Davy demonstrated that the
resistance of a wire of any one metal is
directly proportional to its length, in-
directly proportional to its cross-
sectional area, independent of the shape
cf the cross-section, increases directly
vwith temperature, and is different for dif-
ferent metals. He was algo able to show
that the current through a circuit is the
‘same in all parts of the circuit even when
different parts of the circuit are made of
different materials
André Marie Ampere: One year
earlier, the elusive link between the
sciences of electricity and magnetism
had finally been discovered by Hans
Christian Oersted (1771-1851) at Copen-
agen University when he found the
‘magnetic field associated with a direct
electric current. Oersted's. discovery
469
was the second major event which led in-
fo an age of electrical engineering,
‘Volta’s battery being the first. It caused a
frenzy of excitement inthe scientific cen-
tres of Europe where it gave rise to two
new electrical disciplines: electromag-
netism and electrodynamics. In Paris,
‘André Marie Ampére (1775-1836) imme-
diately set to work and over the next few
years carefully laid the foundations of
electrodynamics.
With the advent of Volta’s battery, the
natural question arose as to whether
voltaic electricity was a new phenom-
enon or merely the old electricity seen in
‘a new way. The concepts of static dis-
charges, electrical shocks and electro-
static potential (a term introduced by the
English mathematician George Green in.
1828) were familiar; the tension and cur-
rent from a battery were new, and there
was considerable confusion over the
relationships between the new
Phenomena, and between them and the
‘ald. (Electrostatic potential had been
studied proviouly by S.D, Poisson In
france.)
‘Ampére clarified some of that confu-
sion in 1820 by giving clear definitions
‘of what he meant by electric tension and
electric current, terms which, though in
‘common use, were ill-defined, Ampére's
prime mover was what he termed the
“electromotive action’ which tock place
inside the battery cells. This produced
an ‘electromotive force’, and it was this
force which caused the Current to flow if
the circuit was closed, or produced the
tension between the terminals if the cir-
cuit was open,
Tn writing about his current, Ampére
made his closest approach to Ohm's
Law: ‘The currents of which I am speak.
Ing are accelerated until the inertia of
the electric fluids and the resistance
which they encounter because of the im-
perfection of even the best conductors
make equilibrium with the electromotive
force, alter which they continue in-
definitely with constant velocity s0 long
fs this force has the same intensity.’®
Ohm's work
In May 1827, Georg Simon Ohm
(1789-1854), then a little-known school
teacher, published a book in which he
gave a mathematical derivation of his
law. derived by analogy with J.BJ.
Fourier's earlier (1822) analysis of the
flow of heat along a wire. Previously,
‘Ohm had published two experimental
papers and four notes on the subject, but
his book made no reference to his ex:
‘periments. The first paper (1825) gave a
law relating the ‘ractional loss of force’,
v, along a test wire of length x
w
where m and o are constants, The s6-
ccond (1826) corrected the first and gave
‘Ohm's law in a form easily recognisable
tous:
log + x/)
ob +x) @
where X is the strenath of the magnetic
‘action when the conductor is used whose470
length is x, and a and b are constants
which represent magnitudes depending
con the exciting force and the resistance
(of the rest of the circuit. In modern ter-
minology the ‘strength of the magnetic
‘ction’ becomes the magnitude of the
‘current, and the ‘exciting force’ is the
epplied voltage; and we have Ohm's
Law.
‘While eqn. was, for a long time,
generally treated as Incorrect, Ohm
rust be credited with, at the time, hav.
{ng just reason for using it ¢s a summary
of his experimental results which,
though made under difficult conditions,
may be taken as approximately correct.
Indeed Schagrin” has shown that eqn.1
{s approximately correct for a circuit
‘with @ voltage source of comparatively
large internal resistance.
First experiment: By 1825 it was well
‘known that ifa conductor ina circuit was
replaced by one that was a poorer con-
ductor, then the magnetic effect of the
current was reduced. Ohm therefore
‘chose to measure the difference between
the force of the magnetic action when
‘using a given test sample (test resistor),
cof which he hed several, and that when
using a single, standard, resistor whose
resistance was much less than any of the
test resistors. In other words, for each
test resistor he measured the ‘loss of
force’, or the reduction of the current
(current difference) from a ‘standard’
value. He was not measuring the actual
magnitude of the current in defined
units. His measuring instrument was @
‘Coulomb-type torsion meter, an instru-
‘ment well known at that time for its sen-
tivity.
In the experiment the resistance was
variable and the voltage was fixed, or as
fixed as it could be when using the im-
perfect chemical batteries then avail-
able. Several test resistors were used,
‘measurements being taken with the stan-
dard both before and after each test
resistor 90 as to obtain an average or
‘normal force’ for comparison with the
result from thet test resistor. The current
through the test resistor was then ex-
‘pressod as a fraction of the average cur-
rent through the standard. Each test
resistor could be measured soveral
times, the results being interpolated to
some ‘standard’ normal force.
‘Ohm faced two main experimental dif-
ficulties: firs, his battery, as was com-
mon in those days, gave’a continually
decreasing output voltage (perhaps
caused by polarisation); and secondly,
teach time the circuit was opened or clos
ed a current surge occurred which pre-
sented difficulties in reading the torsion
meter. The first problem he minimised
by taking the average value for the stan-
dard, \.e. the average of the two values
obtained for the standard resistor, one
taken just before and one just after
‘measuring the value for the test resistor.
The second he overcame by allowing
these surges to pess and taking the
reading when the value was only chang-
ELECTRONICS & POWER JUNE 1986
ing slowly. By these techniques Ohm ob-
tained the results which he described by
‘eqn.1. Later he eliminated the surge
problem by always inserting the next
resistor before removing the previous
‘one, the two temporarily being in
parallel and the circuit always remain-
Ing closed.
‘Second experiment: In 1822 Thomas
Seebeck (1780-1831) of Berlin discover-
‘ed what we now call the Seebeck effect
(the production of an electromotive force
caused by a temperature difference bet-
woon the ends of*two wires of different
metals joined together at both ends). At
Poggendor!’s suggestion, Ohm now used.
this, in the form of a copper-bismuth
thermocouple, as a ‘thermoelectric bat-
tery’. It was from the results of this ex-
periment that the present Ohm's Law
‘was derived and published in 1826.
‘The experiment was elegant in its
simplicity and the care with which it was
performed. Boiling water and melting
ce were employed to set up a constant
temperature differential across the
thermocouple and so produce a constant
voltage (of the order of a millivolt). Fight
strips of copper wire, of different
lengths, were used as the test resistors.
Gone were the current surges and the
fading supply voltage from his earlier
‘hydroelectric’ (J.e. chemical) primary
battery, and gone too was the standard
resistor and its associated measurement
of the ‘loss of magnetic action’ (current
difference). Instead there was a supply
with a very constant voltage, and
straightforward measurements of the
length of the resistor and the force ex-
ferted on the torsion balance by the
magnetic field of the current, The ex-
perimental reaulte ware deecribed by the
simple equation given here as eqn.2,
and Ohm's Law was born. In the same
paper he compared the conductivities of
different metals and also confirmed
Davy’s observation of the change of con-
ductivity with temperature, and referred
to the possibility of this causing
‘anomalous results,
‘Mathematical derivation: In his
‘mathematical derivation published the
following year, Ohm gave the law:
SayE
@
whore Sis the current, y the conductivity
and E the ‘difference of the electroscopic
forces at the terminals’.? The term ‘elec
troscopic force’ arose from electroscope
measurements of the potential as it was
dropped through the circuit, with some
‘of the old confusion between the con-
cepts of electrostatics and electrodyn-
ics still present. Ohm also gave the
pment: ‘The magnitude of the current
In a galvanic circuit is directly propor-
tional to the sum of all tensions and in-
the total reduced length of the
Regrettably, however, he did
not give any account of his experimental
work, which could so easily have been
offered as verification of his law and
‘would have prevented the growth of the
‘once popular notion that he obtained his
law only by mathematical means.
The mathematical approach, as
already stated, followed that laid down
by J.B. Fourier in his analysis of the
flow of heat along a wite. Ohm assumed
that ‘the communication of the electricity
from one particle takes place directly
only to the one next to it, and that the
magnitude of this flow was ‘proportional
to the difference of the electric forces ex-
{sting in the two particles; just as, in the
theory of heat, the flow of caloric bet-
ween two particles is regarded as pro-
portional to the difference of their temp:
eratures’. This reference to caloric, the
‘once supposed fluid of heat, helps us to
place Ohm's work in its historical per~
spective. By this approach he was able
to show that the current flowing in a con-
ductor is dependent only on the conduc-
tivity of the conductor, and on a second
variable which he described as having a
relationship to electricity which is the
‘same as that of temperature to heat. The
previously puzzling question of what
‘happened to the tension of a battery
‘when the circuit was closed turned out to
have a simple answer: it was distributed
around the circuit ina manner determin-
‘ed by the resistance of the parts of the
circult. This he verified by electroscope
measurements.
Acceptance
With the knowledge gained by
Ampére and Davy (Davy's confirmed by
‘A.C. Becquerel in 1825) it is tempting to
assume that the statement we know as
Ohm's Law would, on publication, have
met with rapid and universal accept
ance. This was not the case. In fact the
reception it received was largely unen-
thuslastic or apathetic, and in at least
cone case it was positively hostile.
‘The obvious question which arises is:
why did many of Ohm's contemporaries
find the law s0 difficult to accept?
Several suggestions have been put for
‘ward including philosophic prejudice,
difficult mathematics, ignorance of
‘Ohm's experimental ‘work, the dif-
ficulties of experimental verification and
the difficulty of accepting Ohm's ‘con-
ceptual innovation’
‘One argument has suggested that the
German scholars were influenced by
G.W.F. Hegel whose philosophy was to
present a science of thought, purified of
fil reference to experience and facts of
nature. Hegel's philosophy was publish-
ed between 1811 and 1816 and has been
Gescribed as deeling ‘with reality, not
solely with man's instruments for know-
{ng oF discussing it’. Hegel's followers,
therefore, itis said, were simply not in
terested in new experiments. Such 0
view may have been true of some Ger
man workers, but i is dificult to recon
cile with the fact that the people we are
‘concerned with are those who had
already accepted the results of other ex:
periments in the same field, Oersted's
‘work, for example (1820). Further, it was
in Germany that J.S.C. Schwelager in-
vented the multiplier in 1820 (a forerun-
ner of the ammeter), that Seebeck dis
covered the effect named after him(1822) and one of the first successful
electromagnetic telegraphs was built
(LF.K. Gauss and W.E. Weber, 1833).
This view also ignores the flow of infor.
mation between countries. Ohm himself
sent a copy of his book to the Paris
Academy of Science where Dulong and
‘Ampre were expected to examine it.
The accusation that Ohm's (and hence
Fourier's) mathomatical treatment was
too complicated to be understood by
those of his contemporaries who were in-
terested, or that mathematical deriva-
tions were then unfashionable, is an in-
triguing claim. Suffice it to say that this
ignores the fact that an experimental
derivation of the law was published.
However, Ohm could have helped his
‘own cause enormously if he had
repeated the publications of his ex-
periments, or at least referred to them,
in his own book.
Other ideas have revolved around the
genuine difficulties of obtaining a cons-
tant EMF from the batteries of the tim
this would have made verification by
others extremely difficult. Yet Ohm
found ways around such problems and
published the details of his methods, and
others did, in time, verify his work (e.g.
the German physicist G.T. Fechner in
1631).
Whatever relevance should be paid to
these suggestions, and it is possible that
‘all made a contribution, it does seem
very plausible that a major contributing
factor to the lack of appreciation of
‘Ohm's Law lay simply in the fact that
‘most workers still did not appreciate the
probability of a relationship between the
tension of a battery and the current it
produced in a clreutt. This was not ob:
vious to people who were steeped in a
history of static electricity, in intricate
‘arguments over whether electricity was
made up of one or two ‘fluids’, in con:
fiderations of currents in ‘conflict’
(Cersted’s attempt to explain the mag-
netic effect of an electric current) and in
controversies between different theories
of the operation of the primary battery.
‘Another complication arose from the
presence of the high internal resistance
of the batteries then used; a relatively
‘small circuit resistance would not, it
might seem, have the simple effects on
the current that might be expected from
Ohm's claims.
Schagrin? has presented a carefully
prepared claim that it was Ohm's ‘con-
‘ceptual innovation’ that was at the root of
the reaction to Obm’s work. By this he
refers to Ohm's claim that the tension of
a battery directly influences the current:
‘Ohm appeared to be confounding the
‘well recognised distinction between ten:
sion electricity and current electricity’.
But recognition and appreciation did
come, though slowly. First from C.H.
laff, Professor of Mathematics at
Erlangen, in a private letter dated 1827;
followed by some support from J.8.C.
‘Schweiger (inventor of the forerunner
cf the ammeter), again by private letter,
dated 1830. Later, papers were publish:
‘ed giving experimental verification: by
ELECTRONICS & POWER JUNE 1986
G.T. Fechner in 1831, by CSM.
Pouillet in 1831 and 1837, and by
‘Charles Wheatstone in 1843. In 1833, six
years after publication of the book, Ohm
was appointed Professor of Physics at the
Polytechnic in Nuremburg; he received
‘the Copley Medal from the Royal Society
cof London in 1841, and finally in 1849 he
was appointed to the chair of physics
and mathematics at the University of
Munich. Perhaps these somewhat tardy
honours were adequate compensation
for the poor initial reaction and the fact
that his publications had led to his en-
forced resignation from his original
teaching post!
In 1833 Ohm's Law was. virtually
unknown in England. In France,
Pouillet's confirmation of the law by ex-
periment was performed in the belief
that Ohm had only deduced it mathemat-
ically, and in America, Joseph Henry
hhad heard of the law though not in any
way sufficient to tell him what it stated.
In 1833 he inquired as to ‘where the
theory of Ohm might be found’ but
received no answer until his visit to Lon:
don in 1837.
Progress
Despite the slow reception ofthis mest
basic law, further progress was being
‘made in understanding the flow of elec:
tric current. In 1833, S.H. Christie
(1785-1865) ‘in England clarified the
dependence of the conductance of a
wire on its diameter and length, em-
pphasising that It was proportional to d/)
fad not, a8 some hed come to believe,
NVI, Christo also derived the bridge
pptinciple for comparing resistances
(1833), @ technique which Wheatstone
later developed into the circuit known as
the Wheaisione bridge (1643), Five
years later, in 1848, G. Kirchhoff
(1824-1887) ‘extended the work, again
Using the analogy with heat which had
served Ohm and Leslie so well. Also it
wes Kirchholf who identified Ohm's
electroscopie force with the electrostatic
potential previously studied by S.D.
Poisson and G. Green. The other basic
law concerning current flow was sup-
plied by J.P. Joule (1818-1880) in 1841,
when he found that the heat produced
ppt unit of time is proportional to JR.
30 yoars after the first statement of
Ohm's Law, any remaining controversy
was quenched by a report from the
Britsh Association for the Advancement
of Science (1876). Following a sugges-
tion by James Clerk Maxwell, extensive
an.
experiments were performed by G.
Chrystal, «professor at Edinburgh
University, who concluded that Ohm's
Law ‘must now be allowed to rank with
the law of gravitation and the elementary,
laws of statical electricity as a law of
nature in the strictest sense.”
By tha ime, however, Ohm's Law was
{n common use. One example from early
electrical engineering ofthe use of both
Ohm's and Joule’s laws is the invention of
Edison's incandescent lamp. Edison
knew enough about the laws of elects:
city to Teale thet if the energy of the
lamp was given by the expression
then a given amount ol ight could be ob-
tained in two ways: either by @ low:
resistance filament @ high current,
or by a high resistance filament and a
Tow current. Edison reasoned that the
Inttor was. preferable 9a. transmission
loses and costs would be lees, end thar
was born the high-resistance incandes,
cent light bulb, successful despite the
‘widespread opinion held by others that
the filaments resistance should be low.
‘With the advent of telegraphy, partic-
larly with the high-capactance sub
marine cables of the 1850s and later,
new problems were forced:onto engin:
eers. William Thomson (Lord Kelvin,
1624-1997) takes much of the credit for
solving the mysteries of the olfects of
Capacitance in a cable, yet another ad-
‘vance in elecrical theory made with the
help of the analogy with Fourier's treat-
ment of the diffusion of heat. His
mathematical analysis was of Groat
fertance in the access of the famous
Atlantic telegraph cables of 1865 and
1866 which gave birth to successful com-
mercial telography betwoen Britain and
‘America. Induclance "was given’ is
rightful place in the early 1870s when
Olver. Heaviside (1850-1925) showed
that combinations of resistors, capacitors
and inductors, carrying alternating cur
rents, could be treated by the rules ap-
plicable to direct currents, provided that
the inductors and capacitors were
treated as resistors of the form (aL) and
(jw), respectively. With tha, the fun-
damental importance of Ohm's Law
beceme even more apparent.
“Though Ohm's work was ai first alven
1a vory poor reception, he did eventlly
receive the credit dye to him. Perhape
thé biggest accolade of all came some 27
years aiter his death when the new writ
Of electrical resistance was named alter
him. In this way his name is honoured
throughout the world.
References
LWINTER, HJ.
Mag., 1944, 38. pp.371-387
‘2 WHITTAKER,
‘LESLIE,
4 OLSON, Fi.
1969, 97. pp. 190-194
‘The reception of Ohm's electrical researches by hie contemporarie', Phil.
“A history of the theories of gether and electricity’ (Nelson, 1951)
‘Observations on electrical theres’, Edin. Pl.
‘Sir Iohn Leslie and the laws ol electrical condition in eclide’, Am. J. Phys.
1624, 1 pp.1-39
S MAGIE, W.F.: A source book in physics! (McGraw-Hill, 1935)
6 ‘The McGrew Hill Encyclopeedia of World Biography’, Vol.8
‘7 SCHAGRIN, M.L.
“Resistance to Ohm's Law’, Am. J. Phys., 1962, 81, pp.S36-547
‘Tony Atherton is with the Independent Broadcasting Authority, Harman Engineering Training
College, Fore Stroet, Seaton, Devon EX12 2NS, England, He is an IEE Member
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