A Descriptive Evaluation of Religiosity among Haitian Immigrants: An Empirical Study

Author(s): Guerda Nicolas, Angela M. DeSilva, Anabel Bejarano and Astrid Desrosiers
Source: Journal of Haitian Studies , Fall 2007, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Fall 2007), pp. 60-72
Published by: Center for Black Studies Research

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41715357

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60 The Journal of Haitian Studies, Vol. 13 No. 2 © 2007

Guerda Nicolas and Angela M. DeSilva

Boston College

Anabel Bejarano
Independent scholar, San Diego, CA

Astrid Desrosiers
Cambridge Health Alliance

A Descriptive Evaluation of Religiosity

among Haitian Immigrants: An Empirical Study

Within the field of psychology, scholars understand religion to be a

universal and functional aspect of life that is important to examine in the
context of individuals' lives (Spilka et al. 2003). For example, researchers
have found connections between religion and risk taking behavior,
relationships, and health (Cortes 1999; Gorsuch 1988; Paloutzian 1996;
Pargament 1997; Smith and Faris 2002). In order to ascertain the specific
functions of religion, it is important for the field of psychology to first develop
a scientific understanding of it. When psychologists are able to measure
religion empirically, they are also able to examine the specific role it plays
in various areas of people's lives.
Because religion is an individual and personal experience, scholars
have struggled to develop one clear definition for it (Guthrie 1996; Spilka
1993). Therefore, when examining the role of religion in individuals' lives,
clear operational definitions of religion (i.e., how religion is measured in the
research) need to be utilized. Psychologists measure four different realms
when trying to operationally define religion: (1) cognition (i.e., beliefs and
conceptualizations); (2) affect (i.e., feelings and attitudes); (3) behavior (i.e.,
actions); and (4) habit (i.e., regular and consistent behavior). Operational
definitions enable researchers to empirically examine religion in the contexts
of individuals' lives (Spilka et al. 2003).
Currently, there is a dearth of empirical data on Haitian religiosity.
Therefore, the primary aim of the current study is to develop an operational
understanding of religiosity for Haitians living in the United States. In order

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A Descriptive Evaluation of Religiosity among Haitian Immigrants 61

to do so, two of the realms outlined above, cognition (i.e., religious beliefs)
and behaviors (i.e., religious behaviors), will be examined among a group of
Haitians living in the United States. The following section provides a brief
description of information that is currently available on Haitian religion.
The information was used to select the questions guiding our first attempt
at empirically studying functional religiosity among Haitians living in the
United States.

Existing Data on Religion among Haitians

When researching Haitian religion, the literature, although not
empirical, is plentiful: there are books, articles, and Internet resources
that report on religion among Haitians. Currently, the sources attempt to
distinguish Vodou from other religious denominations, but they do not
differentiate between these specific religious denominations. Therefore,
a clear distinction will be made between Vodou and the broader term
"religion," used here in reference to all other religions (predominantly
Catholicism and Protestantism) practiced by Haitians.
Demographics. Until recently, Roman Catholicism was the most
commonly reported affiliation for many Haitians residing in Haiti. Currently,
it is reported that 80% of Haitians practice Roman Catholicism, while the
remaining 20% practice some denomination of Protestantism (Bibb and
Casimir 1996). Additionally, while most Haitians do not officially report
being Vodou practitioners, it is believed that the vast majority (especially
those still living in Haiti) incorporate Vodou into their lives (Michel 2006).
In 2003, Vodou was formally recognized as a religion in Haiti (Bellegarde-
Smith 2003). Vodou is typically practiced in conjunction with Roman
Catholicism, while Protestants believe that it represents an opposition to
their religion (White 2000).

Vodou. Vodou is a traditional Afro-Haitian religion that blends African,

Creole, and Haitian elements (Michel 2002, 2006). One of the central and
key functions of Vodou is healing illnesses. One way to facilitate healing
is to sevi Iwa ("serve the spirit") or to offer prayers and perform various
devotional rites directed at God and particular spirits (Michel 2002, 2006).
Within the Vodou society, there are no accidents. Practitioners believe that
nothing and no event has a life of its own. The approach is holistic in that
the universe is all one, and synergistic in that each thing or event affects
something else. Vodou is a religion of the spiritual and physical world
(White 2000) with a broadly encompassing worldview that shapes human
experience. According to Michel (2002), "It provides a daily basis for living,
a remedy for illness, help in times of hardship, satisfaction of needs, and

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62 Guerda Nicolas et al.

hope. Vodou also regulat

The history of Vodou an
In fact, Vodou is report
phenomenon which played
quote from Laguerre (19

Revolutionary leaders
Haiti the first black r
nation to achieve indep
and to make the Haitian
tion in the third world

Although we recogniz
Haitian community in H
Haitian immigrants repo
identified as Christian and
on Vodou see the work
2006), and Turner (2006)
Function. According to
Haitians, one of the pri
cope with suffering. Some
explain conditions such a
1996; Stepick, 1998). In t
by providing them with a
and Casimir 1996; Stepic
moments of hardship in o
An additional and impo
especially Haitian immig
(Bibb and Casimir 1996
affiliation with a particu
a specific church or reli
connection helps Haitian
a place in their new com
rarely been studied, relig
immigrate to the United
Haitian religion is also
Casimir 1996; Stepick 19
to manage an illness befor
prayer with friends and f
1998). When Haitians ar
priest/pastor or houngan/

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A Descriptive Evaluation of Religiosity among Haitian Immigrants 63

(Bellegarde-Smith 2003). Collectively, these studies highlight the important

role that religion of all types plays in the lives of Haitians.
Focus of the Current Study
As indicated, the vast body of literature available on Haitian religion is
based on personal experiences, accounts, and observations, as opposed to
empirical research. While this type of information is valuable, quantifiable
data is necessary in order to accurately understand the various types of
religions and the role they play in the lives of Haitians living in the United
States. This study provides a first step in measuring the religious beliefs
and behaviors of Haitians in the U.S.

Methods

Participants
One hundred and fifty (150) Haitian American adults with an average
age of 40.72 years were interviewed from a variety of Haitian community
centers in the New England area. There were more females (91) than
males (59) in the study. The average age of arrival in the United States for
participants was 26.48 years. The vast majority (89%) of participants were
Haitian immigrants. Ninety-four percent (n = 139) of participants identified
as Haitian, 3% (n = 5) as Black, not Hispanic, and another 3% (n = 5) as a
combination of Black, not Hispanic and Haitian. Almost one half (n = 71)
of the participants were legally married and 15% (n = 23) were divorced.
Eighty-five percent (n = 128) of the sample completed at least high school.
This percentage is about the same for males and females (86% and 89%,
respectively). Fifty-two percent (n = 78) of participants worked full-time
outside of their home (59% of males and 47% of females), 17% (n = 26)
worked part-time outside of their home, 3% (n = 4) identified as full-time
homemakers, and 26% (n = 39) were unemployed. One quarter of the sample
reported a household income below $21,000, about 55% reported an income
from $21,000-$40,000, and almost 20% reported an income above $40,000.
There were slight income differences between males (20% [n = 12]) and
females (30% [n = 27]) earning below $21,000 in a given year.
Materials

Demographic and Background Information Sheet. The demographic and

background information sheet is an 1 1-item questionnaire designed specifically
for this study, which includes items regarding ethnicity, race, citizenship at
birth, parents and grandparents' citizenship, language skills, gender, education,
age, marital status, work status, and household income level.
Religiosity Scale. To assess religious behavior and religious beliefs of
Haitian immigrants, the Religiosity Scale was used (Kenney, Cromwell,

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 64 Guerda Nicolas et al.

and Vaughan 1979). This

point Likert-type scale ran
answered various questio
religious organization. Th
with higher scores indica
assessing overall levels of
into two subscales- relig
"How often do you listen
while "How often do you
relationships?" focuses o
scale is .88, which indic
Cronbach's alpha for this
measure for this sample.
Procedures

Several community centers in various Haitian communities were

contacted as possible sites for this project. The first author and her colleague
met with the directors of the various centers who arranged a meeting time
and space to discuss the project with members of the community. Informed
consent was obtained from each of the participants, and trained research
administrators (e.g., graduate students and staff members of community
centers) interviewed the participants for approximately one hour through a
semi-structured interview. All of the interviews were conducted in English,
and the results are based on responses from English-speaking participants
only. Interviewers read questions from the Demographic and Background

Table 1. Frequencies of identified religious affiliations of Haitian

immigrants

Religion Frequency Percentage

Christian 141 94.0%

Non-denominational 19 12.7%
Catholic 57 38.0%
Protestant 65 43.3%
Adventist 21 14.1%
Baptist 36 24.0%
Methodist 1 0.7%
Pentecostal 7 4.7%

No Religion 8 5.3 %
Unanswered 1 0.7%

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A Descriptive Evaluation of Religiosity among Haitian Immigrants 65

Information Sheet and The Religiosity Scale (Kenney, Cromwell, and

Vaughan 1979) to participants and debriefed them at the end of the study.
Participants were compensated $25.00 for their time.
Results

Description of Religion among the Participants. Descriptive statistics

were calculated in order to determine information about the religious
affiliation and church attendance practices of the sample. Almost all of
the participants who reported a religious affiliation identified as some
denomination of Christianity (94%). Unlike previous studies reporting that
Haitians predominantly identified as Catholic, 38% (n = 57) of participants
in this study identified as Catholic, while another 43% (n = 65) identified as
some denomination of Protestantism. Approximately 14% (n = 21) identified
as Adventist. Only 5% (n = 8) of participants reported having no formal
religion. The remaining participants identified broadly as Christian (12.7%)
or simply did not respond to the question (1%). Therefore, the data in this
study will be based primarily on the practices of Christians (particularly
Catholics and Protestants). A complete breakdown of all of the religious
denominations practiced by this sample can be found in Table 1. Regarding
church attendance practices, 57% (n = 86) of the sample reported attending
the same church as family members and 43% (n = 65) reported attending
the same church as their neighbors.
Religious Behavior. Means, standard deviations, and ranges were
calculated for the following religious behavior items as assessed by the
Religiosity Scale: (1) attend religious services; (2) attend religious crusades;
(3) listen to religious services on radio or television; (4) listen to religious
music; (5) pray either privately or with family; (6) take part in church
activities; and (7) contribute money to church. The highest possible score
for the religious behavior subscale (made up of the preceding items) is 35.
For this sample, the overall mean was 26.49, the standard deviation was 5.74,
and the range of scores was 9 to 35, this indicates that while there is some
variability in the frequency with which religious behaviors are performed,
this sample tends to exhibit high levels of religious behavior. The mean for
the males' religious behaviors was 24.88, the standard deviation 6.68, and the
range 9 to 35, again demonstrating rather high levels of religious behaviors,
with a good amount of variability, for males. For the females, the mean
score for religious behaviors was 27.53, the standard deviation 4.80, and the
range was 13 to 35. This points to higher levels of religious behaviors with
less variability for the females than that exhibited by the males sampled.
A t-test was performed to determine if this difference (between males' and
females' religious behaviors) was statistically significant ( t (150) = -2.63,

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66 Guerda Nicolas et al.

Figure 1. Percentage of pa
"very often" and "neve

p < .01). Results indicate

active than their male cou
Frequencies were run f
examined in this study. R
this sample was prayer.
reported praying "very
reported "never" praying.
religious services "very o
services. Approximately
participated in church act
have. A report of the perc
and "never" in each of th
Religious Beliefs. The
calculated for the follo
Religiosity Scale: (1) helps
life; (3) beliefs learned as
relationships; and (5) tea
score for the religious be
is 5. The average score fo
standard deviation was 5.
beliefs with quite a bit of
to 25, the mean score for
with a standard deviation o
respectively. A t-test was c
scores for males and femal

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A Descriptive Evaluation of Religiosity among Haitian Immigrants 67

t-test were not significant, t(150) = -1.09, p = .28, demonstrating that males
and females have an almost equivalently high level of religious beliefs.
Frequencies were run for the individual religious beliefs considered in
this study. Approximately 64% (n = 93) of participants felt ("very often")
that religion helps them get ahead in life, while about 5% (n=7) "never"
felt that way. Fifty-seven percent ( n = 85) felt ("very often") that religion
helps them understand their life and 32% (n = 4) "never" thought religion
helps them understand their life. Lastly, 47% (n = 66) felt ("very often")
that religion helps in marriage or other relationships and 6% (n = 9) "never"
felt that way. Figure 2 provides percentages of participants who responded
"very often" and "never" for each item of the religious belief subscale.
In order to determine whether the religious practices of Haitian
immigrants differ as a function of the length of time spent in the United
States, frequencies, descriptive statistics, and an analysis of variance
(ANOVA) were run on the religious behaviors, beliefs, and affiliations of
participants according to the number of years they have lived in the United
States. Very subtle differences can be noted in Table 2, which provides the
mean religious behavior and belief scores and religious affiliations according
to four different time periods. However, differences in religious belief and
behavior scores between the time periods were not significantly different.
Discussion

A first step in understanding the function of religion for Haitians living

in the United States is to collect empirical data documenting the specific
dynamics of Haitian religion. Therefore, the current study provides an

Figure 2. Percentage of participants who hold religious beliefs "very often"

and "never."

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68 Guerda Nicolas et al.

Years Behavior Belief Affiliation

in US Mean Mean

0-6 27.27 18.54 Catholicism (42.4%)

(n=33) Protestantism (42.4%)
Adventist (12.2%)
Christian (3.0%)

7-14 26.87 19.91 Catholicism (40.0%)

(n=30) Protestantism (46.7%)
Adventist (9.9%)
None (3.3%)

15-24 27.33 20.00 Catholicism (31.0%)

(n=42) Protestantism (33.4%)
Adventist (21.5%
Christian (9.5%)
None (4.8%)

25+ 26.87 19.91 Catholicism (34.3%)

(n=35) Protestantism (37.2%)
Adventist (14.4%)
Christian (2.9%)
None (8.6%)
Unanswered (2.9%

Table 2. Mean religious scores and affi

time spent in the United States.
empirical description of the daily religi
by a sample of Haitians living in the
Researchers (in the psychology of
science fields) agree that religiosity is c
difficult to articulate in a concise de
As a result, it is important to ask "W
"How is religiosity indicated?" instea
allows for accurate conceptualization
various groups of people. In looking a
religious behaviors are practiced an
appreciate one type of religious exper
States. However, before exploring
religiosity, it is important to pay att
with which Haitians living in the United
literature refers to the large dominan
community (Bibb and Casimir 1996), y
(Haitians living in the East Coast area)
of Protestantism as frequently as Cat

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A Descriptive Evaluation of Religiosity among Haitian Immigrants 69

An important part of Haitian religiosity is engaging in religious

behaviors. In particular, praying, attending religious services, donating
money to church, and listening to religious music seem to be some of the
core behaviors that comprise religiosity for Haitians living in the United
States. Haitian religiosity also seems to include the belief that religion
helps individuals to get ahead in life, helps individuals to understand their
life, and helps individuals in marriage and other relationships. Another
seemingly important component of religiosity for Haitians in the United
States is educating children about their religion. Although these beliefs and
behaviors do not provide an exhaustive description of religiosity for Haitians,
they do provide a sense of what it means to be religious for Haitians living
in the United States.

When thinking about the religious experience of Haitians living in the

United States, it is also important to note that gender plays an important
role. On average, Haitian women in the United States engage in religious
behaviors significantly more often than their male counterparts. This may
suggest that religious behaviors such as praying and attending religious
services are more defining traits of religiosity for Haitian women in the
United States than they are for Haitian men. Alternatively, it may suggest
that Haitian women in the United States are more religiously active than
men. Regardless, this finding suggests different experiences of religion for
Haitian men and women living in the United States.
Another valuable point to emphasize from this study is that none of
the participants mentioned practicing Vodou when questioned about their
religion. Despite research documenting the large percentage of Haitians
who practice Vodou (Michel 2006; White 2000), it is likely that most
Haitians living in the United States, perhaps because of the negative stigma
which surrounds it, will not willingly disclose their involvement in Vodou.
Researchers need to be cognizant of this before making assumptions about
the religiosity of Haitians living in the United States.
Understanding what it means to be religious for Haitians living in the
United States and collecting quantifiable data will allow researchers to
explore the impact that religion has on other facets of their lives. Currently,
research indicates that religion is a strong predictor of life satisfaction,
improved self-perceptions, and enhanced self-esteem for African Americans
(St. George and McNamara 1984; Thomas and Holmes 1992; Krause and
Tran 1989; Ellison 1993, respectively). Unfortunately, research of this nature
has not been conducted on other Black ethnic groups, including Haitians.
As a result, researchers lack a scientific understanding of the influence that
religion has in the Haitian community. The data provided by this study,

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 70 Guerda Nicolas et al.

however, provide a founda

religiosity in their work w
examining the specific fu
Haitians living in the Un
Although the current s
Haitian religion, there are
the Religiosity Scale used
behaviors and only five ite
provide a better understa
in the United States than o
previously, there are fou
behavior, and habit) that
to develop strong operat
behaviors and one aspect
provide a comprehensive
Haitians living in the Uni
items assess what Haitians
examine the ideological as
States. There are many qu
levels that this study doe
order to more fully unde
in the United States.

Despite the aforementioned weaknesses, the current findings lay an

important foundation for future research examining the experience and
function of religion for Haitians living in the United States. From this
preliminary study, we learned that an important aspect of the religious
experience of Haitians in the United States is religious behavior, such as
praying, attending religious services, and listening to religious music. It
also became clear that part of the religious experience entails believing
that religiosity helps in different facets of life. Future research can build
off of this information to further develop our understanding of what "being
religious" entails for Haitians living in the United States (e.g., what are
their feelings and attitudes about religion). The empirical data can also
be used to begin to generate an understanding of the function of religion
for this group of individuals. This is an important area for researchers to
investigate as numerous studies have documented the central role religion
can play in buffering against risk taking behaviors and poor mental health
for ethnic minority groups (Ellison 1993; Krause and Tran 1989; St. George
and McNamara 1984; Thomas and Holmes 1992).

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A Descriptive Evaluation of Religiosity among Haitian Immigrants 1 1

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Acknowledgments

The authors wish to tha

her thoughtful comments
express our gratitude and t
Research Team at Boston
Eastep, Vanessa Prosper,
Clelia Fleury, Freddy Fun
Hayden Prater, Ashley Pu
Mansour) for their assista

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