‫‪Hespéris-Tamuda LI (2) (2016): 267-311‬‬ ‫‪267‬‬

‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd.‬‬

‫‪Tajalliyyāt al-ḥuḍūr al-yahūdī fī al-mashhad al-ʿumrānī li-‬‬
‫‪madīnat Fās.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﲡﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ‬

‫ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﮔﻴﮓ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﻋﻴﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﻷﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺩﺭﺍک ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﻘﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺼﲈﺕ ﰲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﺄﳖﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﳖﺎ ﺿﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺸﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻤﻴﺢ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻗﺘﻀﺎﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﻘﻠﻬﻢ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺩﻭﺍ ﺑﺴﻜﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻤﴘ ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﹸﻳﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺿﺌﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﲣﻠﺺ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﲈﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺩﻭﺍﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﳘﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺣﺎﴐﺓ ﻧﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺄﳖﺎ ”ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﳞﻮﺩﺍ ﳜﺘﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ‪ 2“.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﺪ ﺍﳉﻬﺮ‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻧﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻻﺻﻄﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻆ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻛﲈ ﺃﺟﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺗﺒﻴﺎﳖﺎ ﺷﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﭭﻲ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲪﻠﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬
‫”ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻜﻠﲈﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ‪ “.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺃﺯﺍﺡ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻭﺃﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻃﻮﺑﻮﻧﻴﻤﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﺎﳌﺎ ﺯﺧﺮﺕ ﲠﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺩﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﻴﻒ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺻﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﺳﲑ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﺋﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻔﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﻴﻂ ﺑﺄﺻﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺮ￯ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻤﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﮏ ﺍﳊﲔ ﻟﻴﺸﻤﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻲ ﳞﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﻭﳏﺪﺙ ﺑﻤﻘﺘﴣ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻷﺭﺟﺢ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﳚﻤﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﻠﺢ ﻭﳜﺰﻥ ﲤﻬﻴﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻌﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪Simon Lévy, “Hāra et Mallah: les mots, l’histoire et l’institution (toponyme et histoire),” in Histoire‬‬
‫‪et linguistique, Actes de la table ronde déroulée à Marrakech du 25 au 26 Mai 1990, Abdelahad Sebti‬‬
‫‪éd. (Rabat: Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Rabat, 1992), 41-50.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻟﮏ ﻭﺍﳌﲈﻟﮏ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﺩﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﭬﻦ ﻭﺃﻧﺪﺭﻱ ﭬﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 2 .‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.1331 ،(1992 ،‬‬
‫‪268‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ :1‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺑﻤﺤﺎﺫﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﻔﺘﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﲏ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪269‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﺍﺀ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﻨﺎﺕ ﲠﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻘﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺖ ﰲ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﳏﻼﺕ ﺳﻜﻨﺎﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﲔ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‬
‫ﳖﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﻭﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﱪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﴪﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﳖﺎ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻤﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺿﻴﻖ‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﺪ￯ ﺃﻓﻘﻪ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﲆ ﺍﳌﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﳌﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﳖﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﲈ ﻣﴣ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻧﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺃﺕ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﰲ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻪ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮ￯‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻓﱰﺍﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻏﺰﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﲥﺎ ﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺪﺍﺛﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﴎ ﺃﺧﺮ￯ ﺣﻠﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻻ ﺿﲑ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﮏ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﲪﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻃﻴﺎﲥﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ ﻭﲣﻠﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﺿﺎﺕ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺖ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺃﺟﻮﺑﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ‬
‫ﻧﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺔ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺗﺄﺭﳜﻪ ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻭﺗﻨﻘﻴﺒﻪ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎﴈ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺭﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻧﺼﻬﺎ‪” :‬ﻓﺎﺟﺘﻤﻊ ﲠﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﳑﻦ ﺭﻏﺐ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻧﺰﳍﻢ )ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ( ﺑﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﻏﻼﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﺼﻦ ﺳﻌﺪﻭﻥ‪ 4“.‬ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺭﺑﻄﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳉﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺧﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﻳﺴﻴﺔ ﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻣﻨﺤﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ‬
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‫ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺗﻌﻤﲑﻩ ﻋﲆ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﰲ ﻧﻈﲑ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﰲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ‬
‫ﳜﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻟﻮﺣﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺣﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﺆﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﺍ ﲠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﻭﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻗﻮﻗﺔ‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﱰﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﲈﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪Susan Gilson Miller et al., “Inscribing Minority Space in the Islamic City: The Jewish Quarter of Fez‬‬
‫‪(1438-1912),” Journal of the Society of Architerctural Historians 3 (2001): 310-327.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻧﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻃﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻮک ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺝ‪) 2 .‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪.55 ،(1999 ،‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻧﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﺏ‪.55 ،‬‬
‫‪270‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﻭﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﻛﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺯﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻵﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ﻧﺎﺩ￯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ‪” :‬ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺎ ﻭﺍﻏﱰﺳﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﲤﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻟﻪ ﻫﺒﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﷲ ﺃﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻰ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﲤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺇﻧﲈ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺌﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺟﻬﺎﲥﺎ‪ 6“.‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻀﺎﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ﳍﺠﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻼ ﻋﲆ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻪ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺎ ﳎﺎﻭﺭﲥﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ‬
‫ﲠﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻭ￯ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻭﻓﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﴎ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﻏﺪﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﻗﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳍﺠﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺳﻴﲈ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻭﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻳﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻄﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺺ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﻏﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺣﻴﺰ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﻳﻤﺘﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﲈﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﮕﻴﺴﺔ )ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﺼﻦ ﺳﻌﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻨﻮﺑﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﲬﺔ ﳌﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻷﴍﺍﻑ )ﺍﻟﴬﻳﺢ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﻳﴘ( ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ‪ 8.‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﲔ ﺃﻏﻼﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﺪﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻋﱪ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﺳﻤﻬﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ￯ ﺳﻜﺎﳖﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﲔ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺘﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺠﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺃﺳﲈﺋﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﳏﲇ ﺃﺛﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﺢ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﺣﺘﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﳊﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻔﻨﺪﻕ ﰲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﳞﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻠﻪ‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫ﳋﺰﻥ ﺑﻀﺎﺋﻌﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺮ ﻭﺫﺍﻉ ﺻﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﻤﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﲈ ﻻ ﻧﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﻭﻋﺮﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻟﺪﻓﻦ‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻋﲇ ﺍﳉﺰﻧﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻲ ﺯﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻵﺱ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ )ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪:(1977 ،‬‬
‫‪55‬؛ ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺀ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻂ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫‪Edouard Michaux-Bellaire, “La Ghelsa et le Gza,” Revue du Monde Musulman 23 (1911): 197-248.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﴏﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎ ﰲ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻗﴡ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 1 .‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.73-71 ،(1956 ،‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺿﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﻑ ﺇﱃ ﲪﺎﻡ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﲪﻞ ﺍﺳﻢ ﲪﺎﻡ ﺃﻏﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺮﲨﺘﻪ ﻟﻌﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﳍﺴﻜﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺩﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻑ ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.198 ،(1997 ،‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻋﺜﺮﺕ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﺰﺍﺭ ﺃﻣﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﲆ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﺛﻖ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺒﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻓﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﺧﺸﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺔ ﺗﻘﺒﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻵﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺴﺘﻮﺩﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺤﺎﺀ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﻜﺮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻌﺬﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻭﻳﺎ ﻟﻸﺳﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻮﺭ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺎﺭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪:‬‬
‫‪Catherine Cambazard-Amahan, Le décor sur bois dans l’architecture de Fès (Paris: C.N.R.S., 1989),‬‬
‫‪40.‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪271‬‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻔﻀﻞ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻣﺘﻮﺍﺗﺮﺓ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ 10،‬ﺃﻣﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﲔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﻨﺎﺋﺰﻱ ﺷﲈﻝ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﮕﻴﺴﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ–ﺍﳌﺸﻴﺪ ﻻﺣﻘﺎ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ–ﻳﻌﻀﺪ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﻗﱰﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﱪﺓ ﺑﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﮕﻴﺴﺔ ﺑﺄﻗﺪﻡ ﺣﻲ ﺃﻗﻄﻊ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ–ﺣﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻻﺣﻘﺎ–ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻻ‬
‫ﳾﺀ ﻳﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﲈ ﺳﻮ￯ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺸﲈﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﻊ ﱂ ﻳﻄﻞ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳊﻴﺰ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺺ ﳍﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﻴﺸﻬﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﺩﻭﻧﲈ ﲤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻻﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﺃﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﻈﻼﳍﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺟﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﺘﻔﺮ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻨﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﺰﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺟﺪ ﲤﺜﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺧﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﺵ ﻋﲆ ﺻﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ‪” :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﲪﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺃﻟﻒ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻢ‬
‫ﺧﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ‪ 11“.‬ﻭﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻧﻮﺩ ﲢﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻷﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﲢﺘﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺛﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﺼﻤﺪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﱰﺍﻑ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﴫ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺬ‬
‫ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﻄﻦ ﺑﻌﺮﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ 12.‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﺤﺘﻮﻱ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻳﺸﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﳖﺎ ﺗﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﱰﺍﺽ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﳞﻮﺩﻱ ﳌﺴﻜﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﳏﻴﻂ ﺃﻏﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ 13.‬ﻭﺑﻐﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻷﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺇﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎ‬
‫ﳚﺴﺪ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﴬ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﺘﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪14‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺷﻬﱪ )ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﲨﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺎﻭﻥ ﺃﺳﻤﲑ‪.92 ،(2002 ،‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻧﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﺏ‪.46 ،‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻧﺺ ﻋﱪﻱ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﺃﺑﻨﺮ ﺍﻟﴪﻓﺎﰐ‪” :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺑﺤﺜﺖ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺄﺟﺪ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻋﺎﺭﻭﺥ ﺑﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﲈ ﻳﲇ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻹﻟﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﲏ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻣﻊ ﳞﻮﺩﺍ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 277) 4650‬ﻫـ‪ /890‬ﻡ( ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺃﻥ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﳞﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺬ ‪ 90‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ “.‬ﻱ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﲈﺡ‪” ،‬ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻧﺴﺎﺏ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺮﰊ ﺃﺑﻨﺮ ﺍﻟﴪﻓﺎﰐ‪ “،‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﳎﻠﺔ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻃﻔﻴﻞ‪.159 ،(2002) 5 ،‬‬
‫‪ .13‬ﻻ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﺰﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﻏﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﱂ ﻳﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻃﻮﺑﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .14‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺒﺎﲏ‪” ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺎﻃﲑ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ “،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﲈﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ‪ 24‬ﺇﱃ ‪ 26‬ﻧﻮﻧﱪ ‪) 1988‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﮏ‪.77-70 ،(1990 ،‬‬
‫‪272‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﺛﺎﲏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﳉﺰﻧﺎﺋﻲ ﰲ ﺟﻨﻲ ﺯﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻵﺱ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻼک ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻤﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ ﺟﺮﺕ ﺇﺯﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪529‬ﻫـ‪1134/‬ﻡ‪ 15،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﺃﻣﲑ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺑﻄﲔ ﻋﲇ ﺑﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻜﻰ ﺃﻫﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻴﻘﻪ ﻭﻋﺠﺰﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﻣﺼﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﻼک ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﳏﻼﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﳖﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩﺍ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﱪ ﳏﺎﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﳉﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻔﻀﺎﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ 17.‬ﻭﻳﻌﺰﺯ ﺍﻓﱰﺍﺿﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﳞﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻓﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺑﺾ ﻭﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺬﲠﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﱪ￯‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺒﺒﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻣﺘﻌﺎﺽ ﺃﰊ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﺛﺮ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﻫﻴﻤﻨﺘﻬﻢ ﻋﲆ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ 18،‬ﻭﻟﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﳑﺎ ﺳﻄﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺻﻬﻢ ﺣﲔ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺐ‪” :‬ﻫﻢ ﲡﺎﺭ ﺃﻫﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻏﻨﻴﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﲏ ﻋﺎﻳﻨﺖ‬
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‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻤﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺟﺎﻻ ﻛﺜﲑﻳﻦ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻴﻨﲈ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﺰﻧﺎﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺎ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﳎﺎﻭﺭﲥﺎ ﳉﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻷﺛﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻮﴍﺕ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﴈ ﱂ ﺗﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﴘ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺗﲑﺍﺱ )‪ ،(H. Terrasse‬ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻔﻴﻀﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﲈﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺧﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻃﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﻼک ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻴﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺯﻳﺔ ﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﲆ ﺍﳉﻨﺎﺋﺰ‬
‫)ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﮕﻨﺎﻳﺰ( ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﻻﺀ ﺑﺄﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﱰﺍﺿﻪ‪ 20،‬ﺑﻴﻨﲈ ﱂ ﺗﺴﻔﺮ‬
‫ﺣﻔﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﳘﺖ ﺟﺰﺀﺍ ﻳﺴﲑﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺿﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ )‪ 291,60‬ﻡ‪ (2‬ﻋﲆ‬

‫‪ .15‬ﺍﳉﺰﻧﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻲ ﺯﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻵﺱ‪.68-67 ،‬‬

‫‪ .16‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺮﻗﻠﺔ ﻣﴩﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻜﻠﻔﲔ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻷﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭﺗﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﻭﺍ ﺑﺎﳋﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻨﲈ ﺯﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﳊﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻤﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺪﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬
‫ﻓﺘﻮ￯ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻷﻣﻜﻨﺔ ﻭﺇﺭﻏﺎﻡ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﲠﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻮﻳﻀﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻧﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﺏ‪.74-73 ،‬‬
‫‪ .17‬ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺠﻲ ﻭﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻷﺧﴬ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 1.‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪.283 ،(1983‬‬
‫‪ .18‬ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻟﮏ‪.1331 ،‬‬
‫‪ .19‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﳎﻬﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺼﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻋﺠﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻷﻣﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺯﻏﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ )ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﴩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.201 ،(1985 ،‬‬
‫‪20. Henri Terrasse, La mosquée al-Qarwiyyin à Fès (Paris: Éditions Klincksieck, 1968), 19.‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪273‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮ￯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺆﺭﺥ ﻟﻔﱰﺓ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﲈﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺑﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻫﻮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻘﺎﺽ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺘﲔ ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺘﲔ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﳞﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺠﻮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ‪ 21.‬ﻭﻧﺮ￯ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﮏ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﺍﳊﺬﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺫﻛﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﳉﺰﻧﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻄﻤﻮﺭﺓ ﲢﺖ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺃﺧﺮ￯‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺿﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻧﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺭﺑﲈ ﲢﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﳎﺘﻪ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﲏ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮ￯‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻄﺎﻟﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺑﺨﱪ ﻗﺪﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ )ﺕ‪600 .‬ﻫـ‪1204/‬ﻡ(‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﻟﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺀ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﮕﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺋﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻋﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺃﻥ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﲢﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﳛﺠﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﺍﻗﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺐ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻞ ﻭﺗﺄﻣﲔ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﳍﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﹸﻳ ﹶ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ”ﺳﻜﻦ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ ﺑﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﴩ ﻧﺎﻓﺬﺓ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﻓﺬ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﴩ‪ 22“.‬ﻛﲈ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺒﲑ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭ )‪ ،(Prosper Ricard‬ﰲ‬
‫ﻋﴩﻳﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﴈ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﱪک ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺟﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﺣﺪ￯ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﺴﻄﺢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‪ 23.‬ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻜﮏ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳋﱪ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺭﺍﻋﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺳﻊ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ–ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻬﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪﻱ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳌﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﲇ )ﺕ‪558 .‬ﻫـ‪1163/‬ﻡ( ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻠﻔﻪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺃﰊ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ )ﺕ‪580 .‬ﻫـ‪1184/‬ﻡ(–ﻭﺑﲔ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﻗﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﲈﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺃﰊ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪758‬ﻫـ‪1357/‬ﻡ‪ 24.‬ﻭﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺪﺣﺾ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺳﻜﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﮕﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻗﻘﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻵﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﳍﺎ‬

‫‪ .21‬ﺍﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﺃﻧﻘﺎﺽ ﺍﳌﻨﺰﻟﲔ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ ﺯﺧﺮﻓﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﲪﻮﻟﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ )ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﻼﺹ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺔ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪:‬‬
‫”‪Ahmad Saleh Ettahiri, “A l’aube de la ville de Fès. Découvertes sous la mosquée al-Qarawiyyin,‬‬
‫‪Dossiers de l’Archéologie 365 (2014): 42-49.‬‬
‫‪ .22‬ﺳﲈﺡ‪ ،‬ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ‪.161 ،‬‬
‫‪23. Prosper Ricard, “L’horloge de la medersa Bou Inania,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie‬‬
‫‪d’Alger et de l’Afrique du Nord (1924): 2.‬‬
‫‪ .24‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺯﻱ‪” ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪ “،‬ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﴩﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ‪ :‬ﺃﺑﻮ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﺰﺍﱄ ﻭﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.211 ،(1986 ،‬‬
‫‪274‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﻭﺻﺎﻧﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﺃﰊ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﻋﲇ ﺑﻦ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻤﺴﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﻧﻘﻼ ﻋﲈ ﺭﻭﺍﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺯﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻵﺱ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪” :‬ﺻﻨﻊ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻛﻞ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﲪﻪ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺠﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻄﻴﻘﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﺴﻮﺱ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ‪ ،...‬ﻭﺟﻌﻞ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﻘﻂ ﺻﻨﺠﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﻃﺎﺱ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﻃﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻋﴩ ﳉﲈﺩ￯ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺛﲈﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﲬﺴﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺌﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻳﺪ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﻪ ﻋﲇ ﺑﻦ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻤﺴﺎﲏ ﺍﳌﻌﺪﻝ‪ 25“.‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺪ￯ ﺣﺮﺹ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﳌﻐﺎﻟﻄﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﲠﺎ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻹﺛﺒﺎﲥﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺘﺤﻔﻆ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻜﻪ ﰲ ﺃﺻﻞ ﺍﳋﱪ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻭﻧﺴﻤﺢ ﻷﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﲈﺱ ﳐﺎﺭﺝ ﻟﻨﺎﻗﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﺃﺑﻨﺮ ﺍﻟﴪﻓﺎﰐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﺍﻋﺘﲈﺩﺍ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﻣﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻋﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﮏ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﻤﻜﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻜﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻴﻒ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺣﻔﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﴈ ﻗﺪ ﺣﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﻆ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻮﺭ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﲔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ ﻗﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻭﺻﺤﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﺨﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﻋﲆ ﺫﻟﮏ ﺑﺮﺣﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﳞﺎ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﲥﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ‪ 26.‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮ￯ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﲆ ﺃﻧﻘﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﲈﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺯﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺒﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮ￯ ﺃﺭﺿﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ ﻳﻐﻄﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻻ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪ 27.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺍﳌﴩﻓﻮﻥ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻔﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻜﺘﺸﻔﺎﲥﻢ ﺍﻷﺛﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﲔ ﻭﺭﺩﺗﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻛﻠﲈ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻋﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﴫ‪ :‬ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﻄﻮﻃﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﺪﺣﻪ ﺃﰊ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﺇﺷﺎﺩﺗﻪ ﺑﻤﻨﺠﺰﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻭﺻﻔﻪ ﺑﲈ ﻳﺄﰐ‪” :‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳊﺴﻦ ﻭﺇﺗﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺇﴍﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﻭﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﱰﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﻋﲈﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﱪ￯‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﴫ ﳑﺎ ﳚﺎﻭﺭ ﻗﺼﺒﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻭﻻ ﻧﻈﲑ ﳍﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﻤﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻋﺎ‬
‫‪28‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﺴﻨﺎ ﻭﺇﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎ ﻭﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﻣﺎﺀ ﻭﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‪“.‬‬

‫‪ .25‬ﺍﳉﺰﻧﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻲ ﺯﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻵﺱ‪.53 ،‬‬

‫‪ .26‬ﻋﺜﺮ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﳌﺎ ﻋﻤﺪ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﺤﻤﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﻨﺪﺳﲔ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 1994‬ﺇﱃ ﻓﺘﺢ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻋﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﺃﺳﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺑﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﻔﺮﻳﺎﲥﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ :‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ ﺻﻬﺮﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻦ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺃﺭﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﻦ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﳋﺰﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﱰﺍﺙ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺫﻟﮏ ﺣﻔﺮﻳﺔ ﺇﻧﻘﺎﺫ ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ ،2000‬ﻻ ﺯﻟﻨﺎ ﻧﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪27. Abdallah Filli, “La céramique mérinide de la Medersa al-Bu’inaniya de Fès,” Transfertna 4‬‬
‫‪(2000): 261.‬‬
‫‪28. Ibn Battouta, Voyages d’Ibn Battûta, traduit par Charles Defrémery et Beniamino‬‬
‫‪Raffaelo Sanguinetti (Paris: Éditions Anthropos, 1979), 351.‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪275‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﲈﳍﺎ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ‬

‫‪29‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﰲ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻤﻴﺘﲔ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺼﺎ ﻣﺼﻐﺮﺍ ﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺛﻖ ﳌﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻋﲆ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﴫ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺑﻄﲔ ﺇﱃ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﻗﴫ ﺑﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺑﻄﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﰊ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﳖﺪﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳌﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﲇ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺨﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﺧﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻋﲆ ﺃﻧﻘﺎﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﻗﺎ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺼﺒﺔ ﺑﻮﺟﻠﻮﺩ )ﺃﰊ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺴﻜﺮ ﺃﺟﻨﺎﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻂ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﻗﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺑﺾ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﻐﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺑﻮﻧﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺭﻛﻴﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﺋﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺘﻪ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﻻ ﳜﺎﻣﺮﻧﺎ ﺷﮏ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﺃﺑﻨﺮ ﺍﻟﴪﻓﺎﰐ‬
‫‪30‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﺎ ﲠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﲨﺎﻋﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺪ ﺳﻤﻰ ﰲ ﺣﻮﻟﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺋﺞ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ”ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﮕﺎﻧﺔ‪ “،‬ﻟﺸﻬﺮﺓ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﻢ ﻭﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺑﲈ ﻟﻀﻴﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﹸﻋ ﹺﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺻﲇ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺋﻦ ﻓﻴﲈ‬
‫ﻣﴣ ﺑﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﺶ ﰲ ﺫﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﻼﻣﺢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﱰﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺍﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻳﻘﻄﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﳚﺎﻭﺭﻭﳖﻢ ﻭﳜﺎﻟﻄﻮﳖﻢ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﲡﻤﻌﻮﺍ ﺑﺈﻳﻌﺎﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﺈﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻛﺬﻟﮏ‪ 31‬ﰲ‬
‫‪29. Idris S. Allouche, “Un plan de canalisations des Fès au temps de Mawlay Ismail d’après un texte‬‬
‫‪inédit avec une étude succincte sur la corporation des Kwadsiya,” Hespéris XVIII (1934): 60.‬‬
‫‪ .30‬ﺃﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1879‬ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﲆ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .31‬ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﺑﺪﺕ ﻟﻠﺴﺎﻛﻨﲔ ﲠﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺘﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻹﻳﲈﻥ ﺑﻮﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺴﻴﻢ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﻃﻘﺲ ﺍﳋﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﻃﻌﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﳖﺎ ﺑﺬﻟﮏ ﲣﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺒﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﺀ ﺑﲈ ﺃﺻﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﴫ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻂ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﳍﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲈ ﺗﺰﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺋﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺣﺎﲥﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲤﺎﺛﻴﻞ ﻭﺻﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲈ ﲢﺘﻮﻳﻪ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺄﻛﻮﻻﺕ ﳏﻈﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﲠﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺳﻨﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺪﺙ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﮕﻴﺘﻮ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ،1516‬ﻭﲣﻠﻴﺪﻫﻢ ﻟﺬﻛﺮ￯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﳍﻢ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺶ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﰲ ﻣﺄﻣﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺴﻒ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﻄﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻪ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﮕﻴﺘﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻟﻠﺴﺒﺎﻛﺔ ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﺮ￯ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﲆ ﺃﺭﺿﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻏﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﱪﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪Georges Jehel et Philippe Racinet, La ville médiévale de l’Occident chrétien à l’Orient musulman‬‬
‫‪Ve-XVe siècle (Paris: Éditions Armand Colin, 1996), 424 .‬‬
‫‪276‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﺣﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﻮﺍ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺤﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺴﱰﺟﻊ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻩ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﺍﻗﺘﴫ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻼﳏﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻄﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﲡﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳊﻔﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺛﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻟﻼﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻼﻃﲔ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻄﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻲ ﻣﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﲈﺫﺍ ﻋﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻄﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻏﲑﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻭﺑﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﴐ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻻﺣﻖ؟‬
‫ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫ﺯﻭﺩﻧﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ ﺑﺨﱪ ﻳﺆﺭﺥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﰲ ﺛﺎﲏ ﺷﻮﺍﻝ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪674‬ﻫـ‪ 21/‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪1276‬ﻡ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ”ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﺩﻋﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻬﺮﺍ ﰲ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻘﺘﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﴩ ﺭﺟﻼ ﻭﻟﻮﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﺍﳋﱪ ﺑﺄﻣﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‬
‫)ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺕ‪685 .‬ﻫـ‪1286/‬ﻡ( ﻭﺭﻛﺐ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﰲ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺸﻤﻪ ﻭﺃﻣﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻄﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﻛﻔﻬﻢ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﺣﺪ‪ 32“.‬ﺛﻢ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ‬
‫ﺯﺭﻉ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﴪﻱ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﺮﺩﺍ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﲇ‪” :‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬
‫ﴍﻉ ﺃﻣﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﺣﴬﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺤﺮﻭﺳﺔ‪ 33“.‬ﻭﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﳐﻄﻮﻁ ”ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﲔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﲔ“ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺘﻪ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﻏﻨﺎﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻤﻌﻄﻴﲔ ﻗﻴﻤﲔ‪ :‬ﺃﻭﳍﲈ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﻣﻦ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺮک ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺿﻐﻮﻁ ﻣﻮﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻹﻛﺮﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﻬﲈ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻫﻮ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺍﲣﺬ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﺫ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﳌﺨﻄﻮﻁ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﲇ‪” :‬ﻭﺃﻣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﻜﻨﻰ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺃﺧﺮﺟﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻠﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﲔ‪ 34“.‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺣﺪ￯ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬
‫‪ .32‬ﻋﲇ ﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﺧﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ )ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫‪.161-160 ،(1972‬‬
‫‪ .33‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.161 ،‬‬
‫‪ .34‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﳎﻬﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻓﺘﺤﺔ )ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺃﰊ ﺭﻗﺮﺍﻕ‪.55 ،(2004 ،‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪277‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﲑﺍﳖﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﲥﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﱰﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﳋﻤﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻏﺪﺍﺓ ﻋﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﱰﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ 35.‬ﻭﺟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﱄ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺑﻦ ﳛﻴﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﴩﻳﴘ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻋﴫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﴍﻋﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺄﺭﺍﴈ ﺗﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺯﻛﻰ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻓﺾ‬
‫ﻹﺣﺪﺍﺛﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﻔﺘﻮ￯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺤﻦ ﺑﺼﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻒ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻭﻣﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺃﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺃﳖﻢ–)ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ(‬
‫ﻻ ﺫﻣﺔ ﳍﻢ ﻓﻴﲈ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ )ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻤﻬﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺑﻴﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﳋﻤﺮ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻭﲤﺎﻟﺆﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻲ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﻖ ﺫﻟﮏ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﻟﺬﻟﮏ ﻭﺳﺒﻮﺍ ﺑﺒﻼﺩ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ‬
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‫ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺆﺧﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﲈﻝ ﺃﰊ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺜﲈﻥ )ﺕ‪731 .‬ﻫـ‬
‫‪1331/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻋﺰﺍ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻪ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺠﺰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺿﲈﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺳﻼﻣﺔ ﳑﺘﻠﻜﺎﲥﻢ ﰲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺯﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻦ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻭﻳﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﲈ‬
‫ﳊﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺫﻟﮏ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻳﻨﻬﺒﻮﻥ ﺃﻣﺘﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻠﲈ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﮏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﲈ ﻭﱄ ﺍﳌﻠﮏ ﺃﺑﻮ‬
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‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪“.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﱪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻜﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﱪﻳﻦ ﻻ ﳜﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺆﺭﺥ ﺃﻭﳍﲈ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺔ ‪841‬ﻫـ‪1438/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺩ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﲇ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .35‬ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﳎﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﳋﲈﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﺳﻠﻴﲈﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﺘﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﺍﳋﻤﺮﺓ ﻭﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﳎﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﴩﺍﺏ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳊﺼﺎﺩ ‪.130-115 ،(1996 ،‬‬
‫‪ .36‬ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﴩﻳﴘ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﳉﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻋﻦ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﻱ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺲ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻭﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 2 .‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.250 ،(1981،‬‬
‫‪ .37‬ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.284-283 ،1 .‬‬
‫‪278‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫”ﻃﻠﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺡ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 5198‬ﻟﺒﺪﺀ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻭﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻟﲇ ﻓﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺒﺖ ﱄ ﺇﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻂ ﻳﺪ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫﻧﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻃﺮﺩﺕ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻟﻜﺜﺮﺓ ﺫﻧﻮﺑﻨﺎ ﻭﺃﺧﻄﺎﺋﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 5198‬ﻟﺒﺪﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﻼﺀ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻭﴎﻳﻌﺎ ﻹﴎﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺩﻭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﲈﺓ‬
‫‪38‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻋﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺑﻨﺖ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﳋﱪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺑﺘﺴﻠﻞ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‬
‫ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ–ﻟﻌﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ–ﻭﺑﴩﲠﻢ ﺍﳋﻤﺮ ﺑﺼﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎک ﴏﻳﺢ ﳊﺮﻣﺔ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﴏﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﺗﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫”ﺍﺟﺘﻤﻌﻮﺍ ﻭﺳﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺧﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺪﻭﺍ ﻧﺒﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﳉﺎﻣﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻠﺆﻭﺍ ﳎﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲡﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﳋﻤﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭ)ﺃﻣﻀﻮﺍ( ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻠﺔ )ﻳﴩﺑﻮﻥ ﺍﳋﻤﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺛﻤﻠﻮﺍ(‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺤﺒﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﮏ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻘﻲ ﻫﻨﺎک ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺛﻤﻼ ﻫﺎﺟﻌﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫‪39‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﺮﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎک‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﺪﻭﺍ‪“...‬‬
‫ﻭﻃﻐﺖ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺇﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻷﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﳞﻮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﲠﺎ ﺟﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﻫﺎ‪ 40،‬ﻭﺃﲨﻌﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪674‬ﻫـ‪1276/‬ﻡ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺧﻠﺼﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﳍﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪41‬‬
‫ﻧﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﺍﳌﴩﻗﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪،‬‬
‫‪ .38‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.7 ،‬‬
‫‪ .39‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.8 ،‬‬
‫‪ .40‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺟﻲ ﻟﻮﻃﻮﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺠﻲ ﻭﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻷﺧﴬ )ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪(1992،‬؛ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﳋﻤﻠﻴﴚ‪” ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ “،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﺔ ‪-28 :( 1987) 4‬‬
‫‪121‬؛ ‪.41-30 :( 1988) 5‬‬
‫”‪Henri Bressolette et Jean Delarozière, “ Fès Jdid de sa fondation en 1276 au milieu du XXème siècle,‬‬
‫‪Hespéris Tamuda XX-XXI (1982-83): 245-319. Henri Bressolette, “Naissance et évolution d’une ville‬‬
‫‪marocaine,” Hespéris Tamuda IV (1963): 227-229. Maurice Gaudefroy-Demombynes, “Marocain‬‬
‫‪mellah,” Journal Asiatique (1914): 651-658. Mohammed Kenbib, “Juifs dans une cité sainte de‬‬
‫‪l’Islam,” in Fès Médiévale: entre légende et histoire, un carrefour de l´Orient à l´apogée d´un rêve,‬‬
‫‪dir. Mohamed Mezzine, 166-175; Mohammed Mezzine, “Le sacré dans une cité maghrébine le cas de‬‬
‫‪Fès au temps du maraboutisme,” Revue de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaine Dhar el Mahraz‬‬
‫‪Fès 9 (1994): 45-53.‬‬
‫‪ .41‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﱪ ﻭﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﺪﺃ ﻭﺍﳋﱪ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﴏﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 7 .‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪654-653 ،(1959 ،‬؛ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﮏ=‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪279‬‬

‫ﻭﺗﺸﺪﺩ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺻﻠﺔ ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺎﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪763‬ﻫـ‪1361/‬ﻡ ﻣﻌﺴﻜﺮﺍ ﳉﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺭ￯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﻢ ”ﲪﺺ‪ “،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ 42.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺃی ﺩﺍﭬﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺱ)‪ ،(David Corcos‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﲈﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺟﺖ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﱪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺠﺔ ﺭﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ ﻗﻴﻞ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻹﺩﺭﻳﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ﻇﻞ ﳏﻔﻮﻇﺎ ﺑﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪841‬ﻫـ‪1437/‬ﻡ–ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﰱ ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫‪213‬ﻫـ‪828/‬ﻡ–ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻟﴩﻗﻲ ﺍﻷﻳﴪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﴩﻓﺎﺀ‪ 43.‬ﻭﺑﲈ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﴫﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺃﺿﺤﻰ ﴐﳛﺎ ﻭﳏﺠﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﲏ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﻰ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﻭﱄ‬
‫ﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻄﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺒﻌﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﭬﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﳛﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬﺋﺬ ﺑﺤﺰﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻕ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻳﻤﻨﻊ ﻋﲆ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺮ￯‬
‫‪44‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺠﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﻋﲆ ﻣﻘﺮﺑﺔ ﳑﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺪﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻠﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﳌﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻣﺪ￯ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺆﺭﺧﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﳌﺤﺪﺛﲔ ﰲ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﺴﻨﺘﲔ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻴﺘﲔ ﳘﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻫﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪764‬ﻫـ ‪1276/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫=ﺍﻷﺑﺼﺎﺭ ﰲ ﳑﺎﻟﮏ ﺍﻷﻣﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 4 .‬ﺍﻟﻌﲔ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﱰﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬
‫‪.111 ،(2001‬‬
‫‪ .42‬ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﲢﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺴﻜﺮ ﳉﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺭ￯ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻓﺮﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﻴﻠﻴﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪710‬ﻫـ ‪1310/‬ﻡ ﻭﺳﻨﺔ ‪726‬ﻫـ‪1325/‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪Louis Massignon, Le Maroc dans les premières années du XVIème siècle (Tableau géographique‬‬
‫‪d’après Léon L’Africain (Alger: pub. Mémoire de la Société Historique Algérienne, 1906), 227.‬‬
‫‪ .43‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺳﻠﻮﺓ ﺍﻷﻧﻔﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ”ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻘﲔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﱪ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻷﻳﴪ ﻟﻴﺼﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﰲ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﲔ ﻭﺛﲈﻧﻤﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺜﺮ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﻋﲆ ﻗﱪﻩ ﻭﺟﺴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺟﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﺪ ﻗﺪ ﺑﲆ ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﺒﻖ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳉﺴﺪ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻐﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﻸﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﮏ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻈﻢ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﲔ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺴﺪﻩ ﻛﲈ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺳﺘﲈﺋﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺛﲈﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﴩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﺎ‪ “.‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻮﺓ ﺍﻷﻧﻔﺎﺱ ﻭﳏﺎﺩﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﻤﻦ ﺃﻗﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﲈﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻠﺤﺎﺀ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﲏ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 1 .‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪.82-81 ،(2004 ،‬‬
‫‪44. “Les Juifs du Maroc et leurs Mellahs,” in Studies in the history of the Jews of Morroco, David‬‬
‫‪Corcos, ed. (Jérusalem: Rubin Mass, 1976), 74-75.‬‬
‫‪280‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻘﴤ ﺑﱰﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻜﻨﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺍﳌﺸﱰک ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺩﺭک ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ‬
‫ﺿﲈﻥ ﺃﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺳﻼﻣﺔ ﳑﺘﻠﻜﺎﲥﻢ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺪﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﴢ ﻹﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺼﺎﺑﻪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﻻ ﻣﻨﺎﺹ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﲣﺬﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻼﺣﻖ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻣﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﴩﻭﻉ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻭﺣﻰ ﺗﺰﺍﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﳊﺪﺛﲔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺭﺧﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺄﺧﺮ ﺯﻣﻨﺎ ﻃﻮﻳﻼ ﻟﺴﺒﺒﲔ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﲔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻋﱰﺍﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻋﲆ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﻢ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺯﻗﻬﻢ ﻭﻋﺒﺎﺩﲥﻢ ﻭﲪﻠﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺴﻜﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﻷﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻘﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ 45.‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ﻫﻮ ﺻﺨﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﲈﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻄﻴﺖ ﳍﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺷﮏ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ‪ 46،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻠﺰﻣﺖ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺛﻘﻴﻠﺔ‪ 47.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺝ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻮﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﻂ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻨﻤﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﻭﺍﲣﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻻ ﳊﺎﴐﺓ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺃﳖﺎ ﺿﺎﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺍﳍﺠﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮ￯ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺒﺎﻋﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻠﻮک ﺍﻹﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏ ﻭﺗﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺣﺮﻭﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﱰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﻀﻼ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺗﻀﺨﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﺨﺰﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﺔ ﺛﻘﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺬﻣﺮ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺃﻫﻞ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﺍﻷﴍﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﲈﺀ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑﻫﻢ‪ 48.‬ﻭﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺬﻟﮏ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺠﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻄﻮﺭﺍ ﰲ‬
‫‪ .45‬ﻟﻌﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ”ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻭﻣﺮﻳﻌﺎ“ ﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﲨﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﲈﺡ‪،‬‬
‫ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ‪.169 ،‬‬
‫‪ .46‬ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪:‬‬
‫‪Hicham Rguig, “Quand Fès inventait le Mellah,” in Maroc Médiéval, un empire de l’Afrique à‬‬
‫‪l’Espagne. Catalogue de l’exposition présentée au Musée du Louvre du 17 octobre 2014 au 19 janvier‬‬
‫‪2015. Sous la direction de Yannick Lintz et Bahija Simou. 452-454. Paris: Musée du Louvre, 2014.‬‬
‫‪” .47‬ﻭﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺍﻵﻥ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ )ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ( ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭﲪﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﲨﻴﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻠﻒ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻫﻈﺔ‪“.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.283 ،1.‬‬
‫‪ .48‬ﺗﺸﻜﮏ ﺃﴍﺍﻑ ﻓﺎﺱ ﰲ ﴍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻴﲔ ﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﺻﻮﳍﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﺓ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﲠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻠﺪﻭﲏ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻛﻤﻘﻮﻡ ﺃﺳﺎﳼ ﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺃﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﳊﻜﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪Mohammed Kably, Société, pouvoir et religion au Maroc à la fin du Moyen Age (Paris: Éditions‬‬
‫‪Maisonneuve & Larose, 1986).‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪281‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺬﺧﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﺻﺪﺭﻩ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﲣﺎﺫﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﴩ ﺳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪659‬ﻫـ‪1261/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺺ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺠﻼﺀ ﺍﳌﻴﻠﻴﺸﻴﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪” :‬ﻭﺃﺧﺮﺝ ﺃﺟﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺴﻜﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻭﺑﻨﻰ ﳍﻢ ﺣﻈﲑﺓ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﺃﺫﺍﻫﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ 49“.‬ﻭﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺫﻟﮏ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻗﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﻩ ﻟﺒﻮﺍﻋﺚ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﲔ ﻛﺘﺐ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻭﺭﺃ￯ ﺃﻣﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ )ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ( ﺃﻥ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺤﻞ ﻭﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺛﻖ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺗﺴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻏﺎﺷﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺍﻓﺪﻩ ﺭﺃ￯ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺘﻂ ﺑﻠﺪﺍ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻜﻨﺎﻩ ﰲ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﻭﻟﻴﺎﺋﻪ ﺍﳊﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﴎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺄﻣﺮ ﺑﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺼﻖ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ‪ 50“...‬ﻭﻳﻌﺰﺯﻩ ﻛﺬﻟﮏ ﻗﻮﻝ ﳑﺎﺛﻞ ﻻﺑﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﻨﺪ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺐ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺄﰐ‪” :‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻨﻰ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﻬﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﲣﺬﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﻪ ﻭﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﻴﺸﻪ ﻟﻴﻤﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﴬ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ 51“.‬ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻭﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺰﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳐﻄﻂ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪764‬ﻫـ‪1276/‬ﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺣﺪ￯‬
‫ﲡﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻝ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪841‬ﻫـ‪1438/‬ﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻧﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﲆ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻘﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻗﺪﻡ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻲ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪841‬ﻫـ‪1438/‬ﻡ‪ 52،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﲆ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻻ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺩﻟﻴﻼ ﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﳌﺴﺎﻛﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﳍﻢ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺪ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻴﺎ ﻭﻋﲆ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ .49‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﺧﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ‪.96 ،‬‬

‫‪ .50‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﱪ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.401 ،7 .‬‬
‫‪ .51‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺮﺭﺯﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﰲ ﻣﺂﺛﺮ ﻭﳏﺎﺳﻦ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺃﰊ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﻴﻐﲑﺍ )ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﴩﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﴩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ‪.116 ،(1981،‬‬
‫‪ .52‬ﺍﺭﺗﺄﻳﻨﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﲈﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻮﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻄﺄ ﻣﻄﺒﻌﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱰﲨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻰ‪1838 :‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﻝ ‪.1438‬‬
‫‪Y. D. Semach, “Une chronique juive de Fès: le Yahas Fès de Ribbi Abner Hassarfaty,” Hespéris XIX‬‬
‫‪(1934): 91.‬‬
‫‪282‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﺻﺔ )ﺃﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻣﻲ(‪ 53‬ﻭﺃﺧﻮﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺻﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺘﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﻘﲔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ 54.‬ﻭﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻠﺤﻖ ﲠﻢ ﺍﳌﻤﺘﻬﻨﲔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﰲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﻢ ﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍ‬
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‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻭﺻﻔﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺍﳌﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﲈﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﳏﺪﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺃﻣﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻃﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺧﱪ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﻼﻃﲔ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺷﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻄﺎﺵ ﰲ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪869‬ﻫـ‪1465/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﲆ‬
‫ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺴﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﴩﻗﻲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺳﻂ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺳﻢ ﰲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﱰﺍﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻭﺑﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻌﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﺀ ﺍﷲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺘﻠﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻔﻮﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﻓﻨﻮﻫﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻫﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺃﺧﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﺍ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻠﺤﻤﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﲨﻊ ﻛﺜﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﻗﺼﺪﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻓﻬﺎﲨﻮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
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‫ﻭﻗﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﲠﺎ ﻧﺎﺋﺒﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ‪869‬ﻫـ‪1465/‬ﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﻣﻼﺣﻬﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻮک ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮﻻ ﺃﳖﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺠﻤﻌﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﳌﺎ ﺃﻓﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺋﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺿﺒﻮﻥ–ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺿﺪﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻳﺎﻏﲇ ﻭﻣﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﴩﻓﺎﺀ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﲇ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﳉﻮﻃﻲ–‪ 57‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﺂﻻﻑ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﮏ ﲠﻢ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻮ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﴩﻳﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﺤﺎﺀ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬

‫‪ .53‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﻳﺐ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺃﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭﻗﺎﺻﺔ‪” :‬ﻻ ﻧﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭﻗﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺳﻢ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺪ￯ ﺟﺪﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﺍﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﺎﺻﺖ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﻭﺻﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﺯﻳﻐﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﺃﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻞ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ‪ “.‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻗﴡ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻂ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﲈﻋﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬
‫‪.262 ،(2012‬‬
‫‪ .54‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﱪ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.474-473 ،7 .‬‬
‫‪ .55‬ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.283 ،1 .‬‬
‫‪56. Robert Brunshvig, Deux récits de voyage inédits en Afrique du Nord au XVème siècle Abdalbasit‬‬
‫‪b. Kalil et Adorne (Paris: Éditions Larose, 1936), 53.‬‬
‫‪ .57‬ﺃﲪﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﴈ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺃﺳﲈﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ 1.‬ﻭ‪) 2‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﱰﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺩ‪.‬ﺕ‪ 128-127 ،(.‬ﻭ ‪.160-159‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪283‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺓ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﳌﺎ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﻔﻀﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﳏﻼﲥﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﲠﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﴪﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺻﻔﻮﻓﻬﻢ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺑﻜﺜﲑ ﳑﺎ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺳﻂ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ‪ 58.‬ﻭﻧﺠﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻳﺔ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺓ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﴩ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﲏ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﲔ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﳘﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﰲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺗﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﴩﻓﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻭﺃﻛﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻪ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ( ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ﳊﻴﺴﻦ ﻳﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺬ )ﺟﺒﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﴬﺍﺋﺐ(‪...‬ﺃﺧﺬ ﳊﻴﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﺃﺓ ﴍﻳﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻞ‬
‫‪59‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﺭﺏ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺎﺭ ﻳﴬﲠﺎ‪“...‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ﻓﻴﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻟﻠﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺮ￯ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺘﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺡ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺳﻂ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﻰ ﺑﻨﻌﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻣﺮ‬
‫‪60‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺴﺎﻍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﳋﱪ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﲈﻉ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎک ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺃﺧﺮ￯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﺸﻒ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﻂ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺛﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﺠﲆ‬
‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﺒﺖ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻻﺣﻖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﳛﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﳐﻄﻂ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺰﻝ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﴐ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺮ￯ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﴫ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻔﺬ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻼﻃﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺪﻳﲔ )ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪970‬ﻫـ‪1563-1562/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻣﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺇﺳﲈﻋﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1093‬ﻫـ‪1682/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻋﻤﻢ ﺑﺄﻣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺳﻠﻴﲈﻥ ﰲ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﺠﻢ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺯﳖﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1222‬ﻫـ‪1807/‬ﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﲏ ﻧﺺ ﻋﲆ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻓﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭﺗﲔ ﺳﻼ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ ﻭﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﻳﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺘﺠﲆ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺴﻴﻂ ﺍﳊﺎﺻﻞ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺬﺭﺍﺋﻊ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻧﱪﺓ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲡﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺠﺔ‬
‫‪ .58‬ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﱪﻳﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﳖﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪:‬‬
‫‪Meyer Kayserling, “Une persécution des juifs à Fez,” Revue des Etudes Juives (1899): 315-317.‬‬
‫‪ .59‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﴩ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﲏ ﻷﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﴩ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺠﻲ ﻭﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻖ )ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.193 ،(1996 ،‬‬
‫‪ .60‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.195 ،‬‬
‫‪284‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﻋﲆ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻇﻢ ﺑﺒﻨﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻹﺛﻨﻲ ﻋﴩ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺄﳖﻢ ﰲ ﺫﻟﮏ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﲡﺎﴎﻫﻢ ﻋﲆ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺣﺸﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﲡﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﴍﺍﻑ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﱪ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﺣﺎﻣﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﲢﺼﻴﻨﻪ ﳑﺎ ﺃﺻﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﺲ ﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺠﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﲡﺎﻫﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﴩﺏ ﺍﳋﻤﺮ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻸ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ 61.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﲈﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﺭﺍﺋﻊ ﺫﺍﲥﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺍﻗﱰﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭﲡﻤﻴﻌﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺣﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺟﻨﻮﰊ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺃﻏﲈﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺼﺒﺔ‪ 62،‬ﺑﴩﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺪﻱ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﳎﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺳﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺿﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﴍﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳊﴬﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﲈﻡ ﻭﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﲏ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﻤﺤﺎﺫﺍﺓ ﺻﻬﺮﻳﺞ ﻟﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺠﻤﻊ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻗﻴﻢ ﻋﲆ ﺃﺭﺽ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﳌﻘﱪﺓ ﳞﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﻫﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﻋﻠﲈﺀ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ )ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﴍﺍﻑ(‪ 63.‬ﻭﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﻴﺜﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﳑﺎﺛﻠﺔ؛ ﻭﺑﺤﺠﺔ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺜﲑﻫﺎ ﳎﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻋﻈﻢ ﺑﺘﻄﻮﺍﻥ‪-‬ﲢﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺳﻠﻴﲈﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺻﻼﺣﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻴﻪ‪-‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﱰﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻜﻨﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪﻩ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﳑﻠﻮک ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ 64.‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺳﻼ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﲇ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺗﱪﻳﺮﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻗﺔ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﴍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ”ﺳﺌﻤﻮﺍ ﳎﺎﻭﺭﲥﻢ ﻭﳐﺎﻟﻄﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻊ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ‬
‫‪65‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻉ ﻭﻋﻔﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺟﺒﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪“،‬‬
‫ﻓﻮﺿﻌﻮﺍ ﺧﻄﺔ ﳏﻜﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﲆ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺳﻠﻴﲈﻥ ﻭﲪﻠﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﻮﺥ ﳌﻄﻠﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬

‫‪ .61‬ﺍﳋﻤﻠﻴﴚ‪” ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪.121 “،‬‬

‫‪ .62‬ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﳋﻴﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺭﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Henri Koehler, “La Kasba saadienne,” Hespéris XVII (1940): 5.‬‬
‫‪ .63‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ ﺍﻹﻓﺮﺍﲏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﻫﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻮک ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺫﱄ )ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪.110 ،(1998 ،‬‬
‫‪ .64‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 3.‬ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﺪﻳﺔ ‪.238 ،(1962 ،‬‬
‫‪ .65‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﲇ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﲢﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻴﺰ ”ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭﺗﲔ“ )ﺳﻼ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﻴﺤﻴﺔ‪. 48 ،(1980 ،‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪285‬‬

‫ﺇﱃ ﺇﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﺣﺴﲔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻷﻋﻈﻢ‪ 66.‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻄﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻹﲢﺎﻑ ﰲ ﴍﺡ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﻄﺔ ﺑﲈ ﻳﲇ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻓﺎﺣﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺬﺍﻕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺠﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﳍﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﺷﱰ￯‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻗﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﲬﺮ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﺺ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﲆ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﺀ ﻭﴍﻋﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺻﻼﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻭﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ ‪ ...‬ﻭﻛﴪ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺒﺎﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻧﺎﺩ￯‪ :‬ﻣﻌﴩ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻤﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮﻭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺴﺎﺟﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺇﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﳋﻤﻮﺭ ﻭﺇﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﮏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﻌﺖ ﻷﻣﲑ‬
‫‪67‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﻣﻨﲔ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﲈﻥ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺳﻠﻴﲈﻥ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻮ￯‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﺠﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻌﻠﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺳﻼ ﺗﺰﺍﻣﻨﺖ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺟﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﻏﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺷﺎﺏ ﳞﻮﺩﻱ ﻻﻣﺮﺃﺓ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺰﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﰲ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﻓﻴﺎ‬
‫‪68‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﲠﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﺭﺍﺋﻊ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﺧﻔﺎﺀ ﻟﴫﺍﻉ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺣﺎﻩ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﲢﺠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﺋﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺪ￯‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺬﻣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻦ ﺗﺎﺷﻔﲔ ”ﺍﻓﱰﺽ )ﰲ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ ‪464‬ﻫـ‪1072/‬ﻡ( ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﺛﻘﻴﻠﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﺋﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﴩﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻴﻒ ﻋﲆ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﴩ ﺃﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ‪ 69“،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺷﮏ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺿﺨﻢ‬
‫ﰲ ﺫﻟﮏ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﻭﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻓﺤﺶ ﺛﺮﺍﺋﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻣﺘﻌﺎﺽ‬
‫ﲡﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺱ ﳑﺎ ﲤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻈﻮﺓ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺌﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺯﻣﺔ‬

‫‪ .66‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻴﻨﻴﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﴫ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﰲ‬
‫ﺑﻼﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺇﺳﲈﻋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺇﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺎﱄ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻨﻴﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻼ‬
‫)‪ ،(1800-1000‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺒﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﺃﻧﺲ ﻟﻌﻠﻮ )ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﴩ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ‪.73 ،(2001 ،‬‬
‫‪ .67‬ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﲢﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻴﺰ‪.48 ،‬‬
‫‪68. Joseph Goulven, “Esquisse historique sur les Mellahs de Rabat-Salé,” Bulletin de la Société de‬‬
‫‪Géographie commerciale de Paris (1922): 29; Jacques Caillé, La ville de Rabat jusqu’au protectorat‬‬
‫‪français (Paris: Éditions Van Oest, 1949), 324.‬‬
‫‪ .69‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﰲ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺲ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻟﻴﭭﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﭬﻨﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺱ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺝ‪) 4.‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩ‪.‬ﺕ(‪.23 ،‬‬
‫‪286‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﺍﲣﺬﻫﺎ ﺃﻣﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺣﻘﻬﻢ‪ 70.‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﳊﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﲈﻝ ﻋﻨﻒ ﻣﺘﻜﺮﺭﺓ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺫﺭﻭﲥﺎ ﰲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﲪﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﻬﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﳌﻐﻴﲇ )ﺕ‪909 .‬ﻫـ‪1505/‬ﻡ( ﲡﺎﻩ‬
‫ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺍﺕ ﻭﻧﻮﺍﺣﻴﻬﺎ‪ 71،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﲈ ﻛﺎﺑﺪﻭﻩ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﲆ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻳﺖ ﺇﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪ 72.‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﻋﲆ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻓﻀﻠﺖ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻋﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﻼﺥ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺠﺎﺯﻓﺔ ﺑﻔﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎﲥﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﻣﺰﺍﳞﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻔﻮﺗﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﻃﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻟﻊ ﰲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻟﻔﱰﺓ ﻏﲑ ﻗﺼﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﲈﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺍ ﻳﺴﻤﻮﻥ ﺑـ ”ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﲔ‪–“،‬ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ–ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﱪ￯‪ 73،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺠﻼﺀ ﺧﻔﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﳊﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﻟﻸﴍﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺴﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪ￯ ﺗﺴﱰﻩ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﴩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﲈ ﺗﻜﻤﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫‪74‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﻋﲆ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳍﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .70‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺼﺎﺭ‪ ” :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺒﻪ ﳍﻢ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ ﻓﻠﺒﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺸﻮﻥ ﻭﺷﻮﺵ ﺍﳌﺸﻮﺷﻮﻥ ﻭﺧﻮﻑ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺸﻮﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺄﺭﺟﺄ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﲆ ﳖﺎﻳﺔ ﺃﻣﺪ ﻋﺰﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻧﻜﺴﺘﻬﻢ ﺇﻥ ﺷﺎﺀ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺫﺭﻫﻢ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪) 571‬ﺍﳌﺤﻘﻖ‪ “.( 591‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‬
‫ﳎﻬﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺼﺎﺭ‪.202 ،‬‬
‫‪ .71‬ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﺕ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪Moїse Schwab, “Deux inscriptions hébraïques,” Revue des Etudes Juives (1904), 137. Simonne‬‬
‫‪Bakchine-Dumot, “Une inscription tumulaire hébraïque du Touat,” Revue des Etudes Juives (1979):‬‬
‫‪144.‬‬
‫‪ .72‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺷﻬﱪ‪” ،‬ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﱪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪ “،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﴩ ‪ ،1822-1727‬ﻧﺪﻭﺓ ﻧﻈﻤﺖ ﺑﺘﻄﻮﺍﻥ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ‪ 23-21‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪) ،1993‬ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﳍﺪﺍﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪.80-73 :(1994‬‬
‫‪ .73‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﱰﺑﲔ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻀﻄﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﻳﺐ ﻭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻨﻌﻠﺔ )ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ ﻧﺖ‪.(2013 ،‬‬
‫‪ .74‬ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﮔﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎ ﺃﺭﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺳﺪﻳﺲ‪:‬‬
‫”‪Mercedes Garcia-Arenal, “Les bildiyyin de Fès, un groupe de néo-musulmans d’origine juive,‬‬
‫‪Studia Islamica 66 (1987): 113-143.‬‬
‫‪287‬‬
‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬

‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ :2‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﱰﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﻔﺘﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﲏ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪288‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﺘﺒﲔ ﳑﺎ ﺳﻠﻒ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫)ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻊ( ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ )ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ(‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﲢﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﲑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺧﻄﻂ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩﲥﺎ ﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬
‫ﻛﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻗﺪ ﲤﺨﻀﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﴐﺓ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺇﺳﲈﻋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﳖﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍ ﺃﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺪ￯‬
‫ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺳﻠﻴﲈﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺃ￯ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺿﲈﻧﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻟﻠﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﰲ ﺗﺪﺑﲑ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺘﺌﺬ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺪﻭﰐ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻼ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﻳﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﰲ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺗﻠﮏ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﻭﻧﻤﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‬
‫ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻧﻌﺰﺍﻝ ﻋﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﳏﺼﻮﺭﺍ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ‬
‫ﳏﺪﺩ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﺌﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻓﻘﺪﺕ ﻭﻫﺠﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻗﴡ ﻭﱂ ﲤﺘﺪ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﳏﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﱂ ﻳﱰﺩﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺡ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺷﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺑﻪ ﰲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﳌﻐﺎﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﴩﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺣﻲ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻊ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺟﻨﻮﰊ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﻞ ﻳﴩﻑ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻈﻢ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻓﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﳛﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﲈﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﲈﻝ ﺍﻟﴩﻗﻲ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺧﺼﻴﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﺼﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﺃﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﲈﺭﻳﻦ‪ 75،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﱪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﴩﻕ ﺣﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﻭﻳﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﻧﺎﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻳﲔ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﻘﴫ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺒﻠﻎ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ﲬﺲ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺰﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﺘﺪ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ‪ 95‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﺗﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﳊﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﻪ ﻋﲆ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺒﻌﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻤﺘﺪ ﻋﲆ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﱰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﴤ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ )ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻳﲔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ( ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻨﺪﺓ‬

‫‪ .75‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﲈﺭﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻣﺮﻳﲔ‪ .‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳌﴩﰲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﻠﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻠﻮک ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻬﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺇﺩﺭﺑﺲ ﺑﻮﻫﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 2.‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺃﰊ ﺭﻗﺮﺍﻕ‪.200 ،(2015 ،‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪289‬‬

‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﺘﺒﻖ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺳﻮ￯ ﺃﻃﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ )ﳊﻤﺮ(‪.‬‬
‫‪76‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﻘﺴﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺷﻄﺮﻳﻦ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺷﻄﺮ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻳﻘﻊ ﺷﲈﻝ ﻏﺮﰊ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻮﺧﺼﻴﺼﺎﺕ؛ ﻭﻳﻀﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺨﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﴩﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﻣﺜﺎﳍﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﳞﻮﺩﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﺼﺎﻧﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﴣ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﱪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻪ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1076‬ﻫـ‪1665/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻤﺖ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻼﺣﻖ ﻋﲆ‬
‫ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ 77،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﻤﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻀﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ‬
‫‪78‬‬
‫)‪ ،(Ch. de Foucault‬ﺻﻴﻒ ‪ 1883‬ﻋﻨﺪ ﺣﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺷﻄﺮ ﺛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻊ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﰊ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺘﴩ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻟﻪ ﳏﻼﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻛﺎﻛﲔ ﲡﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺠﺰﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﲈﺓ‬
‫ﺑـ”ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺭﻧﺔ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺤﻲ ﻓﻴﲈ ﻣﴣ ﻣﻨﻔﺬ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﲈﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﲈ ﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺴﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﲑ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﳊﲈﻳﺘﻪ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﲇ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﲢﺼﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﱪﺟﲔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻄﻼﻉ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ﳍﲈ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺣﺮﺱ ﳚﻬﺰﻩ ﺍﳌﺨﺰﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﴢ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺟﺎﺀ‬
‫ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﲈﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ )‪ (1790-1757‬ﺗﻌﻴﲔ ﻗﺎﺋﺪ ﻭﻗﺎﺽ ﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ ﺣﻴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻵﰐ‪” :‬ﻻ ﻟﻴﺲ‬

‫‪ .76‬ﱂ ﻳﻘﻒ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺷﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺗﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﱰﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﲈﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﴪﺣﺎ ﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺩﻣﻮﻳﺔ ﻳﻮﻣﻲ ‪ 19-17‬ﺃﺑﺮﻳﻞ ‪ ،1912‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺃﺳﺒﻮﻋﲔ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ ﻭﲤﺮﺩ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﲬﺪﲥﺎ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻟﻠﻘﺼﻒ ﻭﳖﺒﺖ ﳑﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻔﻴﻆ ﺑﻨﻘﻠﻬﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪﺍﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫”ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﺑﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ‪ “،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﻋﲈﻝ ﻣﻬﺪﺍﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﻮﲏ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.83-55 ،(2002 ،‬‬
‫‪Jacques Hubert, Les journées sanglantes de Fès (Paris: Librairie Chapelot, 1913); Louis Mercier,‬‬
‫‪“Souvenirs des massacres de Fez,” France Maroc (1916): 11-17.‬‬
‫‪ .77‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.42 ،‬‬
‫‪ .78‬ﺭﻭﺟﻲ ﻟﻮﻃﻮﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ‪.159 ،‬‬
‫‪290‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﳜﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺫﻫﺒﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻜﻢ ]ﺳﺎﳌﲔ[‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﺔ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﺳﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻠﮏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﻼﻟﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻗﻮﺍﺩ ﳊﺮﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ]ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ[‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﮏ ﺃﺭﺳﻞ‬
‫ﺇﺛﻨﻲ ﻋﴩ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﺍ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﻋﻼﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻟﻴﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ 79“.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺷﱰﻁ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﺍﳉﲈﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺭﺩ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﳞﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ”ﻳﻌﻄﻮﻥ ﳊﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﳊﻮﻣﺔ ]ﺍﳌﻼﺡ[ ﻣﺎﺋﺔ ﺃﻭﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫‪80‬‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﮏ‪“.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻭﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺟﻲ ﻟﻮﻃﻮﺭﻧﻮ ﰲ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻋﻨﺪ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻐﻠﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻔﺘﺎﺣﻪ ﺇﱃ ﳞﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻔﺘﺤﻪ ﰲ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺄﰐ ﺍﳊﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ‪“.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﺳﻬﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻲ ﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻻ ﳚﺐ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﹸﻳﻐﻔﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺃﺧﺮ￯ ﺍﺿﻄﻠﻊ ﲠﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺳﻨﺪﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺑﺈﻏﻼﻕ ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺃﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺫﻣﺔ‪ 82.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﺭﺩ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺃﻥ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1116‬ﻫـ‪1704/‬ﻡ‪” :‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﳼ ﺍﳊﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﻮﺱ ﻭﻣﻌﻪ ﳼ ﻋﻼﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﺯﻁ ﳉﻤﻊ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻗﻔﻞ ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‬
‫)ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺒﺾ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ 83“.‬ﻛﲈ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﰲ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﺃﻥ‬

‫‪ .79‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.73 ،‬‬

‫‪ .80‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.20 ،‬‬
‫‪ .81‬ﻟﻮﻃﻮﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ‪.394 ،‬‬
‫‪ .82‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺯﺭﻉ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺬﺧﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﴏﻑ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺬﻫﺐ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺃﻥ ﲨﻊ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺔ ﺷﻜﻞ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻳﻌﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺰﻥ ﻭﺃﻋﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﺒﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺰﻉ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻇﻬﲑ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﱃ ﺍﺳﲈﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﺺ ﻋﲆ ﺇﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺔ ﻋﲆ ﳞﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺑﻦ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺃﺩﺭﺍﻕ )ﺕ‪1159 .‬ﻫـ‪1746/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻒ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ” :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﺳﲈﻩ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻋﺰ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﺪ ﺧﺪﻳﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﺟﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﳊﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺃﺩﺭﺍﻕ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ ﻭﻗﻮﺗﻪ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﺃﻧﻌﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﲈﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻃﻨﲔ ﺑﻤﻼﺡ ﻣﻜﻨﺎﺳﺔ ﺣﺮﺳﻬﺎ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺩﻧﺎ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ‪ ...‬ﺇﻋﺎﻧﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺼﺪﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﺘﻨﺎ ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ ﺑﺎﷲ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻪ ﻭﴍﻳﻒ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺇﻧﻌﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﳋﲑ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﻭﻣﺎﺋﺔ ﻭﺃﻟﻒ )‪1725‬ﻡ(؛“ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ‬
‫ﺯﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﺧﲑﺓ‪162 ،‬؛ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺰﻉ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﰲ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺇﺳﲈﻋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺯﻱ )ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺇﺩﻳﺎﻝ‪.87 ،(1993 ،‬‬
‫‪ .83‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.60 ،‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪291‬‬

‫ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﻬﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺣﻮﻣﺎﲥﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺑﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻛﻠﲈ ﺍﻗﱰﺑﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺇﻻ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﻔﻌﺖ ﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﻛﺬﻟﮏ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﲈﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﱰ ﺍﳌﺮﺑﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﱪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪ￯ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻗﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺚ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﲈ ﳜﺺ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﳖﺎ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻣﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ‬
‫ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻟﺴﺎﻛﻨﺔ ﳞﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺻﺪ ﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﰲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻂ ﲤﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻲ ﻣﻊ ﳏﻴﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻭﲡﺴﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﱪ￯‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﺑﺘﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺣ ﱢﻴﺰ ﳎﺎﱄ ﰲ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻳﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻜﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻤﺘﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﺑﲑ ﺷﺆﻭﳖﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺗﺪﺧﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺑﲈ ﺿﺎﻗﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻓﺌﺎﲥﺎ ﺑﻤﲈﺭﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﱪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺠﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳉﻬﺮ ﺑﴩﺏ ﺍﳋﻤﺮ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﺦ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺑﻮﺍﻕ ﺇﻋﻼﻧﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺖ ﻭﳖﺎﻳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﺑﺎﻷﻋﻴﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺎﺣﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻟﻸﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﱰﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﺑﺘﻬﺎﻻﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻃﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﴩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﳌﻐﺰ￯ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺎﺀ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪” :‬ﺇﳖﺎ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﻧﺲ‪ 85“.‬ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺭﺍک ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻰ ﳑﺎ ﺳﻄﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻜﱪﻳﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﴐ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻓﻤﻠﻮک ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻄﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﳚﻨﺒﻮﳖﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﰲ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻼﻓﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺀ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻳﻘﻊ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺒﺐ ﻗﻼﻗﻞ ﺗﻔﴤ‬

‫‪ .84‬ﻳﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻨﻮﻃﺔ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﻃﺎﺭﺋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﺟﺬﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺮﺭﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻨﻔﺬﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻋﲈﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺧﺼﻴﺼﺎﺕ ﻋﱪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪Susan Gilson Miller, “The Mellah of Fez: Reflections on the Spatial Turn in Moroccan Jewish‬‬
‫‪History,” in Jewish Topographies; Visions of Space, Traditions of Place. Julia Brauch, Anna Lipphardt‬‬
‫‪and Alexandra Nocke ed. (London: Ashgate, 2008), 103-105.‬‬
‫‪85. Joseph Toledano, L’esprit du Mellah (Jérusalem: Éditions Ramstel, 1986), 4.‬‬
‫‪292‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﲢﻤﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﴬﺑﻮﺍ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺳﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﺑﻨﻮﺍ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﺎ‬
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‫ﻳﺄﻭﳞﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﲔ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻴﺎﲥﻢ ﻭﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﺃﻣﻮﺍﳍﻢ ﻭﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺛﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﻷﺛﺮ ﻋﲆ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻤﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺘﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻷﺭﺍﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﻠﻮﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺃﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻷﳖﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﺰﺍ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻹﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﺳﻊ ﺃﻓﻘﻲ ﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﲏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻼﺣﻖ ﺍﳍﺠﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻮﻏﺮﺍﰲ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ ﻣﻌﲈﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﴐﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺿﺎﺀﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻓﺬ‬
‫ﺧﺸﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﻭﴍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﺯﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻓﺮﺿﺖ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺃﻭ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺿﻢ ﺃﺭﺍﴈ‬
‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺙ ﺫﻟﮏ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﺋﻴﺔ ﻻﻳﺖ ﺇﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1084‬ﻫـ‪1668/‬ﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﺈﺧﻼﺀ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻃﻤﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﳌﻬﺎ‪ 87،‬ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ ﳞﻤﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻮﺍﺝ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﳖﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺭﺥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺅﻭﻝ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﻭﺡ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪” :‬ﻭﺃﺗﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﮏ ﰲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 5428‬ﻟﺒﺪﺀ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻘﺔ‪ 88“.‬ﻭﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻮﺃﻝ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﺣﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﺭﻓﻖ ﻧﺺ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪” :‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﺛﻼﺛﻤﺌﺔ ﺑﻌﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺖ‪ 89“.‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﻴﺰ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺺ ﻭﻗﺘﺌﺬ ﻗﺪ ﻋﺠﺰ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺣﺘﻢ ﲣﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﻴﻂ ﺑﺎﳊﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺫﻟﮏ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻌﺘﲔ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﲔ ﺑﺎﳊﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .86‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﱂ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪) 2 .‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪.132 ،(1962 ،‬‬
‫‪ .87‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ )ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪،(1988 ،‬‬
‫‪.254-252‬‬
‫‪ .88‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.43 ،‬‬
‫‪ .89‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪293‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺻﻼﺓ ﺷﻠﻮﻣﻮ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻨﺪﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺴﺐ ﺑﻨﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1091‬ﻫـ‪1680/‬ﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺪﻋﻮ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺃﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﺋﻴﺔ ﻵﻳﺖ ﺇﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻨﺪﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﺮ￯ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﴩﻗﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺰﺀ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺸﻐﻞ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺑﺮﺍﺝ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻻﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳊﻲ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﴩﻗﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ :1‬ﺻﻼﺓ ﺷﻠﻮﻣﻮ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻞ ﳏﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮ￯‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻘﻀﻢ ﺃﺭﺍﴈ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻋﱪ ﲤﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺆﺭﺥ ﺑﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﺼﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻘﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﺑﺈﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﳊﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺗﺮﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﻗﴪﺍ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺼﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﴩﺍﺭﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ‬
‫ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺡ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﳖﺎ ﻻ ﲤﺜﻞ‬
‫ﰲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺳﻮ￯ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﳖﺪﻣﺖ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺃﻋﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺃﺭﺍﴈ ﺷﺎﺳﻌﺔ ﲢﻮﻟﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺴﺎﺗﲔ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﺋﻖ‪ 90.‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺫﻟﮏ ﻛﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺍﳉﲈﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﺄﻣﲔ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﱰﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫‪ .90‬ﺳﲈﺡ‪ ،‬ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ‪.172 ،‬‬

‫‪294‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﺍﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﺤﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﺻﻼﺣﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻰ ﻟﺰﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺠﺘﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﮏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻩ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﻜﻔﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﱰﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﲆ ﻧﻔﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺪﻡ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺯﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻳﲇ‪” :‬ﻭﴍﻋﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪ ﰲ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺜﻐﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ )ﺍﳌﻼﺡ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻐﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫‪91‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﻭﺍﻷﺑﻮﺍﺏ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺠﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺎﺭ )‪ ،(Nicolas Clénard‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻣﴣ ﻭﻗﺘﺎ‬
‫ﻃﻮﻳﻼ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪947‬ﻫـ‪1540/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﻢ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺁﻻﻑ ﻧﺴﻤﺔ ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺛﲈﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪ 92.‬ﻛﲈ ﺣﻔﻈﺖ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﺎﺕ ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﺫﻛﺮﻫﺎ ﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ‪:‬‬
‫‪93‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﲔ ﻧﺎﻫﻮﻥ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪992‬ﻫـ‪1584/‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪94‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﱪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺍﳌﻮﺳﻨﻴﻨﻮ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1021‬ﻫـ‪1612/‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺑﻮﺡ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﱪ￯ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫‪95‬‬
‫‪1021‬ﻫـ‪1612/‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪96‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﳏﺎﺫﻳﺔ ﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1025‬ﻫـ‪1616/‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺛﲈﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻴﻊ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1056‬ﻫـ‪1616/‬ﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻟﻔﱰﺓ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻻﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺗﺒﺎﻋﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﻠﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺇﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﺑﺰﺭﺩﻳﻞ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺳﻌﺪﻳﺔ ﺭﺑﻮﺡ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﰐ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬
‫‪97‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﻮﺭﺍﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺣﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻋﻮﺯﻳﻴﻞ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .91‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.91 ،‬‬

‫‪92. Roger Le Tourneau, “Notes sur les lettres latines de Nicolas Clénard relatant son séjour au‬‬
‫‪royaume de Fès 1540-1541,” Hespéris XIX (1934): 52.‬‬
‫‪ .93‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.15 ،‬‬
‫‪ .94‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.21 ،‬‬
‫‪ .95‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .96‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.32 ،‬‬
‫‪ .97‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.37-34 ،‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪295‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﴩ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺇﺛﺮ ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﴪﻱ ﺑﻘﺼﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﴩﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺼﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﺻﻼﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺑﺎﺩﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﺣﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺩﺑﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩ ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻫﻦ ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻡ )ﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﺇﻟﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﴪﻓﺎﰐ( ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﻋﺒﻮ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺷﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺯ )ﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺑﺎﻁ( ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﻋﲈﻧﻮﻳﻞ ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﺇﻟﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﴪﻓﺎﰐ )ﺻﻼﺓ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﺴﻴﻨﻜﻮ( ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺃﺑﻨﺴﻮﺭ )ﺻﻼﺓ ﻳﻌﺒﻴﺘﺰ(‬
‫ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ ﳞﻮﺩﺍ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ )ﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﰊ‬
‫‪98‬‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﺗﻴﺎ ﴎﻳﺮﻭ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲡﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺪﻟﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﺳﲈﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻃﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻋﲆ ﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﲥﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑـ ”ﺍﻟﺼﻼ“ ﻭﲨﻌﻬﺎ ”ﺍﻟﺼﻼﻭﺍﺕ‪ “،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻃﻘﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﲈ ﺷﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﱪﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﲈﻝ ﻛﻠﲈﺕ ﺭﺩﻳﻔﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻨﻮﻏﺔ ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺲ‬
‫)ﺍﳍﻜﻨﺴﺖ(‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻊ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﲠﺎ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﻣﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﲠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻣﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﳑﻦ ﺗﻜﻔﻠﻮﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻣﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻓﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺴ ﹶﲈﲥﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﲈﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻌﺪ￯‬‫ﻃﺒﻌﺖ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﻻﻻﲥﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺑﻮﻧﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﴫﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﺪﺓ ﻟﺒﻴﻊ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻨﻔﲔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﻊ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﻣﻠﻜﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﲈﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺛﻢ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺣﻴﺎﺯﲥﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﳑﻦ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻋﲆ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺄﻛﺪ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﲨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ‬
‫‪99‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﳖﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﴩ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻀﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻓﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺗﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﲔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ‪ 100،‬ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻋﱰﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﲈﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﳑﻦ ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﰲ ﺗﻜﺎﺛﺮﻫﺎ ﺇﺿﻌﺎﻓﺎ ﻟﺴﻠﻄﺘﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻠﻴﺼﺎ ﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﱰﺩﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺒﺒﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .98‬ﺳﲈﺡ‪ ،‬ﳛﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺱ‪.166-165 ،‬‬
‫‪99. Shlomo Deshen, Les gens du Mellah, traduit par Janine Gdalia (Paris: Éditions Albin Michel, 1991),‬‬
‫‪156-157.‬‬
‫‪ .100‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.88 ،‬‬
‫‪296‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﺃﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﱰﺍﺽ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﳏﺘﻮ￯ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﳎﻠﺲ ﲨﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1132‬ﻫـ‪1720/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﺑﻤﻨﻊ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫‪101‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﺑﺬﻟﮏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﻰ ﰲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍک ﲤﺎﻫﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻴﻊ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﲏ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻝ ﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﻹﺣﺪ￯ ﻏﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻷﺣﺪ ﻃﻮﺍﺑﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺼﻼﺓ ﺍﳉﲈﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﴩﺓ ﺃﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﲔ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ )‪ 13‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﻓﲈ ﻓﻮﻕ(‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﺀ ﻣﻐﻠﻖ ﻳﺘﻤﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ”ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻞ“ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﲢﻔﻆ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻔﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭ”ﻃﺒﺎ)ﻩ(“ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻆ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺼﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻼﻭﺓ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻨﺎ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﲈﻫﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻈﻞ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﻧﻘﻒ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﻻﻫﺘﲈﻡ ﺍﳌﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﻡ ﲠﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻘﻮﺱ ﻭﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺎﻁ ﲠﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﲈﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻨﲔ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﻞ ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﺪﻣﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﻋﲆ ﲡﻨﺐ ﺗﺮک ﺍﳊﺒﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺭﺏ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺮﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺇﺭﺍﺩﲥﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔ ﻧﺰﻋﺖ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻼﺡ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺇﺑﺎﻥ ﺇﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﺋﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﲥﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ )ﺳﻠﻢ( ”ﺍﻟﻮﱄ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 5413‬ﻟﺒﺪﺀ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻘﺔ )‪1056‬ﻫـ‪1646/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ ﻋﴩ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺃﺭﺳﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻳﺄﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﺘﺤﻄﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺡ‪ ...‬ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﴩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ﻫﺪﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺫﻧﻮﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺷﺎﺑﻴﻢ ]ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ[‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ﻫﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﮕﻮﺭﺍﺷﻴﻢ ]ﺍﳌﻬﺠﺮﻳﻦ[“‪ 102.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳍﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﻧﻴﺲ ﻗﺪ ﻧﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﺔ ﺑﻴﻊ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺭﺍﺓ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺇﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺃﺑﺰﺭﺩﻳﻞ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺣﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻋﻮﺯﻳﻴﻞ‪ 103.‬ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻛﲈ ﻳﺴﺘﺸﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻨﺤﺴﺎﻳﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪،‬‬

‫‪ .101‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.166 ،‬‬
‫‪ .102‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪. 34 ،‬‬
‫‪ .103‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.37-36 ،‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪297‬‬

‫ﺇﺫ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻬﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﻧﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻭﻣﻦ‬
‫‪104‬‬
‫ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺎﲥﺎ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺳﻄﺒﻼﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ :2‬ﺍﳌﻴﻌﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺼﺼﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺃﺭﺍﴈ ﻣﻘﱪﲥﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﴩﻓﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻴﲈ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻨﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﲠﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻼﺡ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﳊﲈﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﻻﺋﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻴﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪ￯ ﺧﻀﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﳊﻲ ﻟﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﺴﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺧﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺛﲑ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1252‬ﻫـ‪1837-1836/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ )‪ (1859-1822‬ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻃﻠﺒﺎ ﺭﻓﻌﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻠﺘﻤﺴﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﲤﻜﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﲪﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﻼﺣﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺸﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﰲ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻤﻦ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭﺃﻏﲈﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ 105،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺭﺃﻳﲔ‪:‬‬

‫‪104. David Kaufman, “Une élégie de David b. Aron Ibn Hossein sur les souffrances des juifs du‬‬
‫‪Maroc en 1790,” Revue des Etudes Juives (1898): 122.‬‬
‫‪ .105‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻼﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻤﻦ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭﺃﻏﲈﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺝ‪) 6 .‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪.263-256 ،(2001 ،‬‬
‫‪298‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﳉﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳍﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻫﻮﲏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﴈ ﺻﻔﺮﻭ ﺛﻢ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1247‬ﻫـ‪1831/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﺘﻮ￯‬
‫ﺃﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺒﻬﺎ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﳏﺘﺠﺎ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺑﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺮﺩ ﻧﺺ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﴏﻳﺢ ﰲ ﲢﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﳊﲈﻡ ﰲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﴐﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳊﴬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﲈﺡ ﳍﻢ‬
‫‪106‬‬
‫ﺑﺈﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﴏ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﳋﻤﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﳊﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﴈ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ‪ 107،‬ﺇﺫ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﲪﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺣﻴﻬﻢ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻇﻢ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺬﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻜﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﴐﲠﲈ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺇﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﴍﺓ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﻃﺮﺓ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻭﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﲥﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﺑﺈﺣﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﻓﺘﺎﺀ ﰲ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻟﺘﺰﻛﻴﺔ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺳﻬﺐ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﻭ￯ ﺃﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺼﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﺒﻪ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻜﺮﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺜﻴﺎﺏ‬
‫‪108‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻓﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﴈ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﲨﻴﻊ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻓﺎﺱ ﳑﻦ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺅﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﻟﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻮﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﺮﻧﻴﴘ ﻭﻣﻮﻻﻱ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻮﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺸﺎﻭﲏ ﺍﳊﺴﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﴩﻳﻒ ﺍﳊﺴﻨﻲ ﻭﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﳼ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻫﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﲈ ﻟﻠﻔﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﱰﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﻨﲔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪:‬‬

‫‪106. Paul Paquinon, “Quelques documents sur la condition des juifs au Maroc,” Revue du Monde‬‬
‫‪Musulman 9 (1909): 116-118.‬‬
‫‪ .107‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﳊﺴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻱ )ﺕ‪1272 .‬ﻫـ‪1855/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﻮﺭﻳﻦ‬
‫ﰲ ﻋﴫﻩ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧﺬ ﻋﻦ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻃﻰ ﻟﻺﻓﺘﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻛﲈ ﺗﻮﱃ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺑﺴﺠﻠﲈﺳﺔ ﻭﻧﻮﺍﺣﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﱃ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳉﲈﻋﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺗﲔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪1240‬ﻫـ‪1884/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻻﻩ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪1247‬ﻫـ‪1831/‬ﻡ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺰﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻘﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻟﺪ￯ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺑﻨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﲈ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ ﻟﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺗﻠﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﻔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.118-117 ،1.‬‬
‫‪108. Paquinon, “Quelques documents,” 116-128.‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪299‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻫﻦ )ﺕ‪1284 .‬ﻫـ‪1867/‬ﻡ( ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﱰﺩﺩ‬

‫ﺍﳌﺆﺭﺧﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﺝ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﲔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺤﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺑﺄﺳﲈﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﴩﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﮏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻮﺗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻﺣﻘﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺴﻌﻨﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺄﺣﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﲈﺀ ﺷﻴﻮﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺟﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﲤﻠﻴﮏ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪ ﻭﺇﺩﻣﺎﺟﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺟﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺒﺨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ‬
‫ﺟﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺇﺳﲈﻋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﻣﻼﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺒﺴﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻠﮏ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1121‬ﻫـ‪1709/‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼ ﻳﺴﱰﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱠ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﳌﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﴩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻴﺶ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺄ ﰲ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻩ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﲈﻡ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳏﺾ ﻛﲈﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﺰﻣﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﻏﺘﺴﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻬﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﴍﲥﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ 109.‬ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ”ﺍﳌﻴﻜﭭﻲ‪ “،‬ﺍﳊﲈﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﳼ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﻗﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻛﻤﺮﻓﻖ ﺃﻭﺟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺳﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎ ﳌﺎ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﴩﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ 110،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻨﻮﻃﺔ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﲡﺴﺪﻫﺎ ﻃﻘﻮﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻟﻠﺴﺒﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻋﻴﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻀﲑ ﻟﻠﺰﻓﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻏﺘﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﳊﻴﺾ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﺎﺱ‪ 111.‬ﻭﳌﺰﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻀﻴﻒ ﻧﺼﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﲈﺭﺳﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﺫ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻘﻠﻢ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ ﳑﻦ ﻋﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﺘﻪ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻘﺼﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﴩﺍﺭﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﲇ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .109‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.116-115 ،‬‬
‫‪ .110‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻴﻜﭭﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻻ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﲈﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎﺋﺪﺍﺗﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪Deshen, Les gens du Mellah, 221.‬‬
‫‪ .111‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳊﲈﻡ ﴍﻋﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺘﻮﻱ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎﺀ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺟﺴـﺪ ﺍﻣـﺮﺃﺓ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺄﰐ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻋﲔ ﺃﻭ ﻭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺒﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﴩﻉ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﻰ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﲪﺎﻡ ﻃﻘﻮﳼ‪.‬‬
‫‪Haïm Zafrani, Deux mille ans de vie juive au Maroc (Paris: Eddif, 1998), 221.‬‬
‫‪300‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫”ﻭﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﺃﻗﻮﻝ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺔ ]ﺍﻟﻐﻄﺲ[ ”ﻃﻴﺒﺔ“ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﰐ‬

‫ﻛﻦ ﻳﺬﻫﺒﻦ ﻟﻠﻐﻄﺲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﳚﺘﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﳌﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﻤﺖ ﻭﲨﻌﺖ ]ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﻮﻋﲔ[ ﻭﺑﻨﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺻﻬﺮﳚﺎ ﻟﻠﲈﺀ ﻳﻤﻸ ﺑﲈﺀ ﺍﳌﻄﺮ ﻭﳌﺎ ﻗﻞ ﺍﳌﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻦ‬
‫‪112‬‬
‫ﻳﻐﺘﺴﻠﻦ ﺑﻪ‪“.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﲢﻘﻖ ﺭﻭﺟﻴﻪ ﻟﻮﻃﻮﺭﻧﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﲪﺎﻣﲔ ﻃﻘﻮﺳﻴﲔ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻬﲈ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ‪ 113.‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﳌﺜﲑ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 1997‬ﻋﲆ ”ﻣﻴﻜﭭﻲ“ ﺑﻤﺤﺎﺫﺍﺓ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﴩﻗﻲ ﻟﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺷﻠﻮﻣﻮ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﳊﻔﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﺒﺖ ﺃﻋﲈﻝ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺤﺘﻀﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺒﻮ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﻔﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻆ‪ ،‬ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﻋﱪ ﺍﺛﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻋﴩ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻮﺽ ﺻﻐﲑ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﺼﻠﻪ ﺍﳌﺎﺀ ﻋﱪ ﳎﺮ￯ ﲢﺖ ﺃﺭﴈ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ‬
‫ﳛﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻪ ﻛﺤﲈﻡ ﻃﻘﻮﳼ ﺑﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻫﻮﲏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﴪﺏ ﻧﻘﻤﺔ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﻋﲇ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﱄ‬
‫)ﺕ‪1258 .‬ﻫـ‪1842/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ 114،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﱰﺩﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻻﺫﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﲈ ﺇﻳﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﳉﻬﻞ ﻭﺍﳊﻤﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺻﻒ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺄﳖﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﺎﻓﺘﺔ ﻭﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ‬
‫ﲨﻠﺔ ﻭﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼ ﻟﻸﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﺑﻄﺔ‪ 115.‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻘﻒ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻫﻮﲏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﴣ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪ 116.‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻣﴩﻭﻉ ﺍﳊﲈﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﰲ ﳖﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﳉﲈﻋﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻭﺉ ﻹﻧﺸﺎﺋﻪ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﺟﺪﺩ ﳞﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﻌﺎﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ 1898‬ﻟﺪ￯ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺟﺪﻭ￯‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺫﺍﲥﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻘﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺫﻟﮏ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 1865‬ﻃﻠﺐ ﳑﺎﺛﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺛﺮﻳﺎﺀ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻳﺮﺓ ﺑﻤﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻨﺼﻞ‬
‫‪117‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .112‬ﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.92 ،‬‬
‫‪ .113‬ﻟﻮﻃﻮﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ‪.273 ،‬‬
‫‪ .114‬ﺗﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺟﺎﺯ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﳌﺎ ﻭﻓﺪﻭﺍ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﲔ ﺫﻟﮏ‪ ،‬ﻛﲈ ﻛﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺜﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.233 ،2.‬‬
‫‪115. Paquinon, “Quelques documents,” 118-119.‬‬
‫‪ .116‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻤﻦ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.260 ،6.‬‬
‫‪ .117‬ﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻮﮔﺎﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻳﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺛﺮﻳﺔ )ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺃﰊ ﺭﻗﺮﺍﻕ‪.327 ،(2006 ،‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪301‬‬

‫ﻭﺗﻘﻊ ﺍﳌﻴﻌﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﴩﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻋﲆ ﺇﺣﺎﻃﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻔﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﺰﳍﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﺍﳉﲈﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻘﱪﺓ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﮕﻴﺴﺔ ﻳﺪﻓﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﴣ ﻧﺤﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺟﺢ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﮏ ﻫﻲ ﺿﲈﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﲡﻨﺐ ﺗﻔﴚ ﺍﻷﻭﺑﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﲔ ﻇﻬﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻭﺃﳖﺎ ﻓﺘﻜﺖ ﺑﺄﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫‪118‬‬
‫ﻛﺜﲑﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳌﺎ ﺑﺪﺕ ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﳖﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﺎﺳﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﻴﺸﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ 119،‬ﻓﻼ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺲ ﺑﺤﺮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻌﺎﺽ ﳞﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﻭﺷﻌﻮﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺒﻦ ﻭﺍﳍﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺟﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﺣﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﴏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﺟﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺤﻔﺮ ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ”ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﺠﺎﺭﲥﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﲆ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺻﻮﻣﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ 120 “،‬ﺇﺫ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻳﲇ‪:‬‬
‫”ﻭﻧﺒﺸﻮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﱢ ﻳﻘﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼﺀ ﻭﺃﻋﻴﻨﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻈﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺬﻫﺐ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺒﺘﲔ )ﲬﺴﺔ ﻋﴩ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ( ﻭﻛﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻊ ﻗﺎﺋﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺒﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﲈﺟﻢ ﻭﺃﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺃﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺗﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﻌﺜﺮﺓ‪ ...‬ﻭﺃﻋﺪﺩﻧﺎ ﺣﻔﺮﺓ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﻴﺴﺔ ﻭﺩﻓﻨﺎ ﺗﻠﮏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺎک‪ ...‬ﻭﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﻴﻴﻨﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﺍ‬
‫‪121‬‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑﺍ ﻭﺑﻜﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﺀ ﻛﺜﲑﺍ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﴩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻨﺎ‪“.‬‬

‫‪ .118‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺃﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺒﺰﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻷﻭﺑﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺠﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﴩ )ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.(1992 ،‬‬
‫‪ .119‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺇﳊﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻋﲆ ﲤﻠﮏ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻹﻗﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺗﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺜﻬﺎ ﺃﺑﻮ‬
‫ﺣﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻣﻴﻌﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺎﴈ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺘﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺋﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﺈﻳﻠﻴﻎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺼﺢ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﮏ‪:‬‬
‫”ﺇﳖﻢ ﻃﻠﺒﻮﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺗﱰک ﺑﻘﻌﺔ ﻳﻮﺍﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺟﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺗﺎﻫﻢ ﻷﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻘﱪﺓ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺓ“‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﺐ ﻭﻣﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﱪﺓ ﻧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﺓ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﺑﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ ﴍﻭﺗﲑ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻌﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺎﺋﺰﻳﺔ ﻭﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻮﻏﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻠﺴﺎﻛﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺈﻳﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 1751‬ﺇﱃ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪.1955‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﴏﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.81 ،6.‬‬
‫‪Paul Pascon et Daniel Schroter, “Le cimetière Juif d’Illigh (1751-1955), étude des épitaphes comme‬‬
‫‪document d’histoire sociale,” Revue de l’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée 34 (1982): 39-62.‬‬
‫‪ .120‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.87 ،‬‬
‫‪ .121‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.84-83 ،‬‬
‫‪302‬‬ ‫‪Hicham Rguig‬‬

‫ﻭﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺆﺭﺧﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﳑﻦ ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺣﺪﺛﺎ‬

‫ﻋﺮﺿﻴﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻛﺘﻮ￯ ﺑﻠﻬﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪ 122،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺤﺴﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﲡﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺒﲑﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺭﻫﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﴫﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺪ ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻋﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﳌﺤﺘﻀﻦ ﳌﻴﻌﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪1312‬ﻫـ‪1894/‬ﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻘﱪﺓ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﳖﺎ ﺍﻷﺻﲇ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻠﺖ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﺗﲔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﳌﻘﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺗﻄﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ‬
‫)ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺸﻮﺭ(‪ 123،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺧﺼﺼﺖ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﱪﺓ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﺟﻨﻮﰊ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺑﻤﺤﺎﺫﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﳖﺪﻣﺖ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ 124.‬ﺛﻢ ﺟﺮ￯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺗﻰ ﳞﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻴﻌﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ 125،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺷﻬﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﺇﻟﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﴪﻓﺎﰐ ﻭﳞﻮﺩﺍ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﺳﻠﻴﻜﺔ ﻫﺎﺗﺸﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﲢﻮﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﺭﻫﻢ ﲨﻴﻌﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﺼﺪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﱪک ﻭﺍﻟﺘﲈﺱ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ‪ 126.‬ﻭﻛﻴﻔﲈ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺍﺑﻌﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺄﺧﺮ￯ ﺷﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺕ ﺃﻃﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺪﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﴩﻓﺎﺀ ﺑﺤﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺳﲔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻣﻘﱪﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫‪127‬‬
‫ﺫﻟﮏ ﺇﻳﺬﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﲏ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .122‬ﺷﻬﱪ‪”،‬ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ‪.80 “،‬‬

‫‪123. Roger Le Tourneau, La vie quotidienne à Fès en 1900 (Paris: Hachette, 1965), 25.‬‬
‫‪ .124‬ﰲ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻨﺔ ﺟﺮ￯ ﲡﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻠﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﻴﺔ‪” :‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﴬﺓ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﲡﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻟﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻮﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﲠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻪ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻠﮏ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺿﺨﺎﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻋﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﺯﳍﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﳎﺎﻟﺴﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﴩﻓﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺑﺴﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻰ‪ “،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳌﴩﰲ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.‬‬
‫‪.89 ،2‬‬
‫‪ .125‬ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﲈﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺳﻴﲈ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﻼﺡ ﺗﻄﻮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪Sarah Leibovicé, Chronique des Juifs de Tétouan: 1860-1896 (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose,‬‬
‫‪1984), 115.‬‬
‫‪126. Louis Voinot, Pélérinages judéo-musulmans du Maroc (Paris: Éditions Larose, 1948), 50.‬‬
‫‪ .127‬ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‪:‬‬
‫‪Emily Gotterich, The Mellah of Marrakesh: Jewish and Muslim Space in Morocco's Red City‬‬
‫‪(Bloomignton: Indiana university press, 2007).‬‬
 ‫‪Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd‬‬ ‫‪303‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﲤﺔ‬
‫ﺧﻠﺺ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻋﺖ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺗﺄﺗﱠﻰ‬
‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺅﻩ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﲡﻤﻴﻊ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﻴﺰ ﻳﻨﻔﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺘﻌﲔ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﺑﲑ ﺷﺆﻭﳖﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﻔﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻁ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﺗﺮﺍﺕ‪.‬ﻛﲈ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪﻩ ﻋﲆ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺌﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻮک ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻳﲔ‪-‬‬
‫ﺑﲈ ﻳﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺳﻜﺎﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺟﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﴫ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﲏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺮ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺎﺷﻴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﻬﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﰲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﳌﺴﺎﳘﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳊﲈﻳﺔ ﻭﺭﺳﻢ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﲈﺱ ﻣﻊ ﳏﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﮏ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﲑ ﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﺮﺹ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﺇﻏﻼﻗﻪ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺖ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ‬
‫ﺣﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻣﺖ ﺍﳉﲈﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﺘﺴﻠﻴﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﴢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺩﻕ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻦ ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﴚ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﴇ ﻭﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﲈ ﲤﻴﺰ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﺑﺤﻀﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﻣﻌﲈﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﲈﻡ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﳼ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩ )ﺍﳌﻴﻜﭭﻲ( ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺇﺧﻔﺎﺀ ﳌﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻭﻃﻘﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﳌﺎ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺪﺑﲑﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻔﻮﺗﻨﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺤﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﲈﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻻﺋﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻓﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﲪﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺣﻴﻬﻢ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﱃ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻫﺸﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻋﻮ￯ ﺇﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻬﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺃﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﺘﻰ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺗﻼﳾ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺃﺻﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﻋﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ ﻳﻠﻮﺡ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻓﻖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﱰﻣﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ )ﺻﻼﺓ ﺷﻠﻮﻣﻮ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ ‪ 1997‬ﻭﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻴﲔ‬
304 Hicham Rguig

،‫ ﺇﺫ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺯﲬﺎ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﻟﻼﻫﺘﲈﻡ ﺑﺎﻹﺭﺙ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬128،(2014

‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻓﺪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻓﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻔﻴﺰ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ‬
.‫ﺍﳌﺸﱰک ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻏﻨﺎﻫﺎ‬
Bibliographie
Aḥbār min ʿĀilat Ibn Dannān. Kitāb al-Tawārīkh aw Tārīkh Madīnat Fās.
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‫ ﺇﺫ ﺗﻌﻜﻒ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬،‫ ﻳﱰﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﲈﻡ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻼﺓ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺼﺎﻧﻮ‬،‫ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺻﻼﰐ ﺷﺎﻭﻭﻝ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻴﲔ‬.128
‫ ﻭﺇﺩﻣﺎﺟﻬﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﻲ ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬،‫ﺍﻟﱰﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﴩﻭﻉ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﻭﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬
.‫ ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﺑﴩﺍﻛﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬،‫ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﻘﺔ‬
 Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd 305

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310 Hicham Rguig

:‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ‬
Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd.
Tajalliyyāt al-ḥuḍūr al-yahūdī fī al-mashhad al-ʿumrānī li-madīnat Fās.
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﲡﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﳊﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﲏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ ﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻄﻊ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻼﺕ ﺍﳉﺎﻫﺰﺓ‬،‫ﰲ ﺣﺎﴐﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺎﺱ‬
.‫ ﺑﻞ ﻭﲣﺘﺰﻝ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺇﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬،‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﲈ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ‬
‫ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﻤﻘﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺗﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻊ ﺑﲔ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬،‫ﻭﲡﺴﻴﺪﺍ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺡ‬
‫ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ‬،‫ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﺶ ﰲ ﺫﺍﻛﺮﲥﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‬،‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬
‫ ﻭﺫﻟﮏ ﻣﻦ‬،‫ﻫﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺡ ﺍﳌﺤﺪﺙ ﺑﻔﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻦ‬
،‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﮏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺫﻱ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬،‫ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻼﻣﺴﺔ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺌﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻭﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﲈﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
.‫ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﳌﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲣﻄﻴﻄﻪ‬
،‫ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ‬،‫ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ‬،‫ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‬،‫ ﻓﺎﺱ‬،‫ ﳞﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬:‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﲈﺕ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬
.‫ ﺍﳌﻴﻌﺎﺭﺓ‬،‫ ﺍﳌﻴﻜﭭﻲ‬،‫ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﻮﺍﺕ‬،‫ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ‬،‫ ﺣﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬،‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬

Résumé: Formes et aspects de la présence juive au sein de l'espace

urbain de la ville de Fès.
Cet article traite du délicat problème que pose l’inscription spatiale
juive dans une grande cité comme Fès, en vue de devancer les assimilations
hâtives par lesquelles s’interprète l’ensemble des problématiques liées
à l’histoire des juifs du Maroc. Nous avons retenu une approche alliant la
mise en évidence de l’ancienne présence juive à Fès et l’interrogation sur
l’identité urbanistique du Mellah: la morphologie de ce quartier ethniquement
et culturellement particulier, les éléments physiques qui le constituent, les
multiples interactions qui le relient avec son environnement, et les principes
applicables en matière de son édification.
Mots clés: Juifs du Maroc, Fès, Fès al-Jadid, mellah, dhimma,
urbanisme, ḥumat fandaq lihudi, synagogues, cimetière.
 Min ḥūmat fandaq al-yahūdi ilā mallāḥ Fās al-jadīd 311

Abstracts: Forms and Aspects of the Jewish Presence in the Urban

Space of the City of Fez.
This article deals with the delicate problem posed by the Jewish
spatial inscription in a large city like Fez, with a view to anticipating the
hasty assimilations by which all the problems related to the history of the
Jews of Morocco are interpreted. We adopted an approach combining the
identification of the ancient Jewish presence in Fez and the questioning of the
urban identity of the Mellah: the morphology of this ethnically and culturally
particular neighborhood, the physical elements that constitute it, the multiple
interactions which connect it with its environment, and the principles
applicable in its edification.
Key words: Moroccan Jews, Fès, new Fès, mellah, dhimma, urbanism,
ḥumat fandaq lihudi, synagogues, cemetery.

Resumen: Las formas y aspectos de la presencia judía en el espacio

urbano de la ciudad de Fez.
En este artículo se aborda el delicado problema de la entrada de espacio
judía en una gran ciudad como Fez, para anticipar la asimilación precipitada
por la que interpreta todos los temas relacionados con la historia de los Judios
de Marruecos. Elegimos un enfoque que combine la demostración de la
antigua presencia judía en Fez y el cuestionamiento de la identidad urbana
de la Mellah: la morfología de esta zona étnica y culturalmente elementos
específicos, físicos que constituyen las múltiples interacciones que se conectan
con su entorno, así como los principios para su construcción.
Palabras claves: Judíos marroquíes, Fez, nueva Fès, mellah, dhimma,
urbanismo, ḥumat fandaq lihudi, sinagogas, cementerio.