Agrarain Transformation in Punjab Changing Socio-Political Dynamics

ST.
JOSEPH’S COLLEGE (AUTONOMOUS)

BANGALORE
M.A DISSERTATION
TITLE:
AGRARAIN TRANSFORMATION IN PUNJAB: CHANGING SOCIO-POLITICAL

DYNAMICS
SUBMITTED BY
APARNA S
19PLS64025
UNDER THE GUIDANCE OF
DR. SUJIT KUMAR
M.A PROGRAMME
i
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
2019-2021
St. Joseph’s College (Autonomous)
Bangalore
June 05, 2021
DECLARATION
I declare that the thesis entitled “Agrarian Transformation in Punjab: Changing Socio-
Political Dynamics” submitted by me for the award of the degree of Master of Arts in the
Department of Political Science at St. Joseph’s College (Autonomous), Bangalore, is my own
work. The thesis has not been submitted for any other degree of this college or another college or
any other university.
Aparna S
19PLS64025
CERTIFICATE
Fr. Dr. Victor Lobo Dr. Sujit Kumar
ii
Principal Supervisor
ABSTRACT
India is well known for its agricultural tradition and majority of the population depend upon the
agrarian sector, majority of the population reside in the rural areas where agriculture is
considered as the main source of income. Punjab is one the state which has remarkable growth in
the agricultural sector. In mid of 1960’s green revolution was introduced in India which resulted
in the remarkable increase in the agricultural production of crops especially food grains. The era
of green revolution in the state of Punjab has brought fundamental shifts in the traditional
structure of the village that existed; this resulted in the internal differentiation among the caste
and class lines of Punjab. Punjab in the mid-sixties was considered as the food bowl of India
with remarkable growth that took place in agrarian sector, by 1980’s this slowly started
vanishing and fall in the agrarian production was witnessed in the state and was named as “crisis
ridden state” due to the internal political and social conflicts that occurred.
In a course of time the agrarian sector of the state underwent transformation in different phases
which brought in the changes along the caste and class lines of the rural society. The dynamics of
these changes were purely analyzed in the economic perspective. The factors influencing the
changes in the agrarian sector have not moved much ahead from the economic terms. The
agrarian transformation can be framed on the basis of socio-political dimensions and role of the
major political parties in pushing the state towards the agrarian crisis.
Thus this dissertation tries to analyze the agrarian transformation in the changing socio-political
dimensions of Punjab through the process of class formations and its influence on the social
change which has brought the sufficient variations towards the social relations among the
dominant political actors of the state.
Key words: Agrarian transformation, Jat-Sikh, Dalits, Congress, SAD and AAP.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS iv
LIST OF TABLES ivi
LIST OF FIGURES ivii
LIST OF MAPS iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT x
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1-9
1.1 INTRODUCTION 1
1.2 SURVEY OF LITERATURE 2
1.3 RESEARCH GAP 6
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 6
1.5 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES 6
1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 6
1.7 RESEARCH STATEMENT 6
1.8 CHAPTER SCHEME 7
REFERENCES 9
CHAPTER 2: AGRARIAN TRANSFORMTSION AND CLASS 10-23
FROMATION IN PUNJAB
2.1 INTRODUCTION 10
2.2 THE GEOGRAPHY OF PUNJAB 10
2.3 PRE-COLONIAL AGRARIAN CONDITIONS (1500-1848) 11
2.3.1 AGRARIAN CONDITIONS UNDER THE MUGHAL EMPIRE 11
2.3.2 AGRARIAN CONDITIONS UNDER THE SIKH EMPIRE 13
2.4 CLASS FORMATIONS IN PUNJAB 16
2.4.1 EMERGENCE OF JATS IN PUNJAB 17
2.4.2 JAT AND SIKH RELATIONS (COLONIAL &POST-COLONIAL) 18
2.5 SUMMARY 20
REFERENCES 22
CHAPTER 3: FACTORS OF SOCIAL CHANGE 24-37
3.1 INTRODUCTION 24
3.2SOCIAL FACTORS 24
3.2.1 CASTE HIERARCHY 25
3.2.2 EMERGING DALIT ASSERTION 28
3.3 POLITICAL FACTORS 31
3.4 SUMMARY 33
REFERENCES 35
CHAPTER: 4 STATE POLITICS AND AGRARIAN CRISIS 38-51
4.1 INTRODUCTION 38
4.2 FACTORS &PHASES OF ELECTORAL POLITICS 38
4.2.1 POLITICS OF COLONIAL PUNJAB 38
iv
4.2.2 POLITICS OF PUNJAB AFTER PARTITION 39
4.2.3 POLITICS OF PUNJAB PRESENT 40
4.3 EMERGING POLITICAL PARTIES 41
4.3.1ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE OF CONGRESS & AKALI DAL 41
4.3.2 AGRARIAN CRISIS 43
4.4 AAM AADMI PARTY THIRD KEY PLAYER 45
4.5 SUMMARY 47
REFERENCES 49
CHAPTER:5 CONCLUSION &FINDINGS 52-57
REFERNCES 57
BIBLIOGRAPHY 58-67
v
List of Abbreviations
AAP- Aam Aadmi Party

BJP- Bharatiya Janata Party
BSP- Bahujan Samaj Party
CPI- Communist Party of India (Marxist- Leninist)
INC- Indian National Congress
SAD- Shiromani Akali Dal
SGPC- Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandhak Committee
vi
List of Tables
Sl.No Title Page. No

2.1 The Increasing Burden of Land Tax under the Mughal Empire 13
3.1 Trends of migration in Punjab: 1981-2001 27
4.1 2014 Parliamentary Elections Results in Punjab 45
vii
List of Figures

2.1 Religious Composition of Punjab 17
viii
List of Maps

2.1 Geography of Punjab 10
2.2 Kingdom of Ranjith Singh 15
ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I express my gratitude to Fr. Dr. Victor Lobo SJ, Principal, St. Joseph’s College (Autonomous),
Bangalore for their support in academic endeavors.
I am grateful to my supervisor Dr. Sujit Kumar, Associate Professor, Department of Political

Science for guidance in providing constructive recommendations and useful critique of this
research work.
I would sincerely like to thank, Dr. Karamala Areesh Kumar and Dr. Anitha V, Associate
Professors, Department of Political Science, for their constant guidance and encouragement
throughout the course of work.
I am grateful towards my parents and my family members especially my brother Rahul who
supported and encouraged me in my entire course. Finally, I thank my entire class special thanks
to Ryan Wilson and Mahalakshmi for helping me during the course.
x
Chapter1: Introduction
1.1 Introduction
considered as the main source of income. Like other states in India even Punjab is one of the
well-known state for its robust agricultural development. The geography of Punjab too largely
contributed towards the tremendous agricultural growth in the state. Even before the colonial and
the Post-Colonial era the Punjab agriculture was developed to a greater extent by the Dynasties
that ruled the state mainly the use of the irrigation method and welfare of the peasants was their
main concern. In mid of 1960’s green revolution was introduced in India which resulted in the
remarkable increase in the agricultural production of crops especially food grains. The era of
green revolution in the state of Punjab has brought fundamental shifts in the traditional structure
of the village that existed; this resulted in the internal differentiation among the caste and class
lines of Punjab. Punjab in the mid-sixties was considered as the food bowl of India with
remarkable growth that took place in agrarian sector, by 1980’s this slowly started vanishing and
fall in the agrarian production was witnessed in the state and was named as “crisis ridden state”
due to the internal political and social conflicts that occurred.
major political parties in pushing the state towards the agrarian crisis. The articles, journals
books in the field of the agricultural development, diversification and crisis of the state have
mainly focused the transformation in the economic perspective alone. But there is a little
research done on the field of agrarian transformation in the socio-political view point. This
research aims to look into agrarian transformation in the changing socio-political dimensions of
Punjab and also identifies the nature of class formation and the dynamics in their relations.
1
1.2 Survey of Literature
1) Agrarian Social Structure and Social Change by Puran Chandra Joshi (1969), Published
in Indian Statistical Institute, Vol. 31, No. 3/4, pp. 479-490 this article briefs the existing
agrarian structure in India and the article mainly focuses on the agrarian structural change in the
social and economic sphere alone and in general it presents the changes that has taken place
since independence like emerging class relations, changing social and political dimensions,
building up of class relations in the agrarian sector and land reforms and these factors have
contributed towards the change in the agrarian structure of India[ CITATION Jos69 \l 1033 ].
2) Land Reforms in India: Trends and Perspectives by Puran Chandra Joshi (1975),
Published by Allied Publishers, New Delhi this book ids the out of the research survey
conducted on the land reforms structure in India, the author builds a new perception that lack of
industrialization is responsible for the economic backwardness in India and identified the three
major approaches Gandhian, Radical and Marxist and their contributions towards understanding
the rural society,. Since independence the land reforms is taken as the instrument by the
legislation based on the western democracies and the ideas borrowed from the western countries
doesn’t serve the real purpose in the rural societies of India and the larger perspective of
rationalizing the agrarian structure in the context of the economic development of the country is
the major insight from this book[ CITATION Pur75 \l 1033 ].
3) Class relations in Indian agriculture (Part I, II and III) by Ashok Rudra (1978),
Published in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 13, No. 22, 23, 24 this article is divided
into three parts. It explains mode of production by tracing certain feature of capitalist’s relations
in Indian agriculture and the impact of the feudal relations which has paved the way for the
emerging ruling class in Indian agricultural sector. The author rejects the existing class
composition India that is the agricultural labourers, poor peasants, middle peasants, rich peasants
and the landlords and develops a thesis and states that there are only two classes in Indian
agriculture: ‘the class of big landowners’ and ‘the class of agricultural laborers’ theses classes
create contradiction in the rural society due to their antagonistic nature. The schemes of Lenzinl
and Mao Tse-tung are not suitable and give good results in the agrarian relations of India due to
pre-existing conditions which are contrary to this scheme and further the attempts to check the
correctness of the Marxist theories and its usefulness can be analyzed after its application in the
2
Indian agrarian conditions fully the correctness of the society can be understood [ CITATION
Rud78 \l 1033 ].
4) Political Implications and Economic Contradictions by Javeed Alam (1986), Published in

Social Scientist, Vol. 14, No. 10, pp. 3-26 this article presents the issues that were present in the
mid-sixties the extremism of the violence that took place for the shift in the dynamics of the
politics in the state. The rising communalization in Punjab was the result of the series of
movements that took place like Punjabi suba movement, Khalistan movement which
communalized the society of the Sikhs and brought a divide among the Sikhs and the Non- Sikhs
in the state which further pushed for the communalization of the Hindu community of the state.
All this violent movement led to the changes along the caste and the class lines and shaped the
new dimension in the society and left the state in the economic crisis[ CITATION Ala862 \l 1033 ].
5) Understanding Punjab Problem by Gurharpal Singh (1987), Published in Asian Survey,

Vol. 27, No. 12 (Dec., 1987), pp. 1268-1277 this article throws the light on the problems that
that state is undergoing since independence and the rise of sikh nationalism in the state has led to
the series of events like the khalistan movement and the government response act the blue star
operation has made a great unrest in punjab the factionalism caused by the political parties like
akali dal demand for political and economic autonomy in the state by bringing one community
majority among them and try only to fulfill and safeguard their own interest. This formed the
contrary to the other community people and the process of assertion began in the state which
turned the state unrest situation alongside communalization of politics also began in the
state[ CITATION Sin87 \l 1033 ].
6) Turmoil in Punjab Politics by S.C. Arora (1990), Published by Mittal Publications, New
Delhi this book points out the turmoil that has taken place in the state of Punjab has been a since
Independence. The partition in Punjab created the divide among the major communities. The
state organization that took place in 1966 also created divide among the Hindu and the Sikh of
Punjab. The two major political parties of Punjab Akali dal and Congress created a great ruckus
in the state in the late 1980's for fulfilling their political their interest and getting the separate
state alongside terrorism also showed its presence in the state which worsen the condition more
this prevailing condition could be solved only within the atmosphere of democratic process in the
state of Punjab[ CITATION Aro90 \l 1033 ].
3
7) Strategies of Social Change in India by Paramjit S Judge; Gurpreet Bal (1996),
Published by M.D. Publications, New Delhi this book provides the understanding the nature
and the characteristics of the social change that takes place in India. And identifies the three
main strategies that employs the social change within the Indian society is causation, intervention
and collective action of change. Further these strategies are attempted to bring in the theoretical
framework of the social change occurring in India. The three concepts that largely contribute for
the theoretical framework of the social change are: social formation, consciousness and power
and analyzing these concepts in the context of the Social movements and Political events will
build a better theoretical framework of the social change[ CITATION Par96 \l 1033 ].
8) Emerging Crisis in Punjab Agriculture: Severity and Options for Future by Ramesh
Chand (1999), Published in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 34, No. 13, pp. A2-A10 this
article attempts to bring in the new strategy in agricultural diversification in the state after
analyzing the post- green revolution effects that has erased the small and marginal landholding
framers of Punjab. The new strategy to overcome the economic crisis in the state was change the
investment to boost the dairy industry in the state of Punjab[ CITATION Ram99 \l 1033 ].
9) Ethnic Conflict in India: A Case Study of Punjab by Dr Gurharpal Singh (2000),

Published by Palgrave Macmillan, UK this book critically evaluates ethnic conflict that has
taken place in India since independence the state that has faced the ethnic conflicts are Punjab,
Nagaland, Assam and Kashmir, in this book a general view on all these states have been made
and special attention is given to the state of Punjab and has deeply analyzed the extent of ethnic
violence that has taken place which shifted the Punjab into a crisis ridden state and also
discussed the part politics and how the congress gained sympathy vote bank after the
assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. The extent of the violence has led to the large amount of
bloodshed in the state and this kind of ethnic violence has posed the hindrance to the growing
democracy in India[ CITATION Sin003 \l 1033 ].
10) The Punjab Story by Amarjit Kaur, Lt. Gen. J.S. Aurora, Khushwant Singh, M.V.
Kamath, Shekhar Gupta Subash Kirpekar, Sunil Sethi, Tavleen Singh (2004), Published by
Roli Books, New Delhi this book presents the Punjab Story of violence and bloodshed that a
taken place since independence and also the eminent personalities involved in these issues, the
book majorly concentrates on the Khalistan movement and tries to point out the major sinters of
4
the movement which created a divide in the Punjab between the Sikhs and Non-Sikhs [ CITATION
Ama04 \l 1033 ].
11) Beyond Crises: Rethinking Contemporary Punjab Agriculture by Surinder S Jodhka

(2006), Published in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 41, No. 16, pp. 1530-1536 this
article presents that shift that the traditional structure of the village has gone through despite a
major population lives in the rural area and practice agriculture this resulted during the green
revolution era. The farming sector of Punjab has changed rapidly in the post green revolution era
due to the changes that took place in the caste and class lines of the society this brought a shift in
the regional politics of the state as well. The fragmentation of the agrarian communities based on
the caste and class line has resulted in the marginalization of the communities and weakened the
farmer’s movement in the state of Punjab[ CITATION Jod063 \l 1033 ].
12) Socio-Economic Crisis in Rural Punjab by Ranjit Singh Ghuman (2008), Published in
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 43, No. 7, pp. 12-15 this article presents the
irresponsibility of the Punjab government over three major sectors that is agricultural sector,
health sector and educational sector which have mainly contributed for the socio-economic crisis
in rural punjab the government has largely failed to improve the public service. These sectors has
under a major in the due course of time none of the political parties have raised the issues rather
they are pushing the state be under the crisis[ CITATION Ghu08 \l 1033 ].
13) Agrarian Transformation and New Sociality in Western Uttar Pradesh by Satendra
Kumar (2018), Published in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. LIII, No. 26 &27, pp. 39-
48 this article provides the rapid change that has taken place in the rural western U.P in the last
three decades this change is the result of the rising marginalized communities due to their
suppression of the dominant Jat nature this largely has contributed for the change in the social,
political and economic relations that pre-existed in the state of U.P, with these changes the new
technologies like changing land labour relations, the political dynamics, mobilization of the
community have brought the concept of sociality in the state[ CITATION Kum181 \l 1033 ].
1.3 Research gap
5
From the above survey of literature it is clear that the studies have mainly focused on the
agrarian transformation in the economic perspective alone. But there is a little research done on
the field of agrarian transformation in the socio-political view point.
1.4 Research question
1. What are the processes of class formations in rural Punjab and how does it influence the
course of social action?
2. How does the social change redefine the political dimensions in Punjab?
1.5 Research objective
1. To analyze the process class formations in rural Punjab and its influence in the course of
social action.
2. To explore the factors of social change that influences the changing political dimensions
of Punjab
1.6 Research methodology
This Study is primarily based upon the qualitative approach as a research methodology with the
use of both primary and secondary sources of data as resources. The data has been collected from
various books, articles, journals, government websites, newspaper report &articles and internet
sources.
1.7 Research statement
This study aims at understanding the changing socio-political dimensions of Punjab through the
process of class formations and its influence on the social change which has brought the
sufficient variations towards the social relations among the dominant political actors of the state.
1.8 Chapter Scheme
6
Chapter 2: Agrarian Transformation and Class formations in Punjab
Objective: The purpose of this chapter is to understand the class formation in Punjab. The chapter first
looks into evolution agriculture (the agrarian transformation under Pre-Colonial from 1500-1849) and
aims in identifying the agriculturist castes and landholding communities.
Structure:
2.1 Introduction
2.2 The Geography of Punjab
2.3 Pre-colonial agrarian conditions (1500 to 1848)
2.3.1 Agrarian conditions under the Mughal Empire
2.3.2 Agrarian conditions under the Sikh Empire
2.4 Class formations in Punjab
2.4.1 Emergence of Jats in Punjab
2.4.2 Jat and Sikh relations (colonial and post-colonial)
2.5 Summary
References
Chapter 3: Factors of Social Change
Objective: This Chapter mainly discusses how the social change has brought the sufficient variations
in the social relations between the dominant political actors (Jats and Dalits) in Punjab. The main
objective of this chapter is by analyzing the major Social and Political Factors which influences the
course of social action.
Structure:
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Social Factors
3.2.1 Caste hierarchy
3.2.2 Emerging dalit assertion
3.3 Political factors
3.4 Summary
References
Chapter 4: State Politics and Agrarian Crisis

Objective: This chapter examines factors and phases of electoral politics in Punjab. It underlines the
emergence of (Congress and Akali dal) political parties and identifies Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) as key
7
player in Punjab politics and their manifesto promises to dalit upliftment in Punjab.
Structure:
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Factors and Phases of Electoral Politics
4.2.1 Politics of colonial Punjab
4.2.2 Politics of Punjab after partition
4.2.3 Politics of Punjab Present
4.3 Emergence of Political parties
4.3.1 Electoral performance of Congress and Shiromani Akali Dal
4.3.2 Agrarian Crisis
4.4 Aam Admi party third key player
4.5 Summary
References
Chapter 5: Conclusion and Findings
References
Alam, J. (1986). Political Implications and Economic Contradictions in Punjab. Social Scientist,
14(10), 3-26. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/3517391
Amarjit Kaur, L. G. (2004). The Punjab Story (2nd ed.). New Delhi: The Lotus Collection.
8
Arora, S. (1990). Turmoil in Punjab Politics. New Delhi: Mittal Publications.
Chand, R. (1999). Emerging Crisis in Punjab Agriculture: Severityand Options for Future.
Economic and Political Weekly, 34(13), A2-A10. Retrived from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/4407788
Ghuman, R. S. (2008, February 16). Socio-Economic Crisis in Rural Punjab. Economic and
Political Weekly, 43(7). Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/40277604
Jodhka, S. S. (2006, April 22). Beyond Crises: Rethinking Contemporary Punjab Agriculture.
Economic and Political Weekly, 41(16), 1530-1537. Retrived from
Joshi, P. C. (1969, December). Agrarian Social Structure and Social Change. The Indian Journal
of Statistics, 31(3/4), 479-490. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/25051699
Joshi, P. C. (1975). Land Reforms in India: Trends and Perspectives. Bombay: Allied Publishers.
Kumar, S. (2018, June 30). Agrarian Transformation and New Sociality in Western Uttar
Pradesh. Economic and Political Weekly, 53(267&27), 39-48.Retrived from
https://www.epw.in/journal/2018/26-27/review-rural-affairs/agrarian-transformation-and-
new.html
Paramjit S Jude, G. B. (1996). Strategies of Social Change in India. New Delhi:MD

Publications. Retrived from
https://books.google.com/books/about/Strategies_of_Social_Change_in_India.html?
id=7lKM4aWhIH0C
Rudra, A. (1978, June 3). Class Relations In Indian Agriculture (I,II,III). Economic and Political
Weekly, 13(22). Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/4366685,
https://www.jstor.org/stable/4366706 and https://www.jstor.org/stable/4366726.
Singh, D. G. (2000). Ethnic Conflict in India: A Case Study of Punjab. London:Routledge.
Singh, G. (1987, December). Understanding Punjab Problem. Asian Survey, 27(12), 1268-1277.
Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/2644634
Chapter 2: Agrarian Transformation and Class Formation in Punjab
2.1 Introduction
9
The purpose of this chapter is to understand the class formation in Punjab. The chapter first looks
into evolution agriculture (the agrarian transformation under Pre-Colonial from 1500-1849) and
aims in identifying the agriculturist castes and landholding communities.
2.2 The Geography of Punjab
Map No 2.1- Geography of Punjab
Source: newsbharati (2019).
Punjab means the land of five rivers (The Jehlum, The Chenab, The Ravi, The Satluj and The
Beas) a triangular piece of land lying between the Indus and Jamuna rivers is in the north
western frontier of Indian Union, bounded by the Himalayan ranges in the north; on the west by
Suleiman and the kirthar ranges; River Jamuna in the east; and in the south, by the Sind and the
Rajput deserts. The geographical position of Punjab has played a vital role in the gate way of
India[ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ].
The boundaries of Punjab have been contracting and expanding in the various periods of history,
the days of the Rig Veda, the Punjab included all the territory covered by the seven rivers the
‘Sapt Sandhus’. In the Mauryan and the kushan periods, the boundaries of the Punjab extended
beyond the Hindukush. During the period of the Delhi Sultanate, the frontier of the Punjab or the
Lahore Province extended up to Peshawar. In the early Mughal Period, the Punjab extended from
the River Satluj to the River Indus. The later period of Mughal rule the Punjab province was
divided into two the Lahore and the Multan this arrangement continued until the end of the
Mughal era in Punjab. The days of Ranjith Singh, the Punjab or the Lahore Kingdom was
extended right up to Khyber in the west and Satluj in the east. With the annexation of the Punjab
10
province by the British in 1849, they added the Haryana and Delhi to the province. In 1912 Delhi
was made independent, with the partition of Punjab in 1947 central areas were given over to
Pakistan. With the separation of Haryana, the size of the Punjab has diminished still
further[ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ].
2.3 Pre-colonial agrarian conditions (1500 to 1848)
This section briefs out the history of evolution of the Punjab agriculture in the Pre-colonial era in
two phases. The first phase analyse the agrarian condition under the Mughal Empire. The second
phase analyse the agrarian condition under the Sikh empire. The Land of Punjab is rich and
fertile; the bulk population lived on agriculture.
2.3.1 Agrarian conditions under the Mughal Empire
Agriculture served the key source of revenue to the Mughal Empire. Food and Cash crops were
largely under cultivation. Mughal Empire was allocated into different zones such
as rice, wheat and millet zones. The eastern region and the southwest coast were dominated by
Rice crop. The wheat crop which is considered as the second most prominent crop, cultivated
mostly in the northern and central regions of India[ CITATION Zon14 \l 1033 ].
During the rule of Mughals, Indian economy was considered as the second largest in the world.
Agriculture products also included vegetables and fruits. Forests and waste lands have been
retreated for making them appropriate for ploughing[CITATION MSR82 \t \l 1033 ].
Babur laid the foundation to the Mughal Empire in India; with the completion of the four
expeditions to India (1519-1524); in his last expedition to India he claimed the entire north-
western India and deeper penetration in the interior parts of Punjab. Babur proclaimed the major
part which subsequently became the Lahore and Multan subas of the Mughal Empire [CITATION
MSR82 \t \l 1033 ]. Before the Mughal period irrigation system was not developed fully as they
had access to canals[CITATION Zon14 \l 1033 ], So Babur made observations on the modes of
irrigation prevalent in India. Two methods of irrigation from wells were with the aid of a wooden
Persian wheel and a leather bucket drawn over a pulley, the charsa. Autumn crops grown by the
downpour of the rains themselves; and strange it is that spring crops grown even when there is
no rain[CITATION MSR82 \t \l 1033 ].
11
The state was divided into 12 subahs by Akbar [ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ] , during his rule the total
cultivatable land was 1, 62, 55, 643 bighas the cultivatable land gradually increased to 2, 43, 19,
60 bighas by the end of the Mughal Empire. The abundance of land, available labour and
mobility of peasants were three factors for the constant expansion of the agriculture in
Punjab[ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ].The land-tax was the main source of revenue in Mughal India.
After the abolition of jizya, and over fifty minor duties, land revenue became all the more
important. As such reconstruction of the revenue system was imperative and remitted the land
revenue of affected areas and advanced money to the victims [ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ] . This is the
task was entrusted to Akbar’s finance minister Todar Mal[ CITATION Ban82 \l 1033 ].
Raja Todar Mal introduced a new system of revenue known as Zabt and a system of taxation
called dashala this was introduced after 10 years(1570-1580) of survey of crop yields and prices
cultivated on this basis, tax was fixed on each crop in cash [CITATION Hei \l 1033 ]. Besides, he
introduced several regulations by which he tried to improve the condition of the agriculturists; a
procedure for collection of revenue was fixed also encouraged the system of advancing cash-
loans for improving the land[ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ] . The main objective of the Akbar’s
Revenue system was to get hold of the correct measurement of the land; to ascertain the amount
of the produce of each bigha of land, and to fix the proportion of that amount that the cultivator
should pay to the government; to settle an equivalent for the proportion so fixed, in
money[ CITATION Hab13 \l 1033 ].The land was mainly divide into three classes, fertility; variety
of Produce; the harvest as per the bigha owned by each class the average of these three was
assumed as the produce of a bigha, and one-third of that produce paid to the government. There
were two other revenue systems, Galla baksh (crop-sharing) and nasq (village assessment).The
total land revenue of Punjab was Rs. 1,39,86,460 and 1707 it rose to Rs.2,06,53,302 [CITATION
Akb65 \l 1033 ]. The former was in use in far-off places where the measurement of land presented
a difficult problem; whereas the latter assumed importance after Akbar's death, when the zabti
system fell gradually into disuse[CITATION MSR82 \t \l 1033 ].
Aurangzeb was the last effective ruler of the Mughal Empire; He reimposed the discriminatory
poll tax Jizya in all the provinces in 1679, which was abolished by Akbar. This action by
Aurangzeb increased the burden of land tax on the peasants. The upper classes, the omrahs,
mansabdars and jagirdars spent their incomes on objects of luxury and display. They did not
12
invest money on improvement of land or on welfare of the peasantry and as a result the misery of
the peasantry deepened, and their burden became insufferable in the period of
Aurangzeb[CITATION MSR82 \t \l 1033 ].
Table No.2.1-The Increasing Burden of Land Tax under the Mughal Empire
Akbar 1594 £ 18,650,000

Shah Jahan 1665 £ 30,000,000
Aurangzeb 1697 £ 43,500,000
Source:[CITATION MSR82 \t \l 1033 ]
Though the rise of Maratha didn’t last for long time in Punjab and in the other provinces too;
they had poor agricultural base which served the main reason for the failure of Marathas
[ CITATION Sar86 \l 1033 ] . On The Account of a poor agricultural base, the Marathas restored to
plunder of fertile provinces of Mughal India[CITATION MSR82 \t \l 1033 ].
2.3.2 Agrarian conditions under the Sikh Empire
The most important and organized religious movement in the Punjab in the Mughal Period was
Sikhism. Sikhism became a popular creed in the Punjab and made a deep impression upon the
masses. According to the Sikh tradition, almost the entire Majha and Malwa peasantry embraced
this new faith under teachings of Guru Arjan and Guru Hargobind[ CITATION Cun49 \l 1033 ].
Sikhism gained its importance in Punjab during the rule of King Banda Bahadur. One of the
greatest achievements of Banda’s administration was the abolition of the Zamindari system in
East Punjab. The zamindars (landlords) were mostly government officials responsible for paying
to the Mughal Government fixed land revenue of the villages entrusted to them. They had
arrogated to themselves the position of absolute proprietors who could turn out the actual
cultivators at their sweet will[CITATION MSR82 \t \l 1033 ] . He organized a revolt for the abolition
of this system by joining thousands of people against the zamindars. ‘The revolt spread across
the Sutlej over the whole of the Majha country’. 'Starting from Amritsar, the peasant armies
marched northwards towards the hills, taking Kalanaur, Baitala, and Pathankot. Then they
overran the tract between the Sutlej and the Ravi. The Punjab became like a surging sea of free
peasantry with only two small islands of Mughal authority in its midst-the capital city of Lahore
and the Afghan town of Kasur[CITATION MSR82 \t \l 1033 ].
13
From the Jumna to the Ravi and beyond, the only person who mattered was Banda, and the only
power that commanded respect was that of the peasant armies. It was a true peasant revolt led by
Banda Bahadur, who himself came from a poor peasant family. His army was mostly composed
of cultivators. This revolt had a far-reaching impact on the socio-economic life of East Punjab. It
became a land of yeomen who owned their lands and became the best farmers of India [ CITATION
Sin63 \l 1033 ]. The peasants as insisted by Banda started disobeying the landlords and in a course
of time the peasants became independent from landlords[ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ]. However
Banda had struggled hard to inspire his men to fight against the Mughal tyranny, but in the end,
he failed and he was executed by the Mughal Officer in 1716 [ CITATION Sin001 \l 1033 ]. During
the period of Sikh Misls (1716 to 1780) “they did not possess a highly developed administration
system where it was irregular and imperfect” as stated by Brown.
Map No. 2.2 – Kingdom of Ranjith Singh
14
Source: (brown pundits, 2014)
Rise of Maharaja Ranjith Singh in 1780 he came of a peasant family of Sikh jats, and gave
dignity to the profession of cultivation of land and soldering[ CITATION Raw83 \l 1033 ]. The
Maharaja was anxious about the welfare of the peasants, he distributed grain for sowing and
subsistence The main source of income was land revenue out of the total revenue of about two
and half crores of rupees, the amount of more than one crore and seventy-five lacs was
contributed by the peasants[ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ]. The Lahore Kingdom under Ranjith Singh
did not have one uniform system of assessment the system which was in the use was batai or
crop sharing as the cultivators was not satisfied with the present assessment system, in the later
period ‘kankut’ or appraisal and ‘Ijaradari’ or farming of revenue systems were adopted and unit
of the assessment was either bigha or wia plough. Land revenue was collected twice a year; at
the end of every harvest season. The income from the land tax or ‘Maila’ amounted up to Rs.1,
75, 57, 741 from the four subas Lahore, Multan, Kashmir and Peshawar [ CITATION Raw83 \l
1033 ]. Regarding the means of Irrigation, Murray gives the following information:
“Bunds or dams are always constructed after the rains have ceased to raise the water level with
the surface, and to render it applicable to the purposes of irrigation with the view of reviving the
deficiencies experienced from the want of the fluid in the arid districts. A substitute for the dam
15
might be found in a hydraulic wheel of simple construction, to draw the water to the level and in
places where of simple construction, to draw the water to the level in the places where the banks
are comparatively low, it will only be requisite to dig the root or cut by sluice boards. The
‘charas’ or leathern bags are in common use at wells with a relief of bullocks that might also be
serviceable in the other spots” [ CITATION Nar69 \l 1033 ] . He attempted to bring the Cis-Satluj
states under his jurisdiction. However, he could not materialize his plans due to the intervention
of the Colonial government[ CITATION Sin181 \l 1033 ]. The death of Maharaja Ranjith Singh in
1839 left the empire in unstable conditions as his successor failed to control the kingdom
effectively[ CITATION Sin181 \l 1033 ]; the Sikh state suffered from the weakness of basing a
modern military machine on a purely agricultural economy. To maintain the army, the country
was impoverished. After paying his soldiers, Ranjith Singh has no surplus left for the
development of the country[ CITATION Raw83 \l 1033 ].
Post the first Anglo-Sikh War by Bharowal treaty, the British East India Company successfully
established its control over the Lahore darbar. After the second Anglo-Sikh war, the empire of
Punjab was formally annexed to the British territory. This was done at the fort of Lahore on 29
March 1849 when Maharaja Dalip Singh was coerced to sign the document of annexation in the
presence of a sizeable court in Sheesh Mahal. After the annexation of Punjab, the Colonial
Government made new agricultural policies. The economy of Punjab was predominantly
agrarian; consequently, these polices played an important role in shaping the society of the
coming century[ CITATION Sin181 \l 1033 ].
2.4 Class formations in Punjab
This section explores the process of the class formation in Punjab by identifying the dominant
communities of the state. Further this section is divided into two parts: Emergence of Jats in
Punjab and their relationship with the Sikhs and the formation of the Jat Sikh identity in the state.
Punjab, despite its small size, is still full of diversity in terms of caste, region and culture. The
dominant communities of Punjab are Hindu, Muslim and Sikhs [CITATION JUD14 \t \l 1033 ] . Land
ownership is caste-centric; most of the agricultural land is owned and cultivated by the Jats.
While the Jats are heterogeneous in terms of their holding size, almost all the big landowners are
Jats. The British colonial rulers had strengthened their position by recruiting them in the armed
forces in big numbers and giving them land titles. Besides Jats, other landowning castes include
16
Rajput’s, Gujjars, Sainis, Kambojhs, and Lobanas. But these communities are confined to small
and marginal landholders[CITATION Jod21 \t \l 1033 ].
Figure No.2.1- Religious Composition of Punjab
0%0% 0%
2%
18%
Sikhs
Islam
Hindus
51% Christianity
Buddhism
Jainism
29% others
Source
: [ CITATION Kri56 \l 1033 ]
The above figure gives the religious composition of Punjab in 1946 and this information gives a
clear picture that Sikhs remain the dominant religion of Punjab and further we can see the
changes that occurred within the Sikh religion and how did jats emerged into Sikhism and
formed the Jat Sikh identity.
2.4.1 Emergence of Jats in Punjab
Jats are the migrants from the Sind to Punjab. Jat immigration in the Punjab was no simple
movement of population from one region to another. It was accompanied by, and possibly
triggered off, a critical change in the agrarian and religious history of the region. The most
significant of these developments was the conversion of the Jats themselves from a pastoral
community to agriculturist’s par excellence[ CITATION Kha82 \l 1033 ].
Jats are Punjab’s dominant caste and preeminent agricultural producers, the idea that farming
eminent agricultural producers[ CITATION Moo13 \l 1033 ]. Land rights system traceable to the
17
Mughal period. Punjab’s military predominance in the raj was closely related to its agricultural
prowess and farming and soldiering became evermore central registers of Jat status and
identity[CITATION JUD02 \t \l 1033 ] . Even under colonial agricultural schemes, large landholdings
dominated by land-lords and farmed by tenant sharecroppers became prevalent in the canal
colonies, while peasant-proprietors with smaller holdings were more characteristic of the areas
reliant on rainfall or indigenous wells[ CITATION Moo13 \l 1033 ].
2.4.2 Jat and Sikh relations (colonial and post-colonial)
The turning point in the history of Sikhism was the formation of Khalsa1 in 1699 by the tenth
Guru of Sikhism, Guru Gobind Singh Ji. The jats2 started to follow the Sikhism in the larger
context and they formed the vanguard of Sikh resistance against the Mughal Empire from the
18th century onwards. The role of Sikhism in raising the social status of the Jats as crucial, for
there was a lag between their economic mobility and social status. The otherwise lower caste Jats
within the Hindu caste hierarchy faced the lack of fit between their economic and social
positions. They worked hard and improved their economic conditions; their conversion to
Sikhism helped them in raising their social status.[CITATION JUD14 \t \l 1033 ].
Usually jats in the other parts of the Indian Sub-continent are among the lower castes (Shudras),
but in the Punjab region Jat Sikh comprises a “dominant caste” owing both their demographic
preponderance and the wealth and status associated with their frequently large landholdings.
Colonial ethnographers imagined the community as once of consummate soldiers (as Sikhs) and
farmers (as jats), thus attending to and conflating both aspects of Jat Sikh identity [ CITATION
Moo13 \l 1033 ]. The Jat Sikh community is well-known for their martial traditions [ CITATION
Moo13 \l 1033 ], were considered more skilled in agriculture. Jats now concentrated in a region
extending from the Chaj and Upper Rachna Doab, across the upper and central Bari Doab, to the
Cis Sutlej territories of Sirhind and Hisar Firuza. The census of 1901 shows that Jats were found
in each and every district of British Punjab with large holdings of land Jats were mixed castes
comprising Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs and later on Jains[ CITATION Jud15 \l 1033 ]. In 1901, only
few castes are seen occupying the same large holding of land like Awan, Jat, Rajput, Biloch,
1
The Khalsa tradition was initiated in 1699 by the Tenth Guru of Sikhism, Guru Gobind Singh Ji; which
considers Sikhism as its faith, as well as a special group initiated for Sikhs.
2
Jats are traditionally agriculture based community largely in rural parts of Northern India and Pakistan, originally
pastoralists in the lower Indus river-valley of Sindh.
18
Ghakhar and Zanardar (Brahman)[ CITATION Mir17 \l 1033 ] . Jat Sikhs are the most numerous and
within the Sikh community constitute almost two-third of the total population. In Majha,
Kamboh, Saini and Rajput are the main landowning castes after Jat Sikhs. In Malwa, Kamboh,
Rajput and Saini are landowners[CITATION JUD14 \t \l 1033 ].
The conversion of Jats to Sikhism is essentially a 20th century phenomenon as is clear from the
Census of 1931 (Khan, 1933). In 1881 the population of Hindu Jats was 1,445, 374 and that of
Sikh Jats were 1,122,673. Whereas the Sikh Jats in 1931 were 2,133,152, the Hindu Jats were
992,309[CITATION JUD02 \t \l 1033 ].
The social life and impact of colonial era, British created a particular understanding of Jats as
peerless farmers and soldiers which have influenced the formation of community identity. Jat
Sikhs are a large caste community of farmers and landlords typically wealthy, prosperous and
thus influential members of Punjabi society[ CITATION Kha82 \l 1033 ]. Although it is members of
less dominant and Dalit castes who perform most of the farming in the region, whether as tenant
farmers or labourers, Jats predominantly own the means of production and most often do so as a
result of their position of relative colonial privilege as a martial race (which in its
characterization as an agrarian state, Punjab has indeed curtailed their labour on the land).
Despite the fact that many Jats do little agrarian work, they remain renowned for their
agricultural contributions to the colonial and post-colonial economies[CITATION JUD14 \t \l 1033 ].
Two measures of the British strengthened the power of the Jat Sikh in particular and the peasant
proprietors in general. One, there was construction of canal networks in the Western Punjab and
the impoverished peasantry from the eastern parts of Punjab were settled in the command areas
of Montgomery, Lyallpur and Sargodha districts [CITATION JUD14 \t \l 1033 ] . Among these
resettled were also included the ex-soldiers the British army. Two, the enactment of the Land
Alienation Act of 1901, enabled the peasant castes (Jat Sikhs) to keep land with them [ CITATION
Cun49 \l 1033 ], on the other hand, Dalits were deprived of landownership where in Punjab Power
revolves around the landholding criteria, around 80% of agricultural land is owned by Jat Sikhs
and 95% of Dalits are landless labourers in Punjab. This contradiction between the landless
(Dalits) and landlord’s (Jat Sikhs) lead to power struggle within the community [CITATION
Ram07 \t \l 1033 ] . The electoral democracy post-independence allowed the Jats to emerge as the
regional ruling elite and the Green Revolution strengthened their hold over the rural economy
19
and regional politics (Jodhka, 2002), the existing division between the Jats and Dalits were
further deepened during the course of green revolution in the 1960. Thus the green revolution
transformed the traditional subsistence character of the agriculture into commercial farming. The
market-oriented agriculture favoured the landowners and further marginalized the Dalits, it was
during the phase of green revolution a new middle class of educated Dalits emerged in Punjab
which further extended the confrontation among the Dalits and the Jats by bringing the Dalit
consciousness among the landless agricultural labourers [CITATION Ram07 \t \l 1033 ] . The next
chapter deals with the changing class relations in Punjab which has led to the assertions among
the Dalits; the domination of Jats, though being frequently challenged remains the effective
element in the caste dynamics.
2.5 Summary
The above discussion provides the historical background and the geography of Punjab to analyse
the agrarian conditions that existed during the Pre-Colonial Era (1500-1849) under the two major
empires of Punjab that is Mughal Empire and Sikh Empire. Further it touches upon the Social
Structure (Colonial and Post-Colonial Period) of the State and by identifying some the
agriculturist castes (Arain, Awan, Dogar, Kamboh, Labana, Jats) of the state based on their
landholding proportions which served as the base for their social status in Punjab. Among these
agriculturist castes Jat Sikhs emerged as the dominant caste in Punjab with roughly one third of
the total population of the state (30 to 33%). They also exercise control over land, religion and
politics in the state. In 1881 the population of majority of the Hindu Jats converted to Sikh Jats
and formed the Jat Sikh identity and their conversion is more evident in the 1931 census report.
The electoral democracy in the Post-Independence era and the green revolution immensely
contributed towards making Jats as the ruling elite and strengthened the role in rural economy
and regional politics, the existing division between the Jats and Dalits were further deepened
during the course of green revolution in the 1960. Green revolution transformed the traditional
character of the agriculture into commercial farming. The favoring of market-oriented agriculture
further marginalized the Dalits in the state. In Punjab Power revolves around the landholding
criteria, around 80% of agricultural land is owned by Jat Sikhs and 95% of Dalits are landless
labourers in Punjab. This contradiction between the landless (Dalits) and landlord’s (Jats) lead to
the power struggle in the community [CITATION Ram07 \t \l 1033 ] , it was during green revolution
20
the new middle class of educated Dalits emerged in Punjab which further extended the
confrontation among the Dalits and the Jats by bringing the Dalit consciousness among the
landless agricultural labourers[CITATION Ram07 \t \l 1033 ] . The domination of Jats, though being
frequently challenged has remained the most potent element in the caste dynamics in Punjab
[CITATION Jud15 \t \l 1033 ] . The next Chapter mainly discusses how the social change has
brought the sufficient variations in the social relations between the dominant political actors (Jats
and Dalits) in Punjab. The main objective of this chapter is by analyzing the major Social and
Political Factors which influences the course of social action.
21
References
Akbar, M. (1965). The Punjab: Under the Mughals. Lahore: Ripon Printing Press.
Banerjee, H. (1982). Agrarian society of The Punjab,1849-1901. New Delhi: Manohar.
Cunnigham, J. D. (1849). A history of the Sikhs: From the origin of the Nation to the Battles of
Sutlej.New Delhi: Rupa. Retrived from http://indianculture.gov.in/rarebooks/history-sikhs-
origin-nation-battles-sutlej
Habib, I. (2013). The Agrarian Sysytem Of Mughal India, 1556-1707. UK:Oxford India
Paperbacks.
Jarrett, H. B. (1891). The Ani i Akbari by Abul Fazlallami translated from the original persian
(Vol. 1). New Delhi:Low price.
Jodhka, S. (2021). Changing Modes of Agriculture in Punjab. The Indian Forum, 8. Retrived
from https://www.theindiaforum.in/article/changing-modes-agriculture-punjab
Judge, P. S. (2002, September). Religion, Caste, and Communalism in Punjab. Sociological

Bulletin, 51(2), 175-194. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/23619969
Judge, P. S. (2014). Changing caste relations and emerging contestations in Punjab. School of
Advanced Study, 29. Retrived from http://sas-
space.sas.ac.uk/5650/1/AHRC_2,_PS_Judge,_Caste_Hierarchy_Revised.pdf
Judge, P. S. (2015, April). Caste Hierarchy, Dominance, and Change in Punjab. Sociological
Khan, I. A. (1982). A note on medieval jatt immigration in the punjab. Proceedings of the Indian
History Congress, 43, 342-350. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/44141246
Krishna, G. (1956). Demography of Punjab. JPS, 11(1), 77-89. Retrived from

https://punjab.global.ucsb.edu/sites/secure.lsit.ucsb.edu.gisp.d7_sp/files/sitefiles/journals/volume
11/no1/6_krishan.pdf
Mir, N. A. (2017). Landholding communities in punjab:a changing caste composition from 1595
to 1901. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 78, 340-350. Retrived from
Mooney, N. ( 2013). The Yeoman Jats of Punjab: Time, Expertise and the Colonial Construction
of Jat Sikh. Canadian Anthropology Society, 55(2), 277-290. Retrived from
Narang, K. (1969). History of The Punjab 1500-1858. U.C. Kapur and Sons.
22
Ram, R. (2007, Oct 6 - 12). Social Exclusion, Resistance and Deras: Exploring the Myth of
Casteless Sikh Society in Punjab. Economic and Political Weekly, 42(40), 4066-4074. Retrived
from https://www.epw.in/journal/2007/40/special-articles/social-exclusion-resistance-and-
deras.html
Randhawa, M. (1982). A History of Agriculture in India (Vol. 2). New Delhi: Indian Council of
Agricutural Research.
Rawanda, M. (1983). A History of Agriculture in India (Vol. 3). New Delhi: Indian Council of
Agriculture Research.
Sardesai, G. S. (1986). New history of Marathas (Vol. 1). New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
Singh, J. (2018, Jan). Impact of agricultural policy of raj from 1849 to 1900 in Punjab.
International Journal of Academic Research and Development, 3(1). Retrived from
http://www.academicjournal.in/download/1411/3-1-382-341.pdf
Singh, k. (1963). A history of sikhs (2nd ed., vol. 1). England:Oxford.
Singh, S. (2000). Life and Expolits of Bandha Singh Bahadhur. Chandigarh:Punjab University.
Zone, I. N. (2013, Aug 27). India Net Zone. Retrieved from https://www.indianetzone.com
23
Chapter 3: Factors of Social Change
3.1 Introduction
This Chapter mainly discusses how the social change has brought the sufficient variations in the
social relations between the dominant political actors (Jats and Dalits) in Punjab. The main
objective of this chapter is by analyzing the major Social and Political Factors which influences
the course of social action.
Social Change is the transformation process in the behaviour of the individual within the society,
changes that take place in cultural values and norms and modification of social institutions and
structure over a period of time[ CITATION The19 \l 1033 ]. There are two major factors that
contribute towards the sufficient change in the social relations between Jats and Dalits who are
also considered as the dominant political actors of the state. This chapter is divided into two
sections, the first section is social factors will be analyzed by two major causes Caste hierarchy
and Emerging Dalit assertions and the second section is political factor will be analyzed by
changing social bases (political parties: Shiromani Akali Dal, Congress and later changes) in
Punjab.
3.2 Social Factors
This section will be analyzed by two major causes: caste hierarchy and emerging dalit assertions.
To analyse the caste hierarchy in Punjab we need to understand the caste structure that is existing
in Punjab and how caste hierarchy has led for the migration in the state. Punjab being a Sikh-
majority province, there is an assumption that there is no caste in this state. Although the social
structure of Punjab is indeed different from other regions of India and the power of Brahmanical
Hinduism has been quite weak here, caste distinctions have been very sharp, particularly in the
rural setting[CITATION Jod021 \l 1033 ].Finally, the emerging assertion among the dalits in Punjab
can be studied under three strands a) The contributions of the Ad Dharmis (Ad dharm Movement
1920) in bring all the dalits/depressed classes into a single platform to bargain for safe guarding
their own interest, b) Assertion taking place through dalit literature, c) Dalit assertions in the
context of land.
24
3.2.1 Caste hierarchy
Caste as a factor influencing the social change can be understood by analyzing the existing caste
structure in Punjab. According to the 2011 Census, the scheduled caste constitutes 31.9% of total
population in the state; the Sikhs constitute about 58% of the population [CITATION ven17 \l
1033 ]. This data clearly pictures out that Jat Sikhs are the most numerous within the Sikh
community and form the upper caste in the rural Punjab[ CITATION Jud151 \l 1033 ].
The caste hierarchy in Punjab is constructed based on the landownership, numerical size at local
level and political visibility. Among the major castes of Punjab the Jat Sikhs have reached the
top place in the Social, Economic and Political Structure[ CITATION Hab76 \l 1033 ]. The bulk rural
peasantry constituted by Jat Sikhs paved a prosperous way for Successful Green Revolution in
Punjab. Constant Struggles were wagged against landlords (Jats) and conflict between the dalits
and the upper caste during the Panchayat Elections. The Transformation in the rural caste
hierarchy has taken place by two forces a) the end of the governing position in the agriculture, b)
diversification of occupations. The Green Revolution has brought significant changes in the
economy. Decline in the Sepidari/Jajmani3 system and the introduction of payment of wages in
cash changed the relationship between the farmer and the labourers [ CITATION Tan74 \l 1033 ].
The social structure of rural Punjab has witnessed many fundamental changes during the post-
independence period. The significant implications on Dalits are commercialization and
mechanization of agriculture and the introduction of democratic political process together
transformed caste relations in rural Punjab fundamentally. Over the last twenty years large
proportions of Dalits in Punjab have consciously dissociated themselves from their traditional
occupations and have also been trying to distance themselves from everyday engagement with
the agrarian economy, which were the sources of power for the locally dominant castes over
them[CITATION Jod021 \l 1033 ].
Caste discrimination in the Sikh community is different from that in the Brahmanical social
order, because relations were not formed through the purity/ pollution factors, rather it consider
3
Jajmani system is an economic system in which the lower caste perform various functions for
upper castes and receive grain or other goods in return
25
power based on land ownership and of the land was owned by the Jat-Sikhs. Although SCs in
Punjab constitute a higher proportion of the population (31.94%) among the other states in India,
but their share in ownership of land is minor [CITATION JUD15 \l 1033 ]. As per Agricultural Census
2010-11, the number of operational holdings with SCs are 63,480 spreading over an area of
1,26,966 hectares comprising 6.02% and 3.20% of the total land holdings and area of the
state[ CITATION Gov11 \l 1033 ]. The situation of the landlessness has forced Dalits to depend on
the landowning castes for farming employment [CITATION Jod062 \t \l 1033 ], in the absence of
alternative jobs in the agrarian economy of rural Punjab. Nevertheless, Dalits are discriminated
in Punjab and the asymmetrical structure of the agrarian rural economy has made them
subordinate to the landowning upper castes[ CITATION Ram04 \l 1033 ].
During 1970’s the state witnessed the large number of migrant workers from UP and Bihar
where the local labourers already moved to the other occupations (masons, carpenter and tailors) [
CITATION Jud151 \l 1033 ]. Migration is shift from a place of residence to another place for some
length of time or permanently including different types of voluntary movements. It has great
impact on economic, social, cultural and psychological life of people, both at place of emigration
as well as of migration [CITATION Kau03 \l 1033 ]. In India the labour migration is mostly
influenced by social structures and pattern of development. Uneven development is the main
reason of migration along with factors like poverty, landholding system, fragmentations of land,
lack of employment opportunities, large family-size and natural calamities [ CITATION Bal11 \l 1033
].
In Punjab, during the pre and post green revolution period, the relations between landowning Jats
and landless Dalit agricultural labourers were not as exclusionary as in other parts of north India.
The commercialization of agriculture since the late 1960s has not only squeezed labour demand
but has also limited it to peak periods of short duration. With local rural labour mostly employed
in the non-agricultural sector, agricultural labour in Punjab continued to dependent on migrants
labors[ CITATION Sin12 \l 1033 ]. Since the launch green revolution the entire spectrum of agrarian
relations has undergone a radical change in Punjab [CITATION Beh20 \l 1033 ]. The below given
table provides the information of the trends of migration in Punjab and the major states that
contribute for the migrant labors to the state.
26
Table 3.1: Trends of migration in Punjab: 1981-2001
Year 1981 1991 2001 Growth rate (per annum %)

State 1981-1991 1991-2001
Bihar 50235 90732 267409 6.09 11.42
(06.243) (09.20) (17.01)
Haryana 248043 298192 361766 1.85 1.95
(31.74) (30.14) (23.02)
Himachal 112289 136134 165158 1.94 1.95
Pradesh (14.37) (13.80) (10.51)
Rajasthan 220216 280350 517351 2.44 6.32
(28.18) (28.42) (32.92)
Uttar Pradesh 15556 15717 30559 0.10 6.87
(01.99) (1.58) (1.95)
West Bengal 12970 18635 45902 3.69 9.43
(01.66) (01.89) (2.92)
Jammu 30223 36108 47349 1.80 2.75
&Kashmir (03.87) (03.66) (3.01)
Total of eight 781411 986621 1571662 2.36 4.77
states (95.02) (87.61) (89.67)
Total 822377 1126149 1752718 2.59 4.52
(100.00) (100.00) (100.00)
Source: Government of India, Census (1981, 1991&2001).
The total migrants reported in the census 1981, 1991 and 2001 the figures clearly states the
growth rates of migrants coming from other important states. The inflow of migrants increased
sharply during the decade of 1991 to 2001. The overall growth rate is higher than the first decade
that is 1981 to 1991 compared with the 1991 to 2001. The above table reveals an important fact
that the growth of migrant inflows from Bihar was the highest compared to other states. The
analysis of the changing structure of migrant inflows presented in Table 3.1 clearly shows that
27
Uttar Pradesh has emerged as the most important state that sends migrants to Punjab [ CITATION
Sin062 \l 1033 ]. On the whole, the higher growth rate than the average of all states of India was
recorded by four states, that is, Bihar, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh during
the period 1991 to 2001[ CITATION Lak09 \l 1033 ].
The paddy crop has been popularized in Punjab exclusively by migrant labour as they were
traditionally trained in paddy transplantation whereas local agricultural labour lacked similar
skills as rice was never their staple food. This swelled into a full-fledged stream and by the early
1980s nearly seven lakh seasonal migrant labourers were visiting rural Punjab during the peak
periods of labour demand[ CITATION Kum13 \l 1033 ]. Another form of migrant labour was
engaged in some parts of the Doab region of Punjab, recruited from Jharkhand through
unscrupulous middle-men. They were attached as bonded labourers for nominal wages [ CITATION
Sin97 \l 1033 ]. They were kept under complete surveillance by their employers, many times even
locked in for the night. The demand for such labour was generated due to the small-scale
holdings of the farmers and their preoccupation with alternative employment in the non-
agricultural sector. Such Employment of bonded labour in agriculture is still found in certain
parts of Punjab[ CITATION Sin12 \l 1033 ].
Thus, in an overall scenario, migration of labour for agricultural purposes has been found
beneficial for the Punjab agriculture, with the exception of increase in crime rate, drug menace
and cultural invasion. There is a need of government intervention to get the antecedents of
migrant labour verified from their respective native states before employment by the Punjab
farmers. The Government of Punjab should maintain a demographic balance by regulating the
inflow of migrants in the state[ CITATION Bal11 \l 1033 ].
3.2.2 Emerging dalit assertion
The sub-division of land holdings and the construction of identity discourse among the Sikhs
contributed to the emergence of terrorism in Punjab[ CITATION Jud151 \l 1033 ]. Terrorism played
a significant role in reinforcing caste-class inequalities in rural areas. It was found that, even
among the terrorists the Jat Sikhs were in a majority. Most of them owned land and had been
exposed to the landowner-worker relationships[CITATION Pur99 \l 1033 ]. Dalits have moved away
from agricultural labour, the economic interdependence between the landowner and the worker
28
which was trapped for century was broken down. The process built a space for Dalit rise
assertion in the state[CITATION Jud14 \l 1033 ].
Dalit individuals and groups raised their voice against the exclusion, marginalization and
deprivation that they are subjected will not be tolerated anymore and they demanded for the
rightful place in the society. This act of claiming rights to just survive as the fellow being of the
society has shaped up a major component in dalit assertion[ CITATION Pra03 \l 1033 ].
The emerging assertion among the dalits in Punjab can be studied under three strands a) The
contributions of the Ad Dharmis (Ad dharm Movement 1920) in bring all the dalits/depressed
classes into a single platform to bargain for safe guarding their own interest, b) Assertion taking
place through dalit literature, c) Dalit assertions in the context of land.
Firstly, in the 1920s, Punjab witnessed a unique attempt at identity assertion by the lower castes.
In a decade that witnessed considerable political upheaval, this attempt by a group of young,
educated, motivated young men to fashion an identity was informed both by idealism and
practicality. This was the Adi Dharmi movement[ CITATION ven17 \l 1033 ], the Ad Dharmis of
punjab have played a significant role in the in building up the assertiveness and consciousness
among the dalits of the state and the first step was taken during this movement in the doab region
of punjab, which brought all the Scheduled Castes (depressed classes/dalits) on a single platform
to fight against the system of social oppression, economic deprivation and political indifference.
This movement draws its inspiration from the Bhakti movement. The important feature of this
movement was to bring social transformation and spiritual regeneration in the lives of the
downtrodden. Although, this movement ceased to exist in its powerful form after the first general
election in independent India, its emphasis on social transformation and political assertion
against structures of social inequality and oppression continues to attract the Ad Dharmis and
other scheduled castes of Punjab[CITATION Ram071 \t \l 1033 ]. Another incident that took place in
20th century which instantly evoked the sense of assertion was the tussle between Adi Dharmis
and the dominant Jat Sikh caste in a village named Talhan, also near Jalandhar, in 2003 had
worsened relationship between the landowning Jat community and the largely landless Adi
Dharmis. Tussles over the control of a local shrine built on village common land were the
immediate provocation[ CITATION ven17 \l 1033 ]. This movement not only succeeded in creating
socio-religious awareness but also brought political awareness among the dalits of the state. The
29
impact of the Ad Dharm movement and BSP initiatives has kept the doab region politically
active[ CITATION Dee18 \l 1033 ]. The movement gradually had a fall as there was shift interest
completely on the political mobilization of the dalits rather than the regeneration of socio-
religious aspects but assertion created by this movement did not fade away among the dalits of
Punjab.
Secondly, Punjab has been witnessing the rising consciousness and assertion among dalits
through literature and images of dalit icons, these components have played a major role in
essence of socio-religious as well as cultural assertion in the lives of the Punjabi dalits [CITATION
Jod062 \t \l 1033 ]. The dalit literature has served as an important tool creating the consciousness
among the dalits as they are the reflection of the society. During the socio-religious movements
in Punjab deras4 came up to be the new platform for the development of dalits [ CITATION Dee18 \l
1033 ]. The main aims of the deras were to bring educational progress among the dalits and
building up literature on dalit issues to create awareness on the oppressions and struggles. The
assertion nowadays is developing a new from where it has become a phenomenon of Punjabi
society on three front’s socio-economic, religious and cultural grounds [CITATION Ram08 \t \l 1033
]. The Caste based social organizations (Dera Sacha Sauda, Dera Baba Bhuman shah,
Bhaniarawala Dera and Ravidasis) are tirelessly working for creating the conscious in the dalit
community, these social organizations bridge the gap between the common people and the
political parties to serve the interest of their own community and bargain their rights. Mostly
these organizations are run on the ideologies based on dalit icons like Guru Ravidass and Dr.
Ambedkar welfare organizations they aim at spreading the philosophies of these dalit icons and
their fighting spirit for securing their rightful place in the society, the dalit icons and literature
have always envisioned as a source creating awareness among the dalits of the society and
always stressed upon the upliftment of the downtrodden by educational progress [ CITATION Dee18
\l 1033 ].
Thirdly, rural areas in Punjab are largely Sikh-dominated with Jat Sikhs constituting the
majority. The Jat Sikhs of Punjab are primarily an agricultural community and the dominant
caste in the State. During the reign Ranjit Singh and the subsequent British rule over Punjab has
helped the Jat Sikh population considerably by establishing their hold over the land in the State.
4
Dera is a type of socio-religious organization they are also known as extended residential sites of religious leaders
there are six deras in punjab
30
Dalits were deprived the ownership of land under the Punjab Alienation of Land Act (1901) that
forbade the transfer of land to non-agricultural castes. Post the formation of composite Punjab in
1966 and the Green Revolution, the economic and social clout of the Jat Sikh community
increased considerably[CITATION Ron07 \t \l 1033 ] . The political influence of the Jat Sikhs has
increased gradually[ CITATION ven17 \l 1033 ].
Punjab’s economy mostly rests on agriculture and that is the sector where most jobs are to be
found. This meant that many Dalits (Mazabis) had to work on the land of the Jat Sikhs for their
livelihood. Given this scenario the relationship of the Mazabis with the Jats is that of landless
agricultural workers versus property owners, leading to regular clashes [ CITATION Jod021 \l 1033 ] .
The attempt by Dalits to enforce the provisions of the Punjab Village Common Lands Regulation
Act this act was not accepted by the Jats. The Act, passed in 1961, stipulated that the
government-owned land managed by the panchayat would be reserved for members of
Scheduled Caste communities. For a long time, the Jats managed to bring the dalit proxies, who
would bid for the land. The Jats would thereafter manage the land employing Dalits as labourers.
In village Benra by a collective action of dalits, managed to secure the land in 2008 despite the
conspiracies of the local administration. Similar efforts were successful in other villages too; the
struggle remains underway in a number of villages throughout Punjab [CITATION Ish \l 1033 ] .
Land is bound to be a central issue in the years to come in the context of rural Dalits attempting
to carve out a space for themselves [ CITATION ven17 \l 1033 ] . Most Dalit leaders exist in the
shadows. Dalit political assertion is recent and largely routed through the Dera. The Sikh identity
is dominant in their hold over the political landscape[CITATION Bhu17 \l 1033 ].
3.3 Political Factors
The political factors of social change can be understood by the changing social bases of the
political parties in Punjab (Shiromani Akali Dal, Congress and later changes),
The support base of political parties never remains constant. The nature of the support base of
SAD has been changing over a period of time in the state of Punjab. Sometimes, the Panthic
sentiments dominate in the Akali Dal whereas at other times it projects itself as a party of all the
Punjabis. The dynamics of the support base of the Akali Dal on the basis of its electoral
performance in the elections held in Punjab after the reorganisation of the state stared to weaken
31
due to the ideology and strategies adopted by Shiromani Akali Dal to broaden its support base
actually worsen their position in the punjab, after the reorganisation of the state [CITATION Suj05 \l
1033 ]. Sikh resentment was also intensified by the regular tussle between the Congress and the
Akali Party to capture power in Punjab. The Akali Dal (representing the interests of the Sikhs)
and the Congress Party were the two major political forces in Punjab that alternately shared
power in the state. The dilemma for the Akali party was that despite being a strong advocate of
the Sikh culture and religion, it never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its narrow support
base comprised the Jat Sikhs and segments of the urban Sikh population [CITATION koh90 \l 1033 ].
Its rival, the Congress party, had been more effective in state politics, relying on Hindus,
scheduled castes, and segments of the non-scheduled caste rural Sikh population. Subsequently
the Akali Dal failed to capitalize on its advantage of being the sole and effective champion of the
Sikhs[CITATION Kau99 \l 1033 ]. The economic and political crisis began to take religious
overtones when the Akali Dal, the main party of the Jat Sikhs or the farmers, started couching its
economic and social demands in the name of religion. This laid the basis for militancy in
Punjab[CITATION Jet081 \l 1033 ]. Starting from various trends in the Punjab politics, its
culmination into an uprising was the combination of various forces and also the rise of Dalit
political parties was visualized in Punjab[ CITATION Jud151 \l 1033 ].
Since independence, the Congress was the most important political party. In Punjab too it had the
support of people belonging to almost all walks of life i.e. Sikh peasantry, urban Sikh middle
class, urban Hindu middle class, Scheduled castes etc. The support base of Congress started
dwindling particularly after the reorganisation of the state. The important reasons were the
changed demographic profile of the state, success of green revolution and general decline in the
image of the Congress party from mid-sixties onward was due to the political unrest in Punjab
was largely about the Sikhs' quest for more' regional autonomy and identity. Political dithering
and non-resolution of water and boundary disputes issues, compounded by the centralizing
policies of the Congress government, gradually led to widespread alienation among the Sikhs.
Growing communal unrest and the upsurge of ethnic sentiments strengthened the claim for a
distinct identity, with its extreme manifestation being the demand for Khalistan that tapped into
the reservoir of ethnic mobilization and plunged the state into violence for more than a
decade[CITATION Cha18 \l 1033 ]. The support base is further eroded by the Bahujan Samaj Party
as a major chunk of the Scheduled Caste voters has shifted their loyalties from the Congress to
32
the BSP. Further, the middle and upper class urban Hindus are attracted by the BJP and it has
squeezed the urban vote bank of the Congress. The support base of the BJP was confined mainly
to the urban areas of Punjab. There are some areas in Punjab where the Communist parties have
their influence and this evoked a sense of dalit consciousness as they were cornered as
marginalized group by the upper caste and their dominance in Political Sphere [CITATION Suj05 \l
1033 ].
3.4 Summary
To sum up the above discussion on the two major factors influencing the social change in Punjab
were the social factors and political factors. Under the social factors the existing caste structure
was analyzed to understand the caste hierarchy rooted in Punjab. The assumption of no caste in
Punjab was broken and caste hierarchy existed but it was different in nature. The nature of caste
hierarchy in the state revolved around the landownership, numerical size at local level and
political visibility and Jat Sikhs were the dominant upper caste with the large number of
landholdings. Constant struggles between the between the landlords (Jats) and landless labourers
(Dalits) over a time changed the relationship between them, the social structure of rural Punjab
had witnessed fundamental changes during the post-independence period because of the
implications which was significantly imposed on the dalits like commercialization of agriculture,
democratic political process in the state. Nevertheless, Dalits are discriminated in Punjab and the
asymmetrical structure of the agrarian rural economy has made them subordinate to the
landowning upper castes[ CITATION Ram04 \l 1033 ]. This moved forward to another issue the state
witnessed the large number of migrant workers from UP and Bihar as the local labourers already
moved to the other occupations the main reason for the shift in the occupation of the local
labourers was the caste hierarchy and dominance of Jats in the agrarian sector of the society. The
entry of the migrant workers brought in the drastic changes in the rural economy of Punjab.
Exclusion, marginalization and deprivation against dalits initiated them to raise their voice
slowly and this claim for right came to be known as the emergence of assertion among the dalits
of the Punjab. The emerging assertion mainly aimed at the educating the dalits, upliftment of the
dalits in social and political sphere to get the rightful place in the society for this assertion took
place in the three strands and all the strands were similar in the nature which worked tirelessly
for the social and political mobilization of the dalits in Punjab. Punjab’s unique caste
33
composition and dynamics have resulted in a series of assertions that differ from the rest of the
country. The political formations have not necessarily highlighted Dalit issues[ CITATION ven17 \l
1033 ]. Then finally the political factor analyzed the reason for the changing social bases in
Punjab and significant increase in the role of dalits in the electoral politics. Dalits have struggled
to attain political power in the state despite this struggle Punjab continues to be dominated by
Jat Sikhs. Dalits have managed to become a bargaining force in the state’s politics which in
itself is a leap. They continue to fight against the political hegemony of Jat Sikhs. The next
chapter examines factors and phases of electoral politics in Punjab. It underlines the emergence
of (Congress and Akali dal) political parties and identifies Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) as key
player in Punjab politics and their manifesto promises to dalit upliftment in Punjab.
34
References
Baljinder kaur, j. S. (2011). Causes and impact of labour migration: a case study of punjab
agriculture. Agricultural economics research review, 24, 459-466.Retrived from
https://agris.fao.org/agris-search/search.do?recordID=US2016216948
Behal, a. (2020, july 16). The green revolution and a dark punjab. Down to earth, 1-8. Retrived
from https://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/agriculture/the-green-revolution-and-a-dark-punjab-
72318
Brar, b. (2017, january 15). Of uncertain experts and opposing forecasts. Deccan herald.
Retrived from https://www.deccanherald.com/content/591518/of-uncertain-experts-opposing-
forecasts.html
Deepti. (2018, july 1). A sense of assertion among dalits: literature and images of dalit icons.
International journal of research and analytical reviews, 5(3), 1181-1186. Retrived from
http://ijrar.com/upload_issue/ijrar_issue_1429.pdf
Dogra, c. S. (2018, may 02). In punjab's phagwara, dalits are confronting a new opponent –
aggressive hindutva. The wire. Retrived from https://thewire.in/caste/hindu-dalit-clashes-
phagwara
Dunfey, t. S. (2019, may 2019).What is Social Change and Why should we care?. Southern new
hampshire university. Retrived from https://www.snhu.edu/about-us/newsroom/2017/11/what-is-
social-change
Habib, i. (1976). Jats of punjab and sind. In h. S. Barrier, punjab past and present: essays in
honour of dr. Ganda singh (pp. 92-103). Chandigarh: punjabi university.
Harish k puri, p. S. (1999). Terrorism in punjab : understanding grassroots reality. New delhi:
har-anand publications.
Jetly, r. (2008). The khalistan movement in india: the interplay of politics and state powerthe
khalistan movement in india: the interplay of politics and state power. International review of
modern sociology , 34(1), 61-75. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/41421658
Jodhka, s. (2002, may 17). Caste and untouchability in rural punjab. Economic and political
weekly, 37(19), 1813-1823. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/4412102
35
Jodhka, s. S. (2006, april). Caste and democracy: assertion and identity among the dalits of rural
punjab. Sociological bulletin, 55(1), 4-23. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/23620520
Judge, p. S. (2014). Changing caste relations and emerging contestations in punjab. Uk research
and innovation, 1-29. Retrived from http://sas-
Judge, p. S. (2015, april). Caste hierarchy, dominance, and change in punjab. Sociological
bulletin, 64(1), 55-76. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/26290720
Judge.s, p. (2015, october 17). Punjab at the crossroads. Economic and political weekly, 50(42),
17-19. Retrived from https://www.epw.in/journal/2015/42/commentary/punjab-crossroads.html
Kaur, a. (2003). Pattern of utilization of remittances of nris in doaba village of punjab.

Department of economics.Chandigarh: Punjabi university.
Kaur, k. (1999). Akali dal in punjab politics: splits and mergers. New delhi: deep publications.
Kohli, a. (1990). Democracy and discontent, india's growing crisis of governability.

England:Cambridge university press.
Lakhwinder singh, i. S. (2009). Changing character of rural economy and migrant labour in
punjab. Jps, 16(1), 57-69. Retrived from
https://punjab.global.ucsb.edu/sites/default/files/sitefiles/journals/volume16/no1/3-
LakhwinderGill16%201%20%282%29.pdf
Mishra, i. (2016, june 26).Dalit movement for land. Ismishra.Blogspot.Retrieved from

https://ishmishra.blogspot.com/2016/06/dalit-movement-for-land.html
Prakash, l. (2003). Dalit identity and dalit assertion. In l. Prakash, the political sociology of dalit
assetion (pp. 125-170). New Delhi:Gyan publications.
Punjab, g. O. (2011). Scheduled caste population in punjab. Agricultural census report,

department of social justice and empoerment and minorities. Retrived from
http://welfarepunjab.gov.in/Static/SCPopulation.html
Ram, r. (2004, december). Untouchability in india with a difference: ad dharm, dalit assertion,
and caste conflicts in punjab. Asian survey, 44(6), 895-912. Retrived from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/as.2004.44.6.895
Ram, r. (2007). Ad-dharm movemnt and dalit conciousness in punjab.Punjab university.

Retrived from https://www.ambedkartimes.com/page6.html
36
Ram, r. (2007, october 12). Social exclusion, resistance and deras: exploring the myth of
casteless sikh society in punjab. Economic and political weekly, 42(40), 4066-4074. Retrived
from https://www.ambedkartimes.com/page6.htm
Ram, r. (2007). Dalit assertion and caste conflicts in punjab. Punjab university. Retrived from
https://www.ambedkartimes.com/page6.html
Singh, m. (1997, march 21). Bonded migrant labour in punjab agriculture. Economic and
political weekly, 32(11), 518-519. Retrived from
https://www.epw.in/journal/1997/11/commentary/bonded-migrant-labour-punjab-
agriculture.html
Singh, m. (2012, july 21). Preference for migrant agricultural labour in punjab. Economic and
https://www.epw.in/journal/2012/29/states/preference-migrant-agricultural-labour-punjab.html
Singh, s. (2005). Changing social bases of support ofshiromaniakali dal in punjab (1967-99):a
study of majha region. Himachal pradesh university, shimla , department of political science.
Himachal pradesh university, shimla. Retrived from
https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/handle/10603/120610
Tandon, p. (1974). The jajmani system. India international centre quaterly, 24(2/3), 40-46.
Retrived from https://www.epw.in/system/files/pdf/1961_13/23/the_jajmani_system.pdf
Venkatesh, k. (2017). The various strands of dalit assertion in punjab. The hindu centre. Retrived
from https://www.thehinducentre.com/the-arena/current-issues/article9501894.ece
37
Chapter 4: State Politics and Agrarian Crisis
4.1 Introduction
This chapter examines factors and phases of electoral politics in Punjab. It underlines the
emergence of (Congress and Akali dal) political parties and identifies Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)
as key player in Punjab politics and their manifesto promises to dalit upliftment in Punjab.
To understand the state politics and emerging trend in dalit politics in Punjab this chapter is
divided into three major sections the first section discusses the electoral politics of the state
under three different phases a) Politics of colonial Punjab b) Politics of Punjab after Partition c)
Politics of Punjab Present. The second section will briefly explain the emergence of two major
political parties in Punjab a) Indian National Congress b) Shiromani Akali Dal. The third section
will identify the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) as third key player in Punjab politics and explaining
the electoral success of AAP with the election verdict of 2014 and the AAP manifesto promises
to dalit upliftment in Punjab.
4.2 Factors and Phases of Electoral Politics
This section will provide the picture of electoral politics of Punjab under three phases. The first
phase will analyze the formation of the Sikhs as a political community and the formation of the
Shiromani Akali Dal which shaped the politics of Punjab since its emergence. The second
phase studies the impact of the partition on the Punjab politics The Hindu-Sikh relations
also underwent significant change as Punjabi Suba movement (1950) was launched by
Akalis. The reorganisation of the state(1966) enabled the SAD to think of winning the
election in the state with the majority of the Sikh community [CITATION Kum202 \t \l
38
1033 ].The third phase will study the emergence of the Aam Aadmi Party as key player in
Punjab Politics.
4.2.1 Politics of colonial Punjab
Since the annexation of Punjab, Sikhism had been facing a crisis of identity. The interaction
between the British and the Sikhs can be divided into three phases. The first phase (1849-1906)
was the period of the Sikh support to the British Empire. It was also the period of the beginning
of religious reform movements, such as the Arya Samaj and the Singh Sabha, the latter
emphasizing Sikhs' distinct identity and boundary demarcation from Hindus [ CITATION Kau10 \l
1033 ]. The second phase (1906-19) began when a section of the Sikhs began opposing the
British rule. The Singh Sabha movement was launched in the late 19th century with the object of
purifying Sikhism and to strengthen religious bonds of the Sikhs. The third phase (1920-47) was
characterized by communal electorates whereby the Sikhs became differentiated as a political
category[ CITATION Kau10 \l 1033 ] . A new political organization called the Central Sikh League
was formed in December 1919. It had social base mainly in the middle class Sikhs of urban area.
The government by providing separate representation to the Sikhs under Montagu-Chelmsford
Reforms had given legitimacy to the Sikhs claim that they formed a separate political entity in
Punjab [ CITATION Tut84 \l 1033 ]. The Sikh identity politics emerged into an institutionalized
form with the organization of a political party called Shiromani Akali Dal [SAD] in January
1921. SAD was to act as the political arm of Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandhak Committee
[SGPC]. SGPC, formed earlier on November 15, 1920, was entrusted with the task of managing
all the Sikh gurudwaras in the province after the passage of the Sikh Gurudwara Act of 1925.
The Act followed the Gurudwara reform movement led by SAD [CITATION Kum042 \l 1033 ]. In
the beginning, the Akalis remained influenced by the Gandhian philosophy of non-violence and,
as a result, they had close proximity with the Congress leadership, the emergence of the Akalis
as a political party with defined differences with Congress began after the breakdown of the
merger in the Congress in 1948 and the Akalis maintained their autonomy outside
“parliamentary framework” [CITATION SNa00 \l 1033 ]The objective of Punjabi Suba movement
was to create a Sikh majority state to ensure majority in the legislative assembly [ CITATION
Kau10 \l 1033 ].
4.2.2 Politics of Punjab after Partition
39
The partition has brought the significant changes in the geographic and social composition of the
communal, rural-urban, and regional orientations. After partition as per the 1951 census 61 per
cent of the total population of Punjab were Hindus, whereas the Sikhs constituted 35 per cent.
This along with the concentration of the Sikhs in the central Punjab gave hope to the Akali
leadership for the creation of a Sikh majority state. The Punjabi Suba movement was formally
launched in August 1950, spanning over two decades following the refusal of the central political
leadership to admit to the Akali leadership’s demand for separate communal electorates and
reservation of the seats for the Sikhs in the legislature. The movement asking for reorganization
of Punjab on linguistic basis was comparable to similar nationwide movement of linguistic
groups seeking statehood. The assertion of the demand for a ‘self- determined political status’
for the Sikhs within the union[ CITATION Ana76 \l 1033 ] received a setback after the refusal by the
State Reorganization Commission in 1956 to grant a Punjabi speaking state on the grounds that
Punjabi was not distinct from Hindi in grammatical and spatial sense and also that Punjabi
Hindus did not support this idea[CITATION Kum042 \t \l 1033 ] . In the post-1966 Punjab there was
a change in the sociological origin of the Akali leadership during the Punjabi Suba movement,
the Akali leadership until the 1962 elections came primarily from the urban upper caste middle
class Sikhs while the majority of the Sikhs lived in the rural regions. Since then the Sikh and the
Akali leadership has been dominated by Jat Sikhs, the numerically strong peasant caste. Rapid
social mobilization, economic development, party competition and factionalism have however
led to political divisions within the Jat Sikh community[ CITATION Ver98 \l 1033 ].
4.2.3 Politics of Punjab Present
The dalits are made up of 37 different communities, the chamars and chuhras together make up
for around three-fourths of the entire dalit population of the state of both Hindus and Sikhs. The
dalit population now also consists of the migrant labourers coming from UP, Bihar and Orissa
who started coming in the aftermath of the green revolution and have now mostly settled down
and acquiring the voting rights[CITATION Sin841 \t \l 1033 ].
The Sikh scheduled castes called the Mazabi Sikhs have of late been developing their own
distinct cultures of deprivation with new religious faiths and symbols of identity that reflect their
alienation from the institutionalized Sikh religious structures[ CITATION Jue79 \l 1033 ]. In
electoral terms it is reflected in the emergence of Bahujan Samaj Party [BSP] as a distant third
40
alternative alongside SAD and Congress[CITATION Kum042 \t \l 1033 ]. Dalits constitute over 31%
population of Punjab. Yet there is no consolidated political force that has emerged to take up
their issues. The BSP has failed to gain a foothold in the state, mainly due to the splits within the
party, weak organizational structure led to the massive failure in 1999 Lok sabha and 2002
Assembly Elections in Punjab[CITATION Nir14 \l 1033 ]. Apart from BSP another key player in
Punjab politics that is Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) which came to presence in the political arena of
Punjab during the 2014 general elections. AAP staged stunning electoral victories from Punjab
during the 2014 general elections. AAP’s unique electoral success in Punjab lies in the
specificity of Punjab namely that it is the only Sikh majority state in India. One significant
political outcome from AAP’s entry into Punjab politics as a key player is that the issue of
Punjab politics being governed by Punjab politicians. All political parties the Congress, BJP,
BSP, Communist Party of India, Communist of India-Marxist, and CPI Marxist-Leninist, are
underplaying the role of their central leaders and projecting greater decision-making powers to
their state-based leadership. Additionally, three new political parties, the AAP, Punjab Front and
Lok Insaaf Party have emerged which are solely Punjab based and, for the first time in Punjab’s
political history, are challenging the Akali Dal to be the sole articulator of Punjab’s regional
interests[CITATION Pri17 \t \l 1033 ].
4.3 Emergence of Political parties
Under this section a detail study on three political parties Indian National Congress, Shiromani
Akali Dal and Aam Aadmi Party will be analyzed. Firstly the electoral performance of SAD and
Congress will be examined by paradigm shift between these two parties. Secondly the agrarian
crisis in Punjab will be discussed as the impact of the electoral politics in the post conflict
societies (akali dal and congress).
4.3.1 Electoral performance Congress and Shiromani Akali dal
Emergence of electoral bipolarity right from the reorganization of Punjab as the voters have
alternatively been voting for the SAD and Congress in varying permutations and combinations
for 13 parliamentary and 117 assembly seats, redrawn after the 1971 census, at different points
of time. Significantly, in Punjab the voter’s turnout has always been higher than the national
average. The partition not only effected significant change in the social demographic
41
composition of Punjab but also in the nature of its political configuration. With the out-migration
of Muslim community in the aftermath of partition and related communal bloodbath across the
newly constituted territorial boundaries, the Muslim League ceased to be a political force in
the state. From being a third force in terms of political significance in the pre-partition Punjab
that was dominated by the rivalry between the Unionist party and the Congress, the Akali
Dal emerged as one of the two major parties besides Congress. The ascendancy of Akali Dal in
post-1966 Punjab has been remarkable especially if one considers the fact that the separate
communal representation was abolished in independent India. The revival of the party after it
had merged itself into Congress in 1956 may be explained in terms of the following factors:
decline of Congress after the fourth general elections as the dominant party, radical change in
terms of social demography over time, control of the Akali Dal over the SGPC, and the
economic empowerment of the Jat Sikh rich landed peasantry in the aftermath of the green
revolution. The decline of the Unionist party helped Akalis[CITATION Kum042 \t \l 1033 ].
Despite holding the centre stage of Punjab electoral politics the two parties have always been
looking for electoral alliances. Right from its role in the Gurudwara reform movement to the
Punjabi Suba movement the Akali Dal has been identified primarily as a party being supported
by the Sikhs especially the rural Jat Sikh landed peasantry. The Sikh community had differences
on class and regional lines that increased in the wake of the green revolution[ CITATION Pur95 \l
1033 ].
On the politico-ideological plane there are equally sharp divisions among the Sikhs as a
significant section of the community has been traditionally voting for the Congress. The cross-
communal social bases of Congress was evidenced in the fact that Congress succeeded in getting
elected more Sikh candidates than the Akali Dal in the first general assembly elections after the
reorganization of Punjab. There has also been support among a small section of the Sikhs for the
communist parties especially the Communist Party of India though the ideology of religious
fanaticism during the phase of militancy severely eroded the ideology of socialism and
secularism represented by the Left forces [ CITATION Dog86 \l 1033 ]. the Akali Dal succeeded in
forming a coalition government led by Sardar Gurnam Singh as Chief Minister in an alliance
with the Jan Sangh and the Communist Party after the first two assembly elections in the
reorganized Punjab in 1967 and 1969, notwithstanding the fact that Jan Sangh regarded ‘the
42
Sikhs as part and parcel of the Hindu society’ [ CITATION Bra74 \l 1033 ]. It has been well argued
that it is more of a strategic compulsion for the SAD to seek an electoral alliance with the BJP, a
political party whose membership is primarily limited to the Hindus and which has a
diametrically opposed ideology to that of SAD in the sense that BJP and its Hindutva allies do
not acknowledge religious separatism or political separatism among the Sikhs and have been
opposed to the Anandpur Sahib resolution[CITATION Sha \l 1033 ].
The continuation of Coalition politics in Punjab has promoted the culture of competitive
populism by political parties all over the state [ CITATION Sin81 \l 1033 ] .The latter is evident in the
form of the manifestos of Akali Dal and its ally BJP to maintain ‘peace, brotherhood, communal
harmony, socio-economic welfare, all round development and sustainable and profitable
agriculture through diversification’. The Moga declaration of SAD in 1995 has been illustrative
of the shift in the agenda[CITATION Kum042 \t \l 1033 ].
The Akali Dal and the Congress followed different agendas to recapture legitimacy in Punjab
after the violence of the 1980s. The aftermath of militancy and the generalized discontent with
the Akali Dal and the Congress provided both the parties with an opportunity to reinvent their
agendas. But both continued with their usual politics, putting critical economic issues, return to
peace, elimination of corruption and need for a religious Punjab governed by religious parties
were their usual themes[CITATION Nee06 \l 1033 ]. Elections in the post- militancy Punjab have
continued to reflect a shift in the electoral politics of Punjab that was first visible in the 1997
elections in the sense that politico-economic issues Focus shifted from the Panthic identity to the
Punjabi identity. The shift has been reflected in the common minimum programme of SAD-BJP
alliance. The shift within the SAD to cooperative federalism and from a politics of confrontation
to peace and Hindu-Sikh unity as clearly mentioned in all the Akali Dal election manifestos
since 1997[CITATION Kum99 \t \l 1033 ] . Such a shift in the political agenda of Akali Dal
represents the yearning of the people in today’s Punjab to have a break from Gurudwara politics
and hope for lasting peace and prosperity with the lingering memories of the loss of life and
property. One can also refer to the new breed of Akali party workers who, unlike the past, have
very little concern with the Gurudwara politics or the SGPC. As the memories of Operation
Blue star and anti Sikh Riots fade, and a new generation of youth who have grown up in the
militancy free 1990’s peaceful Punjab become the voters, the ‘secular criteria such as governance
43
and economic policies’ have taken precedence over the identity politics drawing up on the
community and regional aspirations[CITATION Ver \l 1033 ]. The Congress made a comeback on
the promise of giving clean and efficient governance. Ironically, with all their failings and
limitations, it is primarily these two major parties that have the potential of actually affecting a
shift in the political agenda of Punjab[CITATION Kum042 \t \l 1033 ].
4.3.2 Agrarian Crisis
The agrarian crisis in the state was not addressed in the political agenda or in terms of debate in
the electoral processes of the two major political parties the SAD and Congress. This is
somewhat worrying because since the late 1980s it has become clear that agriculture, which is
the mainstay of the Punjab economy, is in serious trouble. Both the parties in Punjab did not turn
its attention in pressing economic issues, bringing normalcy and return of peace was its main
concern, the agenda of the political parties had no space for the social or the economic
reconstruction of the state[CITATION Nee06 \l 1033 ].
Punjab has been in the turmoil of agrarian crisis during late 1980’s, but the state has marked the
peak in agricultural growth during 1960’s. The crisis in Punjab agriculture can be analyzed under
five major factors. Firstly, the green revolution had a profoundly uneven impact on different
categories of farms[CITATION Ram99 \l 1033 ]. Punjab is dominated by medium and large
landholdings which proved profitable for the use of new technology. On the other hand the
medium and small landholdings were not fully optimal for the green revolution technology.
Phase from 1965-66 to 1980 faced a shrink in the marginal and small landholdings and large
landholdings had a slight increase[CITATION Nee05 \l 1033 ]. The fall in robust agricultural growth
began 1980s and which formed the hindrance to employment opportunities. During the
period1980- 81 to 1990-91 the number of marginal and small farmers in the state increased. In
the third phase from the 1990s onwards, this clearly pictures out that fragmentation of
landholdings could not be fully utilized even under the new technology, the growing scarcity of
employment opportunities in the non-farm sector from 1980s onward increased pressures on the
land, making small landholdings even more unviable[CITATION Nee06 \l 1033 ].
The second reason for the decline in Punjab agriculture has to do with rapid increases in the cost
of inputs which was into the making of green revolution package. Thirdly, Punjab has got halted
44
down in a two crop economy, and farmers have found it difficult to shift to new patterns of
cropping. Fourthly, the extensive use of new technology has led to the degradation of the
environment. As both wheat and paddy are water-intensive crops, massive groundwater based
irrigation has resulted in a depleting water in Punjab. Fifthly, the agricultural slowdown in the
state overlapped with the introduction of liberalization in India and with the introduction of
liberalization emphasized the agricultural crisis simply because the policy environment changed.
All these factors have come together to create a crisis of some magnitude in the agrarian
sector[ CITATION Nee06 \l 1033 ].
Declining employment avenues for the rural people is compounded by the fact that other sectors
of the economy provide few opportunities for employment. "One of the serious problems Punjab
is confronted with at present" states the Punjab Development Report 2004, "is the high volume
of unemployment. Disguised unemployment in the agricultural sector and the large volume of
low-quality, existing employment, are causes for concern[ CITATION Pla04 \l 1033 ].There is a
rapid decline in the employment opportunity in the agrarian sector and only few opportunities
available in non-land activities, the employment scenario in the state has acquired serious
proportions. The onset of liberalization occurred in the precise phase when politically Punjab
was most ill prepared to go that way. It also so happened that liberalization compounded the
economic problems of Punjab at a time when the political elite was least inclined to come to
grips with these problems[CITATION Nee06 \l 1033 ].
4.4 Aam Admi party third key player

Under this section the objective is to identify AAP as third key player in Punjab politics and
explaining the electoral success of AAP with the election verdict of 2014 and finally the will be
analyzing the establishment of the relationship between the AAP and dalits in the state of Punjab.
This section is divided into two parts; first the Electoral Success of Aam Aadmi Party to identify
its entry Punjab political arena will be discussed with the election verdict of 2014 and second
part will be analyzing the establishment of the relationship between the AAP and dalits in the
state of Punjab.
In the context of the political arena of Punjab the two main competitors were the Shiromani
Akali Dal (SAD) and Indian National Congress, in a course of time they saw the entry of a third
45
key player, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) during the 2014 general elections. AAP won four Lok
Sabha seats out of a total of 13 that it contested from Punjab[CITATION Sin171 \t \l 1033 ].
Table 4.1: 2014 Parliamentary Elections Results in Punjab
Seats Seats Change from

Sl.No Party Vote %
Contested Won 2009
1 INC 13 3 -5 33.10
2 SAD 10 4 0 26.30
3 BJP 03 2 +1 8.70
4 AAP 13 4 +4 24.40
Source: Punjab Lok Saba election results (2014).
The above table clearly expresses the winning of the new entrant AAP into the Political arena of
Punjab. The major reason for this win of the party that didn’t exist in the 2009 general elections
is the emergence and suppression of two major movements in the contemporary history of
punjab are the Maoist Naxalite movement of the late 1960s and the Akali morcha (agitation) of
the early 1980s for the protection of Punjab’s river water rights and for other economic, political
and religious demands, and the Sikh opposition movement against the Operation Blue Star army
action at the Golden Temple in 1984[CITATION Sin171 \t \l 1033 ]. The suppression of these two
movements has paved the way for the electoral success AAP in Punjab. Apart from the pro-
Naxalite and pro-Sikh militancy sections of the Punjabi population which ensured AAP’s
electoral victories, there were three other sources of support for the party. One was the
enthusiastic support of the Sikh diaspora, the second was the upper-caste Hindu youth in Punjab,
and the third was Dalit voters. The Dalit voters were disillusioned with the Congress, a party
they had supported for many years. They were also disappointed with the Bahujan Samaj Party
(BSP) due to what they saw as the opportunism of many of its leaders who fell prey to the
politics of patronage resorted to by upper-caste leaders in order to co-opt leading Dalits into
mainstream parties[CITATION Sin16 \t \l 1033 ]. AAP’s substantial support among the Dalits in
Delhi captured the imagination of Dalit voters in Punjab and this resulted in massive voting by
Punjabi Dalit voters in favour of AAP[CITATION Sin171 \t \l 1033 ]. AAP is drawing tremendous
support in rural Punjab as well. One possible reason for this is the popular backlash against the
use of power and money to protect the interests of entrenched groups[CITATION Aja16 \l 1033 ].
46
The post-poll data suggests that the AAP gained electorally by presenting itself as a viable
alternative in a state where due to a stable bi-polar party system in place since 1997 assembly
elections and the inability of any other opposition party like BSP to remain relevant, electorates
were not being able to find alternative electoral choices even as they had become wary of the
performance of the successive Congress and the SAD-BJP government in checking the slide of
what once used to be hailed as the ‘model state’. The electorates’ dissatisfaction with the
performance of both the Congress-led UPA government at the centre as well as the SAD-BJP
government in the state helped the AAP to reap electoral dividend[CITATION Ash14 \t \l 1033 ].
The AAP is playing the Dalit card after bestowing the state presidency and post of the leader of
opposition on the politically dominant Jat Sikhs[ CITATION Suk18 \l 1033 ]. AAP manifesto has a
separate section for the dalits upliftment in the Punjab (Refer to the appendix for the Aam Aadmi
Party manifesto promises for dalits upliftment in Punjab).
Nevertheless, it succeeded in raising political consciousness among the Dalits by making

ideological use of caste and employing caste as a medium of political propaganda. The newest
entrant in state politics is the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) they declared a separate Dalit
manifesto. In their manifestos, promised on dalits land reform measures, employment, student
scholarships and education loans, exactly what Dalits have been fighting for in various parts
of Punjab [CITATION Mah17 \l 1033 ].
4.5 Summary
To sum up the above discussion the electoral politics in the state of Punjab have been discussed
under three different phases by analyzing the role of the three major political parties of Punjab
that is Indian National Congress, Shiromani Akali Dal and the new entry Aam Aadmi Party in
the political arena of Punjab. The electoral performance of the Akali Dal and the congress has
gone through a paradigm shift in the political ground of Punjab, since the annexation Sikhism
has been facing the identity crisis and slowly by the major movements in the state they gained
the prominence and became the majority community in the central punjab which gave the hope
47
for the Akalis in forming the political leadership in punjab the formation of the Akali Dal
which set a new shape to Punjab politics since its presence in the state. Due to the impact of
partition the relation existing between the Hindu-Sikh underwent a major change
simultaneously with the launch of the Punjabi Suba movement by the Akalis adding to this
the state reorganization largely contributed to the Sikh and the Akali leadership has been
dominated by Jat Sikhs, the numerically strong peasant caste (Stren, 2001). The agitation created
by the Akali dal and Congress in late 1980’s developed the agrarian crisis in the state, the robust
growth in the agricultural product in 1960’s fell down drastically and post conflict period both
the parties made their main concern to bring back the normalcy and return of peace in the state
and they had no space for social and economic issues of the state in their agenda and the process
of liberalization started in this era when the agrarian economy is not ready for it further increased
the pressure on the agrarian economy of the state this led to the serious problem of
unemployment in the larger framework with the decrease in the small and marginal landholdings
as they were not able to utilize the green revolution package as a whole and the new pattern of
cropping has led to the water depletion in the state. The entry of the key player who addressed
both the social and economic issues of the state include the demand of the dalits in the manifesto
and had the successful victory in the 2014 general election of the state has led the punjab politics
in increasing the mobilization of the dalits in the political arena of the State. The long-term
historical and sociological look at Dalit politics in Punjab, it is not a surprise at all. It follows the
usual pattern of accommodating leading Dalit figures into the State’s mainstream political
parties. So far this process of accommodation had been confined to the two main historical
contenders for hegemony in Punjab politics, that is the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and the
Indian National Congress and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), hope that the new generations of
educated Dalits in Punjab are able to liberate themselves to the mainstream political
parties[CITATION Placeholder1 \t \l 1033 ] . The 2019 Parliamentary elections has proved that the
support base of political parties never remains constant, results of the election pictures that
resurgence of congress party in the state proves one thing that “religion will remain relevant
regardless of which angle one forges an entry point to Punjab politics”.
48
References
Anand, J. (1976). Punjab: Politics of retreating communalism. In I. Narain (Ed.), State Politics in
India (p. 620). Meerut:Meenakshi Prakashan.
Ashraf, A. (2016). Behind AAP's popularity in Punjab: NRIs and a changing social structure.
Scroll.in.Retrived from https://scroll.in/article/802127/behind-aaps-popularity-in-punjab-nris-
and-a-changing-social-structure
Brass, P. (1974). Language, Religion and Politics in North India. England:Cambridge University
Press.
Chandhoke, N. (2005). Revisiting the Crisis of Representation Thesis: The Indian Context.
Tandfoline, 308-330. Retrived from
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510340500126756
Commission, P. (2004). Punjab Development Report 2004. Governmnet of India. Retrived from
http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/punjab-human-development-report-2004
Dogra, B. (1986, April 5). Punjab-Communal Tensions and Left Forces. Economic and Political
Weekly, 21(14). Retrived from https://epw.in/journal/1986/14/our-correspondent-
columns/punjab-communal-tensions-and-left-forces.html
49
Juergensmeyer, M. (1979, Feb). Cultures of deprivation: Three case studies in Punjab. Economic
and Political Weekly, 14(7/8), 255-262. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4367347
Kaur, P. S. (2010). The Politics of Sikh Identity: Understanding Religious Exclusion.

Sociological Bulletin, 59(3), 345-366. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23620888
Kumar, A. (2004, April 3). Electoral Politics in Punjab: 1966-2004. JPS, 12(1), 111-128.
Retrived from
http://punjab.global.ucsb.edu/sites/secure.lsit.ucsb.edu.gisp.d7_sp/files/sitefiles/journals/volume1
2/no1/6_kumar.pdf
Kumar, A. (2014). 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Punjab:Explaining the Electoral Success of

Aam Aadmi Party. JPS, 23(170). Retrived from
http://punjab.global.ucsb.edu/sites/secure.lsit.ucsb.edu.gisp.d7_sp/files/sitefiles/journals/volume1
2/no1/6_kumar.pdf
Kumar, A. (2020). Electoral Politics in Punjab: Factors and Phases. London:Routledge.
Kumar, P. (1999). Punjab: Changing political agenda. In R. R. Wallace (Ed.), Electoral politics
in Punjab. New York:Sage Publications.
Mahaprashasta, A. A. (2017, January 31). Dalit Issues Take Centre Stage in Punjab, But Jat
Sikhs Continue to Dominate Political Dialogue. The Wire. Retrived from
https://thewire.in/politics/dalit-issues-take-centre-stage-in-punjab-but-jat-sikhs-continue-to-
dominate-political-dialogue
Narang, A. (2000). The Punjabi Suba Movement. In H. k. Judge (Ed.), Social and Political
Movements: Readings on Punjab. Jaipur:Rawat Publications.
Priyadarshi, N. C. (2006). Electoral Politics in Post-Conflict Societies: Case of Punjab.

Puri, H. (1995). Akali politics: Emerging compulsions. In V. Grover (Ed.), The story of Punjab:
Yesterday and Today (Vol. 1). New Delhi:Deep Publications.
Sharma, T. R. (1986). Diffusion and accommodation: The contending strategies of the Congress
party and Akali Dal in Punjab. Pacific Affairs, 59(4). Retrived from
Singh, D. (1981). Dynamics of Punjab politics. New York:Macmillan Publishers.
Singh, G. (1984, January 7). Socio-Economic Bases of the Punjab Crisis. Economic and
Political Weekly, 19(1), 42-47. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/4372820
50
Singh, N. (2014, November 29). BSP in Punjab: Analysing Its Failure. Economic and Political
Weekly, 49(48), 17-19. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/24481070
Singh, P. (2016). Punjab’s Dalits and politics of patronage. The Tribune . Retrived from
https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/archive/comment/punjab-s-dalits-and-politics-of-patronage-
337283
Singh, P. (2017, January 21). Aam Aadmi Party as Third Player in Punjab Politics. Economic
and Political Weekly, 52(3). Retrived from https://www.epw.in/journal/2017/3/web-
exclusives/aam-aadmi-party-third-player-punjab-politics.html
Tuteja, K. L. ( 1984 ). Politicization of the sikhs in punjab (1919—1925). Proceedings of the

Indian History Congress, 45, 564-570. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/44140245
Verma, P. (1998). The Punjab Congress. In J. G. Banga (Ed.), Punjab in Prosperity and
viloence: Administartion, Politics and Social Change 1947-1977 (p. 252). New Delhi:Manohar
Publishers.
Verma, P. (1999). Akali-BJP Debacle in Punjab: Wages of Non- Performance and

Fragmentation. Economic and Political Weekly, 34(50), 3519-3531. Retrived from
51
Chapter 5: Conclusion and Findings
considered as the main source of income. Punjab is one the state which has remarkable growth in
the agricultural sector. In mid of 1960’s green revolution was introduced in India which resulted
in the remarkable increase in the agricultural production of crops especially food grains. The era
of green revolution in the state of Punjab has brought fundamental shifts in the traditional
structure of the village that existed; this resulted in the internal differentiation among the caste
and class lines of Punjab. Punjab in the mid-sixties was considered as the food bowl of India
with remarkable growth that took place in agrarian sector, by 1980’s this slowly started
vanishing and fall in the agrarian production was witnessed in the state and was named as “crisis
ridden state” due to the internal political and social conflicts that occurred.
major political parties in pushing the state towards the agrarian crisis.
52
This study tried to understand the perception of agrarian transformation in the socio political
point of view through a qualitative method. The major objective of this dissertation was to
analyze the process class formations in rural Punjab and its influence in the course of social
action and explore the factors of social change that influences the changing political dimensions
of Punjab.
In Chapter 2 titled ‘Agrarian Transformation and class formations in Punjab’ focuses on the
historical background and the geography of Punjab to analyse the agrarian conditions that existed
during the Pre-Colonial Era (1500-1849) under the two major empires of Punjab that is Mughal
Empire and Sikh Empire. Further it touches upon the Social Structure (Colonial and Post-
Colonial Period) of the State and by identifying some the agriculturist castes (Arain, Awan,
Dogar, Kamboh, Labana, Jats) of the state based on their landholding proportions which served
as the base for their social status in Punjab. Among these agriculturist castes Jat Sikhs emerged
as the dominant caste in Punjab with roughly one third of the total population of the state (30 to
33%). They also exercise control over land, religion and politics in the state. In 1881 the
population of majority of the Hindu Jats converted to Sikh Jats and formed the Jat Sikh identity
and their conversion is more evident in the 1931 census report. The electoral democracy in the
Post-Independence era and the green revolution immensely contributed towards making Jats as
the ruling elite and strengthened the role in rural economy and regional politics, the existing
division between the Jats and Dalits were further deepened during the course of green revolution
in the 1960. Green revolution transformed the traditional character of the agriculture into
commercial farming. The favoring of market-oriented agriculture further marginalized the Dalits
in the state. In Punjab Power revolves around the landholding criteria, around 80% of
agricultural land is owned by Jat Sikhs and 95% of Dalits are landless labourers in Punjab. This
contradiction between the landless (Dalits) and landlord’s (Jats) lead to the power struggle in the
community[CITATION Ram07 \t \l 1033 ], it was during green revolution the new middle class of
educated Dalits emerged in Punjab which further extended the confrontation among the Dalits
and the Jats by bringing the Dalit consciousness among the landless agricultural
labourers[CITATION Ram07 \t \l 1033 ] . The domination of Jats, though being frequently
challenged has remained the most potent element in the caste dynamics in Punjab [CITATION
Jud15 \t \l 1033 ].The emergence of the Jat-Sikhs as the powerful class in the Punjab further led
53
for the divide in the society between the Sikhs and Non-Sikhs of the society and also led to the
political conflicts
Chapters 3 titled ‘Factors of Social Change’ focuses on the two major factors influencing the
social change in Punjab were the social factors and political factors. Under the social factors the
existing caste structure was analyzed to understand the caste hierarchy rooted in Punjab. The
assumption of no caste in Punjab was broken and caste hierarchy existed but it was different in
nature. The nature of caste hierarchy in the state would revolve around the landownership,
numerical size at local level and political visibility and Jat Sikhs were the dominant upper caste
with the large number of landholdings. Constant struggles between the between the landlords
(Jats) and landless labourers (Dalits) over a time changed the relationship between them, the
social structure of rural Punjab had witnessed fundamental changes during the post-
independence period because of the implications which was significantly imposed on the dalits
like commercialization of agriculture, democratic political process in the state. Nevertheless,
Dalits are discriminated in Punjab and the asymmetrical structure of the agrarian rural economy
has made them subordinate to the landowning upper castes[ CITATION Ram04 \l 1033 ]. This moved
forward to another issue the state witnessed the large number of migrant workers from UP and
Bihar as the local labourers already moved to the other occupations the main reason for the shift
in the occupation of the local labourers was the caste hierarchy and dominance of Jats in the
agrarian sector of the society. The entry of the migrant workers brought in the drastic changes in
the rural economy of Punjab. Exclusion, marginalization and deprivation against dalits initiated
them to raise their voice slowly and this claim for right came to be known as the emergence of
assertion among the dalits of the Punjab. The emerging assertion mainly aimed at the educating
the dalits, upliftment of the dalits in social and political sphere to get the rightful place in the
society for this assertion took place in the three strands and all the strands were similar in the
nature which worked tirelessly for the social and political mobilization of the dalits in Punjab.
Punjab’s unique caste composition and dynamics have resulted in a series of assertions that differ
from the rest of the country. The political formations have not necessarily highlighted Dalit
issues[ CITATION ven17 \l 1033 ]. Then finally the political factor analyzed the reason for the
changing social bases in Punjab and significant increase in the role of dalits in the electoral
politics. Dalits have struggled to attain political power in the state despite this struggle Punjab
continues to be dominated by Jat Sikhs. Dalits have managed to become a bargaining force in
54
the state’s politics which in itself is a leap. They continue to fight against the political
hegemony of Jat Sikhs.
Chapter 4 ‘State Politics and Agrarian Crisis’ focuses on the electoral politics in the state of
Punjab have been discussed under three different phases by analyzing the role of the three major
political parties of Punjab that is Indian National Congress, Shiromani Akali Dal and the new
entry Aam Aadmi Party in the political arena of Punjab. The electoral performance of the Akali
Dal and the congress has gone through a paradigm shift in the political ground of Punjab, since
the annexation Sikhism has been facing the identity crisis and slowly by the major movements in
the state they gained the prominence and became the majority community in the central punjab
which gave the hope for the Akalis in forming the political leadership in punjab the formation of
the Akali Dal which set a new shape to Punjab politics since its presence in the state. Due
to the impact of partition the relation existing between the Hindu-Sikh underwent a major
change simultaneously with the launch of the Punjabi Suba movement by the Akalis adding
to this the state reorganization largely contributed to the Sikh and the Akali leadership has
been dominated by Jat Sikhs, the numerically strong peasant caste (Stren, 2001). The agitation
created by the Akali dal and Congress in late 1980’s developed the agrarian crisis in the state, the
robust growth in the agricultural product in 1960’s fell down drastically and post conflict period
both the parties made their main concern to bring back the normalcy and return of peace in the
state and they had no space for social and economic issues of the state in their agenda and the
process of liberalization started in this era when the agrarian economy is not ready for it further
increased the pressure on the agrarian economy of the state this led to the serious problem of
unemployment in the larger framework with the decrease in the small and marginal landholdings
as they were not able to utilize the green revolution package as a whole and the new pattern of
cropping has led to the water depletion in the state. The entry of the key player who addressed
both the social and economic issues of the state include the demand of the dalits in the manifesto
and had the successful victory in the 2014 general election of the state has led the punjab politics
in increasing the mobilization of the dalits in the political arena of the State. The long-term
historical and sociological look at Dalit politics in Punjab, it is not a surprise at all. It follows the
usual pattern of accommodating leading Dalit figures into the State’s mainstream political
parties. So far this process of accommodation had been confined to the two main historical
contenders for hegemony in Punjab politics, that is the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and the
55
Indian National Congress and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), hope that the new generations of
educated Dalits in Punjab are able to liberate themselves to the mainstream political
parties[CITATION Placeholder1 \t \l 1033 ] . The 2019 Parliamentary elections has proved that the
support base of political parties never remains constant, results of the election pictures that
resurgence of congress party in the state proves one thing that “religion will remain relevant
regardless of which angle one forges an entry point to Punjab politics”.
Findings of this study are:
 The process of class formations in Punjab has formed on the basis of the landholding
criteria. Jat-Sikhs hold the 80% of agricultural land and 95% of Dalits are landless
labourers in Punjab. This led to the class struggle in the state.
 The assumption of no caste in Punjab was broken and caste hierarchy existed but it was
different in nature. The nature of caste hierarchy in the state revolved around the
landownership.
 The state witnessed the entry large amount of migrant workers. The two main reasons for
migration are: the shift to non-farming activity by dalits and green revolution (the
migrant labors were traditionally trained in the paddy transplantation which the local
labors lacked).
 Migration in the rural areas has resulted in the increase in crime rate, drug menace and
cultural invasion.
 The emerging assertion mainly aimed at the educating the dalits, upliftment of the dalits
in social and political sphere.
 Dalits continue to fight against the political hegemony of Jat Sikhs by making their
assertion through various strands.
 Religion plays a major role in the political arena of Punjab.
56
References
Judge, p. S. (2015, april). Caste hierarchy, dominance, and change in punjab. Sociological
bulletin, 64(1), 55-76. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0038022920150104
Kumar, a. (2017). Electoral politics in indian punjab: a new phase? South asia research.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0262728016675528
Ram, r. (2004, december). Untouchability in india with a difference: ad dharm, dalit assertion,
and caste conflicts in punjab. Asian survey, 44(6), 895-912.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249974047_Untouchability_in_India_with_a_Differen
ce_Ad_Dharm_Dalit_Assertion_and_Caste_Conflicts_in_Punjab
Ram, r. (2007, oct 6 - 12). Social exclusion, resistance and deras: exploring the myth of casteless
sikh society in punjab. Economic and political weekly, 42(40), 4066-4074.
Venkatesh, k. (2017). The various strands of dalit assertion in punjab. The hindu centre.
https://www.thehinducentre.com/the-arena/current-issues/article9501894.ece
57
Bibliography
Akbar, M. (1965). The Punjab: Under the Mughals. Lahore: Ripon Printing Press.
Alam, J. (1986). Political Implications and Economic Contradictions in Punjab. Social

Scientist, 14(10), 3-26. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/3517391
Amarjit Kaur, L. G. (2004). The Punjab Story (2nd ed.). New Delhi: The Lotus Collection.
Anand, J. (1976). Punjab: Politics of retreating communalism. In I. Narain (Ed.), State

Politics in India (p. 620). Meerut:Meenakshi Prakashan.
Arora, S. (1990). Turmoil in Punjab Politics. New Delhi: Mittal Publications.
Ashraf, A. (2016). Behind AAP's popularity in Punjab: NRIs and a changing social structure.
Scroll.in.Retrived from https://scroll.in/article/802127/behind-aaps-popularity-in-punjab-nris-
and-a-changing-social-structure
Bajawa, h. S. (1979). Fifty years of punjab politics. 1920-1970. Chandigarh: Modern

Publishers.
Bal, p. S. (2008, october 17). Understanding the paradox of changes among dalits in punjab.
Economic and political weekly, 43(41), 49-55. https://www.epw.in/journal/2008/41/special-
articles/understanding-paradox-changes-among-dalits-punjab.html
58
Bala, r. (2013). Society and culture in the ancient punjab late eighteen early nineteenth
century . Guru nank dev university, department of history. Shodhganga@inflibnet. Retrived
from https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/handle/10603/10218
Baljinder kaur, j. S. (2011). Causes and impact of labour migration: a case study of punjab
agriculture. Agricultural economics research review, 24, 459-466.Retrived from
https://agris.fao.org/agris-search/search.do?recordID=US2016216948
Banerjee, H. (1982). Agrarian society of The Punjab,1849-1901. New Delhi: Manohar

Publications.
Banga, i. (1975). Agraian system of ranjit singh. 36, pp. 321-325. Indian history
congress.Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/44138857
Barrier, n. G. (1968). The punjab government and communal politics, 1870-1908. The
journal of asian studies, 27(3), 523-539. Retrived from
https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-asian-studies/article/punjab-government-
and-communal-politics-18701908/78B0D24226FCE8CFB01FE99710CE91C5
Behal, a. (2020, july 16). The green revolution and a dark punjab. Down to earth, 1-8.
Retrived from https://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/agriculture/the-green-revolution-and-a-
dark-punjab-72318
Brar, b. (2017, january 15). Of uncertain experts and opposing forecasts. Deccan herald.
Retrived from https://www.deccanherald.com/content/591518/of-uncertain-experts-
opposing-forecasts.html
Brass, P. (1974). Language, Religion and Politics in North India. England:Cambridge

University Press.
Chandhoke, N. (2005). Revisiting the Crisis of Representation Thesis: The Indian Context.
Tandfoline, 308-330. Retrived from
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510340500126756
Chumber, c. L. (1986). Interview with the editor of adi-danka. Kaumi udarian, 1(2), 49-52.
Retrived from http://allaboutpunjab.blogspot.com/2008/11/ba-ba-ram-chand-kherha-editor-
adi-danka.html
Commission, P. (2004). Punjab Development Report 2004. Governmnet of India. Retrived

from http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/punjab-human-development-report-2004
59
Cunnigham, J. D. (1849). A history of the Sikhs: From the origin of the Nation to the Battles
of Sutlej.New Delhi: Rupa. Retrived from http://indianculture.gov.in/rarebooks/history-sikhs-
origin-nation-battles-sutlej
Deepti. (2018, july 1). A sense of assertion among dalits: literature and images of dalit icons.
International journal of research and analytical reviews, 5(3), 1181-1186. Retrived from
http://ijrar.com/upload_issue/ijrar_issue_1429.pdf
Dogra, B. (1986, april 5). Punjab-communal tensions and left forces. Economic and political
weekly, 21(14). https://epw.in/journal/1986/14/our-correspondent-columns/punjab-
communal-tensions-and-left-forces.html
Dogra, C. S. (2018, may 02). In punjab's phagwara, dalits are confronting a new opponent –
aggressive hindutva. The wire. Retrived from https://thewire.in/caste/hindu-dalit-clashes-
phagwara
Dunfey, T. S. (2019, may 2019).What is Social Change and Why should we care?. Southern
new hampshire university. Retrived from https://www.snhu.edu/about-
us/newsroom/2017/11/what-is-social-change
Ghuman, R. S. (2008, February 16). Socio-Economic Crisis in Rural Punjab. Economic and
Political Weekly, 43(7). Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/40277604
Habib, i. (1976). Jats of punjab and sind. In h. S. Barrier, punjab past and present: essays in
honour of dr. Ganda singh (pp. 92-103). Chandigarh: Punjabi university.
Habib, I. (2013). The Agrarian Sysytem Of Mughal India, 1556-1707. UK:Oxford India
Paperbacks.
Harish k puri, p. S. (1999). Terrorism in punjab : understanding grassroots reality. New

delhi: har-anand publications.
Heesterman, j. C. (2004). The social dynamics of the mughal empire: a brief introduction.
Journal of the economic and social history of the orient, 47(3), 292-297. Retrived from
India, e. C. (2014). General election 2014 for punjab state. Government of india. Retrived
from https://www.elections.in/punjab/parliamentary-constituencies/
Jarrett, H. B. (1891). The Ani i Akbari by Abul Fazlallami translated from the original
persian (Vol. 1). New Delhi:Low price.
Jayapalan, n. (2001). History of india. New Delhi:Atlantic Publishers.
60
Jetly, r. (2008). The khalistan movement in india: the interplay of politics and state powerthe
khalistan movement in india: the interplay of politics and state power. International review
of modern sociology , 34(1), 61-75. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/41421658
Jodhka, S. (2002, may 17). Caste and untouchability in rural punjab. Economic and political
weekly, 37(19), 1813-1823. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/4412102
Jodhka, s. S. (2005, january 21). Return of the region: identities and electoral politics in
punjab. Economic & political weekly, 40(3), 224-230. Retrived from
Jodhka, S. (2006, April 22). Beyond Crises: Rethinking Contemporary Punjab Agriculture.
Jodhka, S. (2006, april). Caste and democracy: assertion and identity among the dalits of
rural punjab. Sociological bulletin, 55(1), 4-23. Retrived from
Jodhka, S. (2020, december12). Indian state and the future of agriculture. Economic and
political weekly, 55(49). Retrived from
https://www.epw.in/journal/2020/49/editorials/indian-state-and-future-agriculture.html
Jodhka, S. (2021). Changing Modes of Agriculture in Punjab. The Indian Forum, 8. Retrived
from https://www.theindiaforum.in/article/changing-modes-agriculture-punjab
Joshi, P. C. (1969, December). Agrarian Social Structure and Social Change. The Indian
Journal of Statistics, 31(3/4), 479-490. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/25051699
Joshi, P. C. (1975). Land Reforms in India: Trends and Perspectives. Bombay: Allied
Publishers.
Judge, P. S. (2002, September). Religion, Caste, and Communalism in Punjab. Sociological

Judge, P. S. (2014). Changing caste relations and emerging contestations in punjab. Uk

research and innovation, 1-29. Retrived from http://sas-
Judge, P. S. (2015, april). Caste hierarchy, dominance, and change in punjab. Sociological
bulletin, 64(1), 55-76. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/26290720
Judge.P.S. (2015, october 17). Punjab at the crossroads. Economic and political weekly,
50(42), 17-19. Retrived from https://www.epw.in/journal/2015/42/commentary/punjab-
crossroads.html
61
Juergensmeyer, M. (1979, Feb). Cultures of deprivation: Three case studies in Punjab.
Economic and Political Weekly, 14(7/8), 255-262. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4367347
Kaur, A. (2003). Pattern of utilization of remittances of nris in doaba village of punjab.

Department of economics.Chandigarh: Punjabi university.
Kaur, B. (2015, february). Social impact of migration in punjab. International journal of

innovative research and development, 4(2), 303-305. Retrived from
https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.849.9816&rep=rep1&type=pdf
Kaur, H. (2019, jan). Canalization and colonization during colonial period: adverse impact on
the rural economy of punjab. International journal of academic research and development,
4(1), 78-80. Retrived from http://www.academicjournal.in/download/2254/4-1-33-111.pdf
Kaur, K. (1999). Akali dal in punjab politics: splits and mergers. New delhi: deep
publications.
Kaur, P. S. (2010). The Politics of Sikh Identity: Understanding Religious Exclusion.

Sociological Bulletin, 59(3), 345-366. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23620888
Khan, I. A. (1982). A note on medieval jatt immigration in the punjab. Proceedings of the
Kohli, A. (1990). Democracy and discontent, india's growing crisis of governability.

England:Cambridge university press.
Krishna, G. (1956). Demography of Punjab. JPS, 11(1), 77-89. Retrived from

https://punjab.global.ucsb.edu/sites/secure.lsit.ucsb.edu.gisp.d7_sp/files/sitefiles/journals/vol
ume11/no1/6_krishan.pdf
Kumar, A. (2004, April 3). Electoral Politics in Punjab: 1966-2004. JPS, 12(1), 111-128.
Retrived from
http://punjab.global.ucsb.edu/sites/secure.lsit.ucsb.edu.gisp.d7_sp/files/sitefiles/journals/volu
me12/no1/6_kumar.pdf
Kumar, A. (2014). 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Punjab:Explaining the Electoral Success

of Aam Aadmi Party. JPS, 23(170). Retrived from
http://punjab.global.ucsb.edu/sites/secure.lsit.ucsb.edu.gisp.d7_sp/files/sitefiles/journals/volu
me12/no1/6_kumar.pdf
Kumar, A. (2017). Electoral politics in indian punjab: a new phase? South asia research.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0262728016675528
Kumar, A. (2020). Electoral Politics in Punjab: Factors and Phases. London:Routledge.
62
Kumar, H. (2013). Industrial development in punjab 1924-37. Proceedings of the indian
history congress, 74, 490-497. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/44158849
Kumar, P. (1999). Punjab: Changing political agenda. In R. R. Wallace (Ed.), Electoral

politics in Punjab. New York:Sage Publications.
Kumar, S. (2018, June 30). Agrarian Transformation and New Sociality in Western Uttar
Pradesh. Economic and Political Weekly, 53(267&27), 39-48.Retrived from
https://www.epw.in/journal/2018/26-27/review-rural-affairs/agrarian-transformation-and-
new.html
Kumar, V. (2004, january 9). Understanding dalit diaspora. Economic and political weekly,
39(1), 114-116. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/4414473
Lakhwinder singh, i. S. (2009). Changing character of rural economy and migrant labour in
punjab. Jps, 16(1), 57-69. Retrived from
LakhwinderGill16%201%20%282%29.pdf
Mahaprashasta, A. A. (2017, January 31). Dalit Issues Take Centre Stage in Punjab, But Jat
Sikhs Continue to Dominate Political Dialogue. The Wire. Retrived from
https://thewire.in/politics/dalit-issues-take-centre-stage-in-punjab-but-jat-sikhs-continue-to-
dominate-political-dialogue
Mandakini, t., & k.s., b. (2016). Modernization of agriculture in colonial punjab and its
impact on the rural economy. International reserach of social sciences, 5(12), 52-55.
Retrived from http://www.isca.in/IJSS/Archive/v5/i12/10.ISCA-IRJSS-2016-190.php
Mir, N. A. (2017). Landholding communities in punjab:a changing caste composition from

1595 to 1901. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 78, 340-350. Retrived from
Mishra, i. (2016, june 26).Dalit movement for land. Ismishra.Blogspot.Retrieved from

https://ishmishra.blogspot.com/2016/06/dalit-movement-for-land.html
Mooney, N. ( 2013). The Yeoman Jats of Punjab: Time, Expertise and the Colonial
Construction of Jat Sikh. Canadian Anthropology Society, 55(2), 277-290. Retrived from
Narang, A. (2000). The Punjabi Suba Movement. In H. k. Judge (Ed.), Social and Political
Movements: Readings on Punjab. Jaipur:Rawat Publications.
Narang, K. (1969). History of The Punjab 1500-1858. New Delhi:U.C. Kapur and Sons.
63
Narinder, S. (2017). Class structure and class conciousness in farmer's movements in
punjab. Ignou. Retrieved from https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/handle/10603/281804
Pai, s. (2001). From harijans to dalits: identity formation, political consciousness and
electoral mobilization of the scheduled castes in uttar pradesh in dalit identity and politics.
(g. Shah, ed.) New York:Sage publications.
Pal, s. (2009). Agrarian unrest in punjab and sardar ajit singh. Proceedings of the indian
history congress, 70, 451-464. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44147692
Paramjit S Jude, G. B. (1996). Strategies of Social Change in India. New Delhi:MD

Publications. Retrived from
https://books.google.com/books/about/Strategies_of_Social_Change_in_India.html?
id=7lKM4aWhIH0C
Prakash, l. (2003). Dalit identity and dalit assertion. In l. Prakash, the political sociology of
dalit assetion (pp. 125-170). New Delhi:Gyan publications.
Priyadarshi, N. C. (2006). Electoral Politics in Post-Conflict Societies: Case of Punjab.

Punjab, g. O. (2011). Scheduled caste population in punjab. Agricultural census report,

department of social justice and empoerment and minorities. Retrived from
http://welfarepunjab.gov.in/Static/SCPopulation.html
Puri, H. (1995). Akali politics: Emerging compulsions. In V. Grover (Ed.), The story of
Punjab: Yesterday and Today (Vol. 1). New Delhi:Deep Publications.
Pushpendra. (1999). Dalit assertion through electoral politics. Economic and political weekly,
2609-2618. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/4408373
Ram, R. (2004, december). Untouchability in india with a difference: ad dharm, dalit

assertion, and caste conflicts in punjab. Asian survey, 44(6), 895-912.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249974047_Untouchability_in_India_with_a_Diffe
rence_Ad_Dharm_Dalit_Assertion_and_Caste_Conflicts_in_Punjab
Ram, R. (2007, oct 6 - 12). Social exclusion, resistance and deras: exploring the myth of
casteless sikh society in punjab. Economic and political weekly, 42(40), 4066-4074.
Ram, R. (2007). Ad-dharm movemnt and dalit conciousness in punjab.Punjab university.

Retrived from https://www.ambedkartimes.com/page6.html
64
Ram, R. (2007, october 12). Social exclusion, resistance and deras: exploring the myth of
casteless sikh society in punjab. Economic and political weekly, 42(40), 4066-4074. Retrived
from https://www.epw.in/journal/2007/40/special-articles/social-exclusion-resistance-and-
deras.html
Ram, R. (2007). Dalit assertion and caste conflicts in punjab. Punjab university. Retrived
from https://www.ambedkartimes.com/page6.html
Randhawa, M. (1982). A History of Agriculture in India (Vol. 2). New Delhi: Indian Council
of Agricutural Research.
Rawanda, M. (1983). A History of Agriculture in India (Vol. 3). New Delhi: Indian Council
of Agriculture Research.
Rudra, A. (1978, June 3). Class Relations In Indian Agriculture (I,II,III). Economic and
Political Weekly, 13(22). Retrived from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/4366685/4366706/4366726
Sandhu, M. K. (2017). AAp mnnifesto: for a modern, corruption-free and prosperous punjab.
Punjab dialouge. Retrived from http://www.babushahi.com/upload/pdf/Punjab
%20Manifesto-%20English-4.pdf
Sardesai, G. S. (1986). New history of Marathas (Vol. 1). New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal.
Sharma, n. (2000). Caste in punjab: political marginalization and cultural assertion of

scheduled castes in punjab. Jps, 19(1), 27-47. Retrived from
NeeruSharma19_1.pdf
Sharma, T. R. (1986). Diffusion and accommodation: The contending strategies of the

Congress party and Akali Dal in Punjab. Pacific Affairs, 59(4). Retrived from
Sidhu, j. A. (2003, july). Industrial disputes in punjab: emerging trends. Indian journal of
industrial relations, 39(1), 58-83. Retrived from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/27767881.pdf
Singh, D. (1981). Dynamics of Punjab politics. New York:Macmillan Publishers.
Singh, D. G. (2000). Ethnic Conflict in India: A Case Study of Punjab. London:Routledge.
Singh, G. (1987, December). Understanding Punjab Problem. Asian Survey, 27(12), 1268-
1277. Retrived from https://www.jstor.org/stable/2644634
65
Singh, G. (1984, January 7). Socio-Economic Bases of the Punjab Crisis. Economic and
Singh, I. (2019, april 22). Why dalits in punjab couldn’t dominate politically. The times of
india. Retrived from https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chandigarh/why-dalits-in-
punjab-couldnt-dominate-politically/articleshow/68982830.cms
Singh, J. (2018, Jan). Impact of agricultural policy of raj from 1849 to 1900 in Punjab.
International Journal of Academic Research and Development, 3(1). Retrived from
http://www.academicjournal.in/download/1411/3-1-382-341.pdf
Singh, J. P. (2006). Changing agrarian relationships in rural india. Indian journal of

agricultural economy, 61(1), 36-64. Retrived from
https://ageconsearch.umn.edu/record/204444/files/04-keynote%20Paper%20J.P
%20Singh.pdf
Singh, k. (1963). A history of sikhs (2nd ed., vol. 1). England:Oxford.
Singh, M. (1997, march 21). Bonded migrant labour in punjab agriculture. Economic and
https://www.epw.in/journal/1997/11/commentary/bonded-migrant-labour-punjab-
agriculture.html
Singh, M. (2012, july 21). Preference for migrant agricultural labour in punjab. Economic
and political weekly, 47(29), 27-28. Retrived from
https://www.epw.in/journal/2012/29/states/preference-migrant-agricultural-labour-
punjab.html
Singh, N. (2014, November 29). BSP in Punjab: Analysing Its Failure. Economic and
Singh, P. (2016). Punjab’s Dalits and politics of patronage. The Tribune . Retrived from
https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/archive/comment/punjab-s-dalits-and-politics-of-
patronage-337283
Singh, P. (2017, January 21). Aam Aadmi Party as Third Player in Punjab Politics. Economic
and Political Weekly, 52(3). Retrived from https://www.epw.in/journal/2017/3/web-
exclusives/aam-aadmi-party-third-player-punjab-politics.html
Singh, S. (1982). Agricultural technology in the punjab under british rule,1839-1947.

Proceedings of the indian history congress, 43, 479-486. Retrived from
Singh, S. (2000). Agricultural growth under colonial constraints, the punjab. New Delhi:
Manpreet.
66
Singh, S. (2000). Life and expolits of bandha singh bahadhur. Chandigarh:Punjab university.
Singh, S. (2005). Changing social bases of support ofshiromaniakali dal in punjab (1967-
99):a study of majha region. Himachal pradesh university, shimla , department of political
science. Himachal pradesh university, shimla. Retrived from
https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/handle/10603/120610
Sukhpal singh, s. B. (2020, june 27). Punjab’s agricultural labourers in transition: a

longitudinal study of three decades. Economic & political weekly, 55(27), 21-28. Retrived
from https://www.epw.in/journal/2020/26-27/review-rural-affairs/punjabs-agricultural-
labourers-transition.html
Tandon, p. (1974). The jajmani system. India international centre quaterly, 24(2/3), 40-46.
Retrived from https://www.epw.in/system/files/pdf/1961_13/23/the_jajmani_system.pdf
Tuteja, K. L. ( 1984 ). Politicization of the sikhs in punjab (1919—1925). Proceedings of the

Retrived from https://www.thehinducentre.com/the-arena/current-issues/article9501894.ece
Verma, P. (1998). The Punjab Congress. In J. G. Banga (Ed.), Punjab in Prosperity and
viloence: Administartion, Politics and Social Change 1947-1977 (p. 252). New
Delhi:Manohar Publishers.
Verma, P. (1999). Akali-BJP Debacle in Punjab: Wages of Non- Performance and

Fragmentation. Economic and Political Weekly, 34(50), 3519-3531. Retrived from
https://www.thehinducentre.com/the-arena/current-issues/article9501894.ece
Vora, r. (2004). Decline of caste majoritarianism in indian politics” in democracy: meaning

and practice. (r. V. Palshika, ed.) New York:Sage publications.
Zone, I. N. (2013, Aug 27). India Net Zone. Retrieved from https://www.indianetzone.com
67
68

Agrarain Transformation in Punjab Changing Socio-Political Dynamics

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Agrarain Transformation in Punjab Changing Socio-Political Dynamics

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Agrarain Transformation in Punjab Changing Socio-Political Dynamics

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

ST.

JOSEPH’S COLLEGE (AUTONOMOUS)

AGRARAIN TRANSFORMATION IN PUNJAB: CHANGING SOCIO-POLITICAL

UNDER THE GUIDANCE OF

DR. SUJIT KUMAR

St. Joseph’s College (Autonomous)

June 05, 2021

Fr. Dr. Victor Lobo Dr. Sujit Kumar

AAP- Aam Aadmi Party

Sl.No Title Page. No

Sl.No Title Page. No

Sl.No Title Page. No

I am grateful to my supervisor Dr. Sujit Kumar, Associate Professor, Department of Political

4) Political Implications and Economic Contradictions by Javeed Alam (1986), Published in

5) Understanding Punjab Problem by Gurharpal Singh (1987), Published in Asian Survey,

9) Ethnic Conflict in India: A Case Study of Punjab by Dr Gurharpal Singh (2000),

11) Beyond Crises: Rethinking Contemporary Punjab Agriculture by Surinder S Jodhka

1.3 Research gap

1.4 Research question

1.5 Research objective

1.6 Research methodology

1.7 Research statement

1.8 Chapter Scheme

Chapter 4: State Politics and Agrarian Crisis

Paramjit S Jude, G. B. (1996). Strategies of Social Change in India. New Delhi:MD

Singh, D. G. (2000). Ethnic Conflict in India: A Case Study of Punjab. London:Routledge.

Chapter 2: Agrarian Transformation and Class Formation in Punjab

2.2 The Geography of Punjab

Map No 2.1- Geography of Punjab

Source: newsbharati (2019).

2.3 Pre-colonial agrarian conditions (1500 to 1848)

2.3.1 Agrarian conditions under the Mughal Empire

Akbar 1594 £ 18,650,000

2.3.2 Agrarian conditions under the Sikh Empire

Map No. 2.2 – Kingdom of Ranjith Singh

2.4 Class formations in Punjab

Figure No.2.1- Religious Composition of Punjab

2.4.1 Emergence of Jats in Punjab

2.4.2 Jat and Sikh relations (colonial and post-colonial)

Banerjee, H. (1982). Agrarian society of The Punjab,1849-1901. New Delhi: Manohar.

Judge, P. S. (2002, September). Religion, Caste, and Communalism in Punjab. Sociological

Krishna, G. (1956). Demography of Punjab. JPS, 11(1), 77-89. Retrived from

Singh, k. (1963). A history of sikhs (2nd ed., vol. 1). England:Oxford.

3.2 Social Factors

Year 1981 1991 2001 Growth rate (per annum %)

3.2.2 Emerging dalit assertion

3.3 Political Factors

Kaur, a. (2003). Pattern of utilization of remittances of nris in doaba village of punjab.

Kohli, a. (1990). Democracy and discontent, india's growing crisis of governability.

Mishra, i. (2016, june 26).Dalit movement for land. Ismishra.Blogspot.Retrieved from

Punjab, g. O. (2011). Scheduled caste population in punjab. Agricultural census report,

Ram, r. (2007). Ad-dharm movemnt and dalit conciousness in punjab.Punjab university.

4.2 Factors and Phases of Electoral Politics

4.2.1 Politics of colonial Punjab

4.2.2 Politics of Punjab after Partition

4.2.3 Politics of Punjab Present

4.3 Emergence of Political parties