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The Loudspeaker of The 21 Century: An Argument For The International Protection of Internet Access As A Basic Human Right
The Loudspeaker of The 21 Century: An Argument For The International Protection of Internet Access As A Basic Human Right
The Loudspeaker of The 21 Century: An Argument For The International Protection of Internet Access As A Basic Human Right
In 1948, Justice Douglas, in announcing the majority opinion of Saia v. New York, 334
U.S. 558, striking down a penal ordinance that required prior approval by the Chief of Police to
use loudspeakers in public fora, stated that “[l]oud-speakers are today indispensable instruments
of effective public speech.”1 In ruling that the ordinance was an impermissible restriction on free
speech in a public forum, Justice Douglas found that an instrument of expression is an element of
free speech. Since 1948, there have been number of significant changes in communication
technologies. While the radio continued to grow in popularity and the television was born, these
telecommunication devices would ultimately be no match against what was on the horizon
during the late 20th century. By far, the most important communication technology to have
emerged in the 20th century is the Internet. This paper argues for an international scheme of
protection for basic access to the Internet because of its increasing role as the premier tool for
accessing information, free speech, business transacting and human interaction. The paper will
start with a brief introduction to the related issues, give a historical and technological explanation
of the Internet, describe of the ways in which governments around the world restrict Internet
access and then define the ways in which an international framework would operate to protect a
I. INTRODUCTION
2 It is important to note that the word free in the phrase “free and open”—which is used frequently throughout this
paper—is meant to connote the idea of freedom as related to liberty, not free as in free beer.
During the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Internet in its current form began to gain
mainstream popularity. The first consumer Internet service providers were coming into
existence3 and the first graphic user interface browsers were developed.4 Over the last twenty
years, the Internet has grown from being somewhat of a novelty, with relatively few users, to a
worldwide phenomenon with nearly a quarter of the world's population having access to the it.5
Along with this raw increase in the number of Internet users came several fundamental changes
to the aspect of users' everyday lives. The rise of the Internet has changed nearly every facet of
modern life. People now communicate instantly via instant messaging, receive news on demand,
earn college degrees, watch streaming movies, keep tabs on their government and buy nearly
every type of good imaginable from an Internet-accessible device. Arguably, outside of the
printing press or the distillation of thought into the written word, nothing has changed the lives
One of the most important functions the Internet has come to serve is the de facto
marketplace for the sharing of ideas. The Internet has allowed for people with similar ideas,
beliefs and interests to congregate together on message boards, in Internet Relay Chat (IRC)
channels and social networking websites like Facebook and Twitter;6 it has provided a forum for
political debate; and it has allowed for individuals, instead of organizations, to report
3 There is somewhat of a debate as to what company was the first commercial Internet service provider. Some
claim that Professor Andrew Burt of the University of Denver was first in creating Nyx while others claim that
Spike Ilacqua's Internet service provider, The World, was first. Regardless of what firm was the first, both
claimed to have begun offering service in 1989.
4 History of the Internet, pg 153-154. The first graphic user interface web browser, WorldWideWeb (WWW), was
created by Tim Berners-Lee in 1991 while working at CERN. In 1993, a couple of University of Illinois
professors released the graphic user interface browser Mosaic. Both of these browsers were key for opening the
Internet to private individuals who were not able to use the prior-existing tools due to computer-illiteracy.
5 http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.NET.USER/countries?cid=GPD_58&display=graph
6 For a recent view on how social networking sites have played a role in international affairs, see
http://articles.sfgate.com/2011-02-13/business/28532426_1_social-media-facebook-and-twitter-facebook-ceo-
mark-zuckerberg and http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2011-02-07-egyptyouth07_ST_N.htm describing
Facebook and Twitter's recent roles in the Egyptian revolution.
newsworthy events. For four hours following the 1991 bombings of Israel by Iraq, the “#report”
channel of an Israeli IRC server was the only source of information throughout Europe.7 In the
recent Egypt revolution, the Internet played an even greater news-reporting role. Throughout the
protests and gatherings, and when the Internet was available, protesters were sharing information
about recent events, the success of protests and the state's reaction.8 Seeing the importance and
power of Twitter updates, Qatar-based Al Jazeera, a prominent new agency in the Arab world,
created a Twitter dashboard that would incorporate Twitter updates from protesters and Al
Jazeera news updates, providing even more expansive coverage.9 Twitter had such an impact, in
fact, that a book recounting the Egyptian revolution will be written using only Twitter updates.10
In a less serious example, Internet reporting proved itself to be quicker and equally as influential
as traditional media during the reporting of the Monica Lewinsky-Bill Clinton scandal, featured
on Matt Drudge's website The Drudge Report, which is widely viewed as the first big news story
to develop primarily on the Internet.11 These examples go to show the growing role of the
More importantly, however, the Internet has allowed for Internet users to come together
and not just report news, but participate and significantly influence newsworthy events. While
there is some argument about how much of a role social media websites like Twitter and
Facebook practically played in recent revolutions in the Arab world,12 such websites have altered
7 History of the Internet, page 160. Due to the damage caused by the bombings and the potential dangers posed by
further bombings, mainstream news agencies were unable to report on the event. However, due to the Internet
and, specifically, IRC, Israelis on the ground were able to to keep the world abreast of the attack.
8 http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2011-02-07-egyptyouth07_ST_N.htm
9 http://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/Al-Jazeera-Plans-to-Tweet-the-Revolution-117596479.html
10 http://articles.cnn.com/2011-03-07/tech/book.egypt.tweets.mashable_1_tweets-microblogging-platform-
revolution?_s=PM:TECH
11 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/special_report/1998/clinton_scandal/50031.stm. While Newsweek had the first
chance of running the Monica Lewinsky story, the magazine decided not to report the story.
12 On one side of the argument, there are naysayers like Malcolm Gladwell who believe that social media sites are
“well suited to making the existing social order more efficient” and “not a natural enemy of the status quo.”
(October 2010 article, Small Change: Why the Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted). On the other side, you have on-
the-ground protesters like Wael Ghonim, an Egyptian activist and the head of marketing in the Middle East and
North Africa for search giant Google. In multiple interviews, Ghonim has highlighted the importance of not only
the way participants in such revolutions perceive and interact with the information related to the
uprisings.13 While protesters and revolutionaries of decades past had to rely on word of mouth,
physical transportation of notes and, perhaps, telephone systems, the Internet has allowed for
protesters to share information instantly from any Internet-connected device, thus changing the
Additionally, the Internet has changed the way governments interact with its citizens. In
2008, after President Obama took office, he elected for the first time in history to deliver the
weekly presidential addresses via video distributed via the user-generated video sharing website,
YouTube.14 Internationally, the Internet has played an even larger role in democracy. In 2007,
Estonia became the first country in the world to allow voting via the Internet in a national
election.15 In general, the Internet has come to play a significant role in the two-way
In the same democratic vein, the Internet has allowed for citizens to keep check on their
governments in ways likely never envisioned before the advent of such a tremendous
communication tool. Rooted in the idea of democracy is the belief that democratic governments
are created by the people and only derive their powers due to the consent of the people.16 An
unstated premise of this fundamental belief is that people will have access to information in
order to give informed consent to government. This same principle animates the Freedom of the
Press proviso of the First Amendment. As Justice Stewart stated in his now famous speech about
the first amendment, the founders established the constitutional guarantee of free press to create
social media websites like Facebook and Twitter, but the Internet in general in the Egypt Revolution. See
http://www.rawstory.com/rs/2011/02/11/i-meet-mark-zuckerberg-personally-google-exec-tells-cnn/ and
http://techpresident.com/blog-entry/ghonim-our-revolution-wikipedia for Ghonim's view on the Internet's role in
democratic revolutions.
13 http://www.theatlanticwire.com/global/2011/01/the-twitter-revolution-debate-the-egyptian-test-case/21296/ .
14 http://news.cnet.com/obama-to-deliver-weekly-address-via-youtube/
15 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/22/technology/22iht-evote.4691301.html
16 Declaration of Independence
a fourth institution (outside of the three political branches) as an official check on government.
In plain terms, Justice Stewart stated that “[t]he public's interest in knowing about its government
is protected by the guarantee of a Free Press.”17 While the traditional press has served such a
function and continue to do so, the Internet in general, the traditional press using the broad
capabilities of the Internet and other organizations like Wikileaks have bestowed individuals with
As the role of the Internet in users' lives continues to increase, so does users' reliance.
Like anything else, with more reliance comes more or greater issues when existence on what you
are relying becomes unavailable. For instance, in many places throughout the United States, a
car is a basic necessity for everyday life. For some people, getting to and from work, traveling to
the grocery store to buy food and visiting friends and family is contingent on the functioning of
their car. If these people were to suddenly be without their car or any viable replacement, such
activities would be impossible.19 Arguably, current reliance on the Internet is not as great as
people's reliance on things like cars or plumbing, but there are instances where a serious
disruption in Internet service could harm a moderately-active Internet subscriber. For instance,
many Internet users rely on email and company webportals to receive and pay bills, respectively.
processing of email on the client's end, there could be a lack of payment and, potentially, a
17 These statement originally were given during an address on November 2, 1974 at the Yale School
Sesquicentennial Convocation. It was reprinted in The Hastings Law Journal. 26 HASTINGS L. J. 631.
18 Some people would say that this argument alone justifies a free and open Internet. The argument goes: 1) A
government only exist because its citizens grant it power 2) Only an informed citizenry can legitimately grant
power to a government 3) A free and open Internet is a powerful tool in the citizenry knowing about its
government 4) Thus, like the freedom of the press, the Internet should be made free and open in order for there
to be a legitimate government.
19 These examples or endless. Since the Industrial Revolution, people have become less self-sufficient and thus
more reliant on pre-made clothes, reliable food sources, external sources for energy needs, etc. While pre-
Industrial persons would have likely not needed a car or pre-made clothes nor been significantly impacted by the
brief introduction and removal of such niceties, the average 21st century person would be severely negatively
impacted by the removal of such things.
disruption of water, gas, electric or other basic utilities. Similarly, as more individuals become
reliant of the Internet for news, a disruption in Internet access could interfere with their ability to
know about the workings of their governments, keep check on their government or possibly even
vote.
The importance of the Internet has not been lost on the world's governments. A number
of courts, legislatures, executive bodies and international organizations have exhibited their
belief in a free and open Internet. In France, for example, the high Court announced that
are required by law to provide at least a one-megabit broadband Internet connection.21 In the
United States, while there have been no court decisions decreeing Internet access a basic human
right or laws passed providing all citizens with access, there have been statements made by the
State Department favoring an free and open Internet22 and failed legislation towards the same
end,23 all for the sake of human rights. Additionally, the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has called for a study of the diverse and complex legal,
ethical and societal issues raised by the Internet which will, if necessary, serve as the framework
for a new international agreement.24 Thus, governments and organizations across the world have
realized the important role that the Internet plays in democracy, survival and the everyday lives
of individuals, and have attempted to protect the right of access. However, due to the global
nature of the Internet, ad-hoc regimes created by individual governments are not enough.
Because open access in France is completely independent of access in China and a one-megabit
20 http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,525993,00.html
21 http://articles.cnn.com/2009-10-15/tech/finland.internet.rights_1_internet-access-fast-internet-megabit?
_s=PM:TECH
22 http://www.state.gov/e/eeb/cip/netfreedom/index.htm#hr
23 A Global First Amendment? 6 JTHTL 509 at 509 – 510 speaking generally about the Global Online Freedom Act
(GOFA) and the Global Internet Freedom Act (GIFA)
24 The International Dimensions of Cyberspace Law, The Possibilities for a Legal Framework for Cyberspace –
Including a New Zealand Perspective, page 9
connection in Finland is independent of Internet speeds in Burma, ad-hoc policies run the risk of
creating dangerous sub-Internets, where everyone's experience is degraded due to lack of true,
international participation.25 For that reason, the developed nations of the world must come
together and draft an international agreement that protects a basic level of Internet access. In the
following pages, this paper will briefly give a historical and technical description of the Internet
in order to fully explain the problem, highlight some recent and current infringements on the
right to Internet access and try to develop a framework from which an international standard for
The History of the Internet: How Sputnik Launched the World Wide Web
In 1957, Russia launched the first human in space aboard the Sputnik satellite. In
response, President Dwight Eisenhower created a government agency known as the Advanced
Research Projects Agency (ARPA). From this agency would grow a computer network,
ARPAnet, which would be the precursor to the Internet as we know it. After Sputnik, it would
take a little more than ten years for ARPAnet to come to life. In late 1969, after working on
same-site computer networks (known as time-sharing systems, where multiple local terminals
were connected to one mainframe) for a number of years, members of ARPA and other entities
successfully made the connections for the first multi-site computer network. Eventually the
needs of users outgrew the traditional ARPAnet and its daughter, civilian network, TELEnet.26
In response, in 1979, a group of graduate students at Duke University and the University of
25 See http://ahumanright.org/blog/about/ for arguments about why the Internet and the world would be objectively
better places if everyone where to have access to the Internet.
26 While ARPAnet did become less relevant over time, it always was present as the core network that would
eventually become the Internet.
North Carolina created Usenet, a computer network of different news and discussion groups.
While not nearly as popular as it once was, Usenet is still exists as a forum for users around the
world. In the same year, ARPA, which became known as DARPA, created the Internet
Configuration Control Board (ICCB) to lead the charge in Internet standardization procedures.
Though a number of other networks came into existence during the interim and a number
of standards were written, the next big leaps forward for the Internet came in 1983 and 1984.
Over the course of those two years, TCP/IP became the official networking protocol of the
Internet; the name server was invented and the Domain Name System was implemented.27 With
these final pieces in place, the Internet as we know it was born. Thus, out of a government
To fully understand some of the issues affecting Internet access like Net Neutrality,
bandwidth shaping and firewalling, a basic understanding of how the Internet functions must first
be established. The best way to explain how the Internet works is by way of example. In the
example, the technical aspects of John accessing Google.com from his home Internet connection
will be explained. The example will confer a basic technical knowledge upon which the
explanations of Internet access rights will be explained. In short, it will be explained how John
will use Google to search for and receive back information about kangaroos.28
When any user accesses information on the Internet, the information being requested is
stored on another computer, known as a server. The first step in accessing any webpage is
27 Name server and the Domain Name System are both defined and explained in the following section, “How the
Internet Works”
28 There are a number of other important technical aspects of the Internet that, while not necessary for the scope
and understanding of the arguments presented in this paper, are interesting and impact the Internet on the
international level. For instance, the separate Internet tiers and the principle known as “peering” would need to
be addressed for certain aspects of a truly integrated international Internet.
making a request to the server. In this example, the information John is requesting is located on
a Google server and the request is a search about kangaroos. The first step in John's search is to
access Google. When John types Google.com into the address bar, a number of events occur.
First, the data encoded in John's request is broken into smaller packets each containing a portion
of his request. These packets are sent from his computer and through his home router to the
Internet. The first stop on the journey is at a Domain Name System (DNS) server, also known as
a name server. The DNS is one of the most important aspects of the consumer Internet. This is
the system that associates domain names (like Google.com, Facebook.com, CNN.com, etc.) with
their physical location, which is signified by a series of numbers known as a Internet Protocol
(IP) address.29 When John's request of Google.com reaches the name server, the DNS associates
the plain English address, here Google.com, with its IP address, 74.125.65.105. John's browser
is then routed to a page on another server, which displays the Google.com homepage.30 Once
John reaches Google, he is then able to search for kangaroos. This request is processed the same
way. All along the way, there are a number of other routers that ensure that John's request
reaches the correct server. Routers communicate with each other, and then send the information
along to the appropriate receiving server. While there are a number of other facets that control
the transmission of information across the Internet, only a basic understanding of the process is
necessary for the purposes of this paper. Below is a simplified diagram that depicts what is
explained above.
As mentioned above, all Internet connected devices are assigned an IP address by their
ISP. In order for your computer to withstand attacks originating from the Internet, a firewall is
29 Every Internet connected device is given an IP address. Some ISPs give each individual consumers unique IP
addresses, while other ISPs reassign IP addresses to consumers each time they connect to the Internet. The
former category are known as static IP addresses while the latter are known as dynamic. These specific locations
on the Internet are also known as uniform resource locators or URLs.
30 While webmasters can host their own DNS servers, many choose to use free services like EveryDNS or Google's
free DNS service. Also, many ISPs provide DNS service, providing faster and more reliable service to their
customers.
implemented. There are two key types of firewalls, software and hardware. Software firewalls
are pieces of code running on the Internet connected device (usually a computer) that blocks
unwanted access from the Internet to the computer. While some information must pass between
the computer and the Internet, firewalls prevent unwanted access. Hardware firewalls work very
much in the same way, but instead of software running on the receiving computer, the router's
built in software is employed in preventing unwanted access. With the basic understanding of
how the Internet functions, it is now possible to discuss some of the more recent impediments on
Regardless of the importance of the Internet to individuals, governments across the world
have nonetheless limited or interfered with citizens' access to it in a number of instances. In fact,
since the Internet's inception, there have be quarrels between governments and citizens.31 The
ways in which governments limit Internet access are as numerous as they are egregious. Some
countries like North Korea hardly have any Internet access to speak of (low Internet penetration
rate), while other countries like China have widespread Internet access (high penetration rate)
with heavily regulated and censored access. A third restriction is beginning to appear in
countries with higher penetration rates, like the United States and Canada. In such countries, it is
not the government, however, that is limiting or curtailing Internet access, but rather private
corporations implementing tiered Internet access plans32, caps in Internet traffic33 and bandwidth
shaping34. While there are a number of other ways governments restrict Internet access, most
restrictions would likely fall under one, multiple or all of these broad categories. To properly
formulate a workable framework that will lead to an international protection of Internet access,
one must first discuss the ways in which governments have restricted access to the Internet. In
general, however, such a framework would aim to protect and maintain a free and open Internet
The most egregious violation a government can perpetrate against its citizens in relation
to Internet access is obviously completely preventing access or limiting it in such a way that it is
practically a total prevention of access. At the very minimum, any international measure must
first aim to prevent the complete shutdown of Internet access. As the high court in France and
31 From its inception in 1969 to 1975, ARPAnet basically existed without the public's knowledge because of its
limited scope. However, ARPAnet came to the forefront when it was reported that other parts of the federal
government were using it to purposely hide files relating to political persons of interest that it had claimed to
have destroyed. The reports resulted in Senatorial investigation. Sadly, this first government-citizen quarrel
seemed to have set the stage for a continued confrontation between government and its citizens relating to access
to the Internet.
32 http://www.news-record.com/content/2009/04/09/article/time_warner_adds_tiers_to_new_internet_pricing_plan
33 http://arstechnica.com/old/content/2008/08/its-official-comcast-starts-250gb-bandwidth-caps-october-1.ars
34 http://news.cnet.com/8301-13739_3-9769645-46.html
the legislators in Finland have decreed, there must be, at minimum some basic level of access to
the Internet on the premise of it being a fundamental human right. However, this general
statement must be adapted for particular situations. For example, there are a number of countries
that generally restrict or prevent Internet access, not only in times of revolutions or other states
of emergency, but all the time and primarily for political reasons. The most recent examples of
Internet shutdowns in the Arab revolutions do not fall in this category.35 According to Reporters
without Borders, an organization who, among many other activities, produces a yearly list of the
“Enemies of the Internet,”36 there are four countries that fall into the former category and are
deemed to be the worst “enemies of the Internet”: Cuba, Burma, North Korea and Turkmenistan.
Each of those countries either completely prevented access to the Internet, or restricted it in such
Of the above listed countries, the worst offender of Internet censorship is, unsurprisingly,
North Korea. Access is so restricted, that many North Korean citizens do not even know that the
Internet exists. The North Korea situation raises an important issue: in countries like North
Korea where citizens are primarily concerned with mere survival, how truly important is it that
an international framework exists to guarantee Internet access. Asked in another way: Should we
really be concerned with requiring governments to provide basic Internet access when it cannot
even feed its population? While this approach may seem appealing at first, such a zero-sum
game approach is not proper. As already exhibited by the use of cellphones by North Korean
citizens in cities on the China/North Korean border, access to technology is not limited in such a
way that accessing Internet, if provided by an outside source, would be impossible. Thus,
35 That's not to say that the Internet shutdowns in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya are objectively less egregious, but
rather the distinction is made because there is a significant difference between systematically preventing Internet
access and resorting to an Internet shutdown during a revolution.
36 The most recent list was released in March 2010. On the list are twelve countries that the organization believes
are the most egregious Internet censors: Saugi Arabia, Burma, China, North Korea, Cuba, Egypt, Iran,
Uzbekistan, Syria, Tunisia, Turkmenistan and Vietnam. Interestingly, two recently toppled dictatorships, Egypt
and Tunisia, are featured on the list.
requiring a basic level of Internet access would not exact a large cost on poor governments like
North Korea. Further, it is arguable that any cost or harm that would result by the North Korean
regime implementing an Internet system could be offset by the positives gained by a greater
access to information by its citizens. For example, one could argue that if North Korean citizens
were granted Internet access, they would be able to increase their farming knowledge and thus
The other three countries on the worst offenders list are in a somewhat better position
than North Korea with their citizens at least knowing of the Internet. However, each of the
countries still have very poor penetration rates, with only 1% of Turkmenistan citizens having
Internet access. Unlike North Korea, however, each of these countries have relatively widely
known bi-Internets: one for the common citizen and one for those who are allowed to access the
full, World Wide Web.37 Burma, while having an relatively open and speedy Internet38 shows
why it deserves its place on the worst offenders list when it comes to election time and periods of
civil unrest. In the 2007 national elections, the government completely shut down the Internet in
order to fully control the dissemination of information. Further, during times of civil unrest, the
In the case of Cuba, Burma and Turkmenistan, implementing an Internet access policy
would be a bit more feasible than with North Korea. Each of these countries obviously already
has the infrastructure in place to provide free and open Internet access, it is just a problem of
scaling it and making sure that the government does not interfere with the right. Below there is a
more in-depth discussion of what such a framework might look like and how it may operate.
37 The governments of Cuba, Turkmenistan and Burma all have full Internet access which certain people and
groups are allowed to access. For instance, in Cuba, tourist and high ranking government officials are allowed to
access the uncensored Internet. In Turkmenistan, some businesses and government agents have access to a
relatively open Internet. The Burmese Internet is the most open, with only a powerful firewall in place.
Conversely, access to the open Internet in North Korea is limited to a highly selective few.
38 256 – 512 Kb/s
39 During a period of high political tension, it was said that it took nearly a half-hour to send a plain-text email.
In more recent events, dictators across the Arab world have shown they are not afraid to
completely shut down their country's Internet access.40 As Egyptian and Libyan protesters
battled against their repressive governments, the state struggled to maintain control. In a move
to stop the revolutions, each of the governments decided to throw the kill switch and disallowed
any telecommunication. Due to the nature, scope and manner of the telecommunication black-
out, the actions taken by Egypt and Libya are novel. However, the choice of neutralizing an
violation of a right and thus, a greater need for protection. When nations are warring, such
actions as attempting to shut down communications are allowed as long as the do not violate
international treaties. But a government shutting down its citizens' right to communicate seems
more akin to an internal international violation like the systematic starving of citizen groups.
Along the same lines as the discussion of the recent Internet blackouts in the Arab world
is the proposed Protecting Cyberspace as a National Asset Act in the United States, colloquially
known as the Internet Kill Switch Bill.42 If passed, the bill would allow the President to
disconnect any private-sector computer from the Internet.43 Such an action by the government
would surely have to be blocked by any viable international framework aimed at maintaining a
free and open Internet. It is clear that a kill switch, censorship to the point of Internet blocking
and severing a country's access to Internet would all be banned under even a lax international
framework.
40 Egypt - http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/egypt/8288163/How-Egypt-shut-
down-the-internet.html and http://articles.sfgate.com/2011-01-29/business/27090014_1_internet-access-
egyptian-people-facebook-and-twitter. Libya - http://www.english.rfi.fr/africa/20110313-libya-internet-blackout-
uprising-rages
41 In the 2008 war between Georgia and Russia, Georgia claimed that Russia was engaging in cyberwarfare by
actively trying to bring down Georgian government websites.
42 http://www.informationweek.com/news/government/security/showArticle.jhtml?
articleID=225701368&subSection=News
43 http://news.cnet.com/8301-13578_3-10320096-38.html
2. Heavily Regulated Access to a Free and Open Internet
Most countries are featured on the Reporters Without Borders “Enemies of the Internet”
list due to their countries' censorship (not complete ban) of Internet access. The best (or worst)
China, known as the Great Firewall of China. Unlike the pure Internet blackouts experienced
recently by people of Egypt and Libya and the crude Internet restrictions employed by Burma,
North Korea, Turkmenistan and Cuba, the Great Firewall of China is somewhat respected for its
technical complexity. Unfortunately, the technical complexity also complicates any international
framework that would aim at relaxing the restrictions posed by such a firewall. In order to flesh
out a framework that would protect and maintain a free and open Internet, one must first study
The table below outlines the primary ways in which China restricts access to the Internet.
This category of Internet access restrictions should be the focus of any international
framework three reasons. First, destroying firewall schemes like the one used by China would
have the biggest impact on users being that China has the biggest Internet user-base with over
400 million active users. Second, only requiring a basic level of Internet access that would
benefit the citizens of nations like North Korea and Burma would only end up creating more
China-like firewalls.46 Third, overriding the Great Firewall of China would also accomplish the
Internet piercing the veil of nations like Turkmenistan and Cuba.47 For these reasons, the portion
below regarding the international framework focuses on defeating the Great Firewall of China.
The third and final infringement on the free and open Internet poses the greatest challenge
for regulation because it deals not with governments, but with private corporations. However,
can only work when the proxy server is not blocked. If this is true, then the user can access the desired website
by accessing the proxy server that is outside of the firewall which can access any site it wants for it is not bound
by the rules of the firewall.
46 Imagine for a moment that a nation like North Korea was forced merely to provide some basic Internet access to
its citizens. Likely the first thing it would do would be to implement a firewall similar to the one used in China.
47 A necessary condition for the tearing down of China's firewall is that there will be a functioning free and open
Internet that is left standing. That is, a basic level of Internet access that would satisfy the human right argument
for nations like North Korea is a narrower goal that would automatically be met if China's firewall were to be
brought down. Conversely, if it were found to be impractical to bring down China's firewall, the only choice left
would be to go over the wall and provide unfettered Internet access via satellite. Providing Internet access via
satellite would likely apply equally well to countries like North Korea, thus meeting the narrower goal.
even when the restrictions are not discriminatory on their face, their impact in practice can be
equally infringing as firewalls or Internet blackouts. In this section, packet shaping and tiered
Internet packages will be discussed in terms of Net Neutrality and Internet access in general.
In general, the idea of Net Neutrality is that all content, sites and platforms should be
treated equally and traffic on the Internet should all be treated the same. Net Neutrality
proponents are so vigilant about a federal protection recognizing Net Neutrality due to the way in
which the Internet has been classified. This classification has lead to number of unique issues
related almost exclusively to the Internet. In this section, I will explain why the classification of
the Internet has left the door open to and facilitated a number of abuses perpetrated by ISPs in
In the United States, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is the regulatory
body that oversees the Internet along with other telecommunication channels.48 Originally
created in 1934, the FCC was the result of the consolidation of power already being exercised by
a number of other federal agencies. When first conceived, the FCC's primary duty was to govern
progressed, however, a number of new technologies challenged the FCC in terms of its authority
and ability to adapt the existing framework to accommodate the changes in the
telecommunications landscape. Due to either the FCC's inability or refusal to properly address
broadband Internet and regulate it in a timely fashion, the state of broadband has been left in a
48 The FCC derives its authority from the Communications Act of 1934 as amended by the Telecommunications
Act of 1996. In pertinent part, the purpose of the act reads as follows: “For the purpose of regulating interstate
and foreign commerce in communication by wire and radio so as to make available, so far as possible, to all the
people of the United States, without discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, national origin, or sex, a
rapid, efficient, Nation-wide, and world-wide wire and radio communication service with adequate facilities at
reasonable charges, for the purpose of the national defense, for the purpose of promoting safety of life and
property through the use of wire and radio communications, and for the purpose of securing a more effective
execution of this policy by centralizing authority heretofore granted by law to several agencies and by granting
additional authority with respect to interstate and foreign commerce in wire and radio communication, there is
created a commission to be known as the “Federal Communications Commission”, which shall be constituted as
hereinafter provided, and which shall execute and enforce the provisions of this chapter.”
questionable position.
To understand the problems that underlie the current paradigm, it is important to look at
the history of how the FCC has regulated telecommunications. Central to this analysis are the
first two titles of the Telecommunications Act and the historical treatment of computer
communication by the FCC.49 The current regulatory treatment can be traced back to 1966,
when the FCC began its inquiry regarding regulation of communications between computers.
During the first twenty-five years of computer communication regulation, there were three key
regulatory documents produced by the FCC that controlled computer communication. This
trilogy, known as the Computer Inquiries, outlined the ways in which telecommunication
companies were allowed to treat traffic on different types of networks. Understanding these
three documents and the regulations that followed are key in understanding the current issues
Computer Inquiries
As mentioned above, the first computer networks were the time-sharing systems that
resulted from the technological limitations of computer hardware of the time. Instead of each
user having access to his or her own computer with an individual computer processing unit
(CPU), users' computing needs were processed by one mainframe computer from one of a
number of terminals. While owners of the mainframe computers would typically be the entities
that would engage in such computing practices,50 as mainframes became more widespread, the
time-sharing business emerged.51 For a number of businesses like banks, aircraft manufactures
and telephone companies, the mainframes they owned and used during business hours were
49 The Telecommunications Act of 1996 draws a distinction between “telecommunications service” and
“information service.” The former is regulated by the FCC under Title II of the act and subject to the mandatory
common carriage provisions, while those services categorized in the latter group do not have to abide by the
common carrier provisions.
50 The original mainframe owners and users were government institutions like ARPA and universities.
51 Reg. and Policy Problems Presented by the Interdependence of Computer and Comm. Servs., Notice of Inquir y,
7 F.C.C.2d 11
sitting idly during off-peak hours. While the computers were indispensable during the day for
account computations, design iteration computations and the operation of telephone networks,
the mainframes were sleeping giants at night. These private institutions learned from educational
endeavors like Project MAC, however, that these off-peak computer hours could be rented to
other users who needed the processing power of a mainframe computer but could not afford to
buy one. Thus, instead of needing to buy a mainframe or needing to go to a physical location for
serious computing needs, one could rent time on mainframes and transmit the computer
Computer I
however. Because telephone companies were one of the industries leasing their mainframes,
there arose a question regarding incentives. The important point of Computer I is the distinction
that the FCC drew between computers that ran the network (the data processing computers) and
the computers or terminals at the ends of the telephone lines with which people interacted (the
communications computers).52 Viewing the data processing market as highly competitive and
innovative, the FCC saw no need to regulate the mainframes. In the end, the FCC regulated the
telecommunication lines on which the data processing market of the time relied. In the diagram
below, points 'A', the terminals, and points 'B', the telephone lines, are regulated, while point 'C',
52 The Legacy of the Federal Communications Commission's Computer Inquiries, Federal Communications Law
Journal, March 2003. 55 FCLJ 167.
Example Time-Sharing System
Computer II
The second computer inquiry continued the distinction between the two separate
Computer II introduced a new dichotomy, of basic and enhanced services. The FCC defined
basic services are those processes that are directly tied to the movement of information, while
enhanced services were any other processes occurring over the communication lines.53 Using the
same logic as seen in the first computer inquiry, the FCC held that basic services were to be
regulated under the traditional common carriage rules, while the enhanced services—citing again
the innovative and competitive nature of the market—were to be unregulated.54 (The third
While the Computer Inquiries served the function of regulation for their day, the trilogy
has created a host of problems regarding regulation of today's Internet. For one, the analysis
53 Id. at 184
54 Id. at 188
underlying the trilogy is no longer relevant.55 One of the key concerns of the Inquiries was the
with telephone companies like AT&T taking advantage of their strategic position as the owners
of the mainframe computers being leased under the time-share agreements and the lines of
communications.56 In response to this concern, the FCC determined that regulating the lines of
communication using traditional common carriage provisions was best in protecting consumers
against the potential for abuse. While originating in late 1960s, this rationale and the regulations
that flowed from it worked successfully well into the 1990s. For instance, the dichotomy
established in the Computer Inquiries helped facilitate consumer choice among dial-up ISPs,
because telephone companies were barred from discriminating what services used their lines.
The rationale fell apart, however, as broadband Internet service became popular. Whereas before
Internet service and the lines which carried the service were separate and thus only the lines
needed regulation, broadband Internet service collapsed that separation. Now the owners of the
lines also provide the service; the delivery method is the service being provided. Unfortunately
for Internet users, the common carriage protections did not carry over. Now, because there is
some leeway as to how ISPs deliver content, broadband providers have blocked or degraded
disfavored content, endangering the free and open Internet. In the final substantive section of this
paper, I will discuss in more detail the ways in which current broadband ISPs are like traditional
common carriers and why it is important for the FCC to reclassify ISPs as common carriers for
55 The last final order of the Computer Inquiry trilogy was published in 1986—three years before the first
commercial ISP and well before broadband Internet was in existence.
56 While the worry of monopolistic tendencies still exists in relations to telecommunications, the worry now has
more to do with the content being delivered. See www.fcc.gov/Daily_Releases/Daily_Business/2010/.../DOC-
303745A1.pdf for a brief discussion of the current monopolistic dangers.
IV. THE INTERNATIONAL FRAMEWORK: HOW TO GUARANTEE A FREE AND
OPEN INTERNET
As stated above, there seems to be a consensus among developed democratic nations that
there is some human right associated with the Internet access.57 At this stage, however, it is
unclear exactly how much of a protection should be afforded to users across the world. By
analyzing current ad-hoc, country-specific measures and by analogizing the right to Internet
access to other already existing international human rights, we can construct a international legal
framework that not only guarantees Internet access to all citizens of the world, but creates a set
of standards that prevent material access disruptions.58 As exhibited by the illustration below,
each level of protection builds on the one below it, forming a complete international framework.
The best starting place in creating such a framework is to look at the pre-existing court
decisions and laws and the reasoning underlying their existence and function. To best facilitate
analysis of the issues, the following portion of the paper is split into two sections. In the first
part, the existing international human right body of law will be discussed as it relates to the
Internet on a whole. The second part will focus on what regulations could be implemented in the
1. An International Look
The two primary pieces of law that protect the right of Internet access are both found in
Europe. In the fall of 2009, Finland legislators passed a law that requires all ISPs to provide
broadband Internet to Finland citizens. Earlier that same year, the Constitutional Council,
France’s highest court, ruled that Internet access is a basic human right. In the decision, the court
cited the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, a document written during the French
Revolution.59 Further, the court wrote that “[f]reedom of expression and communication is so
valuable that its exercise is a prerequisite for democracy and one of the guarantees of respect for
other rights and freedoms.” The French court did not go as far as to call for a proactive access
right, but both Finland’s and France’s laws point to eliminating all impediments to Internet
access.
The United Nations had also enunciated the importance of Internet access rights. In
general, Article 19 of the Declaration of Human Rights seems to recognize some sort of
informational right.60 Further, during the World Summits on the Information Society of 2003
and 2005, held in Geneva and Hammamet, respectively, world and industry leaders gave political
support to the Geneva Declaration of Principles and Geneva Plan of Action and the Tunis
Commitment and Tunis Agenda for the Information Society.61 In pertinent part, the first of these
two summits sought to “ develop and foster a clear statement of political will and take concrete
steps to establish the foundations for an Information Society for all, reflecting all the different
interests at stake.”62 The second summit aimed to “put Geneva's Plan of Action into motion as
well as to find solutions and reach agreements in the fields of Internet governance, financing
mechanisms, and follow-up and implementation of the Geneva and Tunis documents.”63 In
essence, the two summits aimed to create a basic level of access to the Internet world-wide. In
total, the UN's declarations and actions, France's judicial treatment and Findland's legislation
point to some international right of access to the Internet. The problem of basic unfettered
access, however, does not present itself in developed nations like Finland, France or the United
59 http://www.publicknowledge.org/node/2355
60 Michael L. Best, Can the Internet be a Human Right?, Human Rights & Human Welfare. “Everyone has the
right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and
to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” United Nations
Universal Declarations of Human Rights, Article 19.
61 http://www.itu.int/wsis/basic/about.html
62 Id.
63 Id.
States, but rather in developing nations like China, Cuba and North Korea. As the problem being
such, some way to implement, enforce and protect the right of Internet access must be
established.
As mentioned earlier in the paper, there are two types of severe government restrictions
on Internet access: complete or near-complete Internet blackout and heavily regulated Internet
access. Both of these restrictions require different approaches that would ultimately achieve the
same solution using similar technologies. Both approaches begin with a brief analysis of the
Internet Blackout
There are two primary groups of countries that experience Internet blackout. The first
governments across the globe can simply not afford to build the infrastructure to supply their
citizens with basic Internet access. While the Internet is the largest forum of communication in
the world, there are still nearly 5 billion people who have no access.64 Helping this group of
countries attain Internet access is one of the key goals of the UN's World Summits on the
Information Society and the UN agency, International Telecommunications Union.65 The second
group of countries are those countries listed earlier in the paper (Cuba, North Korea, Egypt, etc.)
that has the ability to provide basic Internet access but limits access for political reasons. Unlike
the countries that are simply unable to provide access, the countries falling in the second group
actively choose to divest their citizens of Internet access, thus creating a different problem that
providing Internet access, I believe that the use of force should be allowed in building Internet
capabilities under the humanitarian intervention branch of international law. In general, the UN
Charter prohibits the use of force.66 However, there are three general exceptions to this principle.
Where there are threats to sovereignty, human rights violations or general security issues,
countries acting in self-defense may individually or collectively use force.67 The use of force is
Charter.68 The use of force is more controversial as it relates to human rights and in cases of
humanitarian intervention.69 Some scholars argue that the right of humanitarian intervention was
implicitly made international law when NATO waged war in Kosovo in the name of
force against Iraq in the Persian Gulf War, the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office
outlined a four factor doctrine that would permit humanitarian intervention: “1) There is a
compelling and urgent situation of extreme humanitarian distress; 2) the state targeted by the
intervention is limited in time and scope.”71 This test presents two problems that strike against
my belief that willful Internet blackout justifies humanitarian intervention. First, many people
would likely argue that lack of Internet access is not a “compelling and urgent situation of
66 UN Charter, Chapter 1: Article 2(4)
67 Alston, Philip and MacDonald, Euan. Sovereignty, Human Rights, Security: Armed Intervention and the
Foundational Problems of International Law. Human Rights, Intervention, and the Use of Force, 2008. At page
7.
68 Id. Article 51: “Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-
defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken
measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of
this right of self-defence shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect
the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action
as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.”
69 Id.
70 Corten, Oliver. Human Rights and Collective Security: Is There an Emerging Right of Humanitarian
Intervention. Human Rights, Intervention, and the Use of Force, 2008. At page 88.
71 Byers, Micheal. War Law: Understanding International Law and Armed Conflict. 2005. At page 99.
extreme humanitarian distress.” While lack of Internet in a vacuum may not rise to the level of
this first factor, when contextualized with other human rights violations, I believe that the
absence of Internet access would rise to the level of extreme humanitarian distress.72 There
would also be a problem with the last factor. Internet-hostile countries that have a complete lack
against its will if it were to be subject to a humanitarian intervention. While this would seem to
because there is no real harm. For example, such countries could simply refuse to power the
equipment and fall into a category where the only punishment would be UN sanctions.73 While
there would likely be serious debate about such a humanitarian intervention to restore or
establish Internet connectivity, I believe that the recent UN enunciations and actions, French
court decisions and Finnish legislation provide support for such a practice.
Internet access restrictions that only reach the level of highly regulated as defined earlier
in this paper are more easily dealt with by currently existing international law. Like many other
violations of human rights, such Internet access restrictions could be punished via non-military
sanctions.74 One problem instances of Internet access restriction like the Great Firewall of China
present is classifying such practices as human rights violations. However, if such practices were
not classified as human rights violations, then humanitarian intervention would become pointless
and a waste of money, for all a country like North Korea would have to do is allow such an
72 For example, the lack of Internet access is accompanied by a number of other serious human rights violations in
places like North Korea. Additionally, in instances where governments severe its country's Internet connection
in attempt to quash revolutions (like in Lybia), this violation is usually one of many.
73 This is discussed in more depth in the next subsection dealing with countries like China who heavily regulate
Internet access.
74 For a general discussion of the use of sanctions, see http://library.thinkquest.org/C0126065/billsanctions.html#.
For recent example of such sanctions, see any number of news stories regarding the 32 Iranian officials
sanctioned by the European Union for various human rights violations.
intervention to take place and then either completely shut down the installed equipment, or
implement access restrictions like those used by China. Thus, non-military sanctions are not only
necessary for protecting Internet access in countries falling into the “heavily regulated” category,
but also for former Internet blackout countries post humanitarian intervention.
2. Free and Open Internet in the United States and Other Developed Nations
In the United States, there have been no court decisions or bills passed asserting Internet
access as a basic human right. However, there have been cases noting the important First
Amendment right issues implicated with Internet speech and there have been failed attempts to
legislate Internet access as a human right. Both the Global Internet Freedom Act (GIFA) and the
Global Online Freedom Act (GOFA) attempted to prevent “Internet jamming” and other means
of Internet censorship stating that Internet access is a basic human right. The two bills,
admittedly, are more business focused, but the premises on which they attempted to eliminate
Internet access impediments were essentially the same as those on which the Finnish and French
laws were premised.75 Even the United States State Department has commented on the
importance of Internet Freedom.76 However, most of these proclamations have been more
focused on the dangers of oppressive governments and their role in actively censoring the
Internet.77 That is, these bold proclamations have little, if any, to do with Internet access policies
in the United States. While the United States and other developed nations do not struggle with
complete lack of access or extreme censorship, this section will highlight how recent material
disruptions of free and open Internet access and the potential for abuse under the current
On November 28, 2010, the website Wikileaks.org release a series of United States
diplomatic cables, revealing embarrassing details of United State diplomacy. For two days
anybody on the Internet could point their web browser to Wikileaks.org and download the whole
resolving the website as requested, users' browsers would return an error. Fortunately, nothing
was wrong with Wikileaks' webserver. The issue was that Wikileaks' DNS provider, United
States-based EveryDNS.net, dropped Wikileak's from its name server, essentailly removing
Wikileaks from the Internet.78 Though EveryDNS claimed to have been experiencing a web
attack, there has yet to be any proof of such.79 While this may seem somewhat unimportant,
especially in light of some of the more extreme access abridgments highlighted throughout this
paper, this material disruption of the free and open Internet users have to come to expect is
simultaneously the slide down a slippery slope to extreme government censorship and a prime
example of the ways in which the improperly administered Internet can be taken advantage. As
explained above, the way in which the FCC has regulated broadband Internet has been
unsuccessful. The current paradigm has resulted in a number of documented abuses and has left
the door open for severe abuses. For these reasons, for the general protection of the free and
open Internet and because it is logical, the FCC should reclassify broadband ISPs as common
carriers.80
There are a number of ways in which broadband ISPs are like traditional common
carriers. Primarily, ISPs tend to hold themselves out to serve all users in an indiscriminate way.81
78 As mentioned above, there was nothing wrong with Wikileaks' webserver, thus savvy Internet users could still
navigate to its page if it knew its IP address.
79 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1334232/WikiLeaks-website-U-S-Europe-cyber-attack-China.html.
80 Net Neutrality basically calls for broadband ISPs to be treated like common carriers.
81 Speta, James B. A Common Carrier Approach to Internet Interconnection. Federal Communications Law
Journal. March 2002. At page 269.
Also, ISPs, under recent laws like the DMCA, are not held liable for the data that it transmits.
Further, there is the worry of monopoly power which usually confers duty of common carriage.82
In the case of broadband Internet service, there is usually only the choice between two providers:
DSL service provided by the telephone company and cable Internet service provided by the cable
company. There is also the worry that ISPs will degrade or altogether block particular content.83
These practices are extremely dangerous not only to general consumer choice, but to the free and
open Internet in general. Without a framework to describe what types of restrictions by ISPs are
allowed and what types of damages they are immune from, there will continue to be the problem
of material disruption of access, with the potential of turning into outright censorship. Thus, a
V. CONCLUSION
Never has the world seen a communications platform as powerful as the Internet. As
mentioned a number of times throughout this paper, the Internet has come to play a significant
role in the lives of all of those people who use it. It is of paramount importance that a workable
international framework be implemented. Like the Library of Alexandria, the Internet stores a
vast amount of human knowledge. Even further, the Internet allows for users to share their
knowledge leading to even more discovery. Right now, the international community has a
choice: protect the rights of Internet user and create a framework protecting Internet access, or
watch as the free and open Internet as we currently know it disappears like the ashes of the