ting alliances and ultimately, maritime security.

[5] Norway�s defence was

interconnected to the United States, and NATO�s throughout the cold war, merging
its military capabilities with its fellow member-states. NATO�s deterrence and
protection strategy (Art. 5, NATO) has thus ensured Norwegian sovereignty since
1949.[6]
Norway

Norwegian security in the Barents sea continues to be driven by a defence against

the powerful presence of the Russian Federation. Consequently, Norway has requested
one of the most substantial Arctic defence policies in the entire NATO alliance.
The NATO membership has been the pillar of Norwegian defence since they joined, and
continues to be so today.[7]

The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) transformed Norway into a central
arctic player, holding a maritime jurisdiction of two million square-kilometres,
six times the countries� own land territory.[2] However, the debate on maritime
borders is still highly disputed in the Barents Sea. This is connected with the
issue that the arctic was not a priority during the United Nations establishment of
UNCLOS in 1982.[2] The Arctic is not mentioned anywhere in its legal framework,
which has created legal contestation between the Arctic states.

The annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014, affected the bilateral
relationship greatly, and cooperation and diplomacy were reduced. Consequently,
scholars have suggested the return of more realist geopolitics in the Barents Sea,
The bilateral relationship cannot be taken out of the power politics between NATO
and Russia.[8][4][2] These realist policies can further polarize the region and
hinder cooperation.[9]

In 2018, NATO�s military exercise �Trident Juncture� further challenged the

bilateral relationship. The exercise was the largest military exercise held in the
high north[6] � which included over 51,000 soldiers, 248 planes, and about 10 000
vehicles � including over 60 naval vessels.[10]
Russia

Russia�s ambition in the Barents sea is connected to the strategic importance of

the oceans' abundance of natural resources. However, the region is also strongly
connected to its own maritime military capabilities, where its largest base for
naval forces is located in Murmansk.[11]

Moreover, Russia's drills and naval capabilities have grown significantly in the
area since 2014.[12] On the Kola Peninsula Russia has over the last five years been
working on modernizing its military capabilities. The Barents Sea is a base area
for Russian nuclear weapons, as over half of Russia�s maritime nuclear warhead,
totalling 416 of 752, are connected to ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs) in
operation from Gadzhiyevo, Murmansk.[4]

Geopolitics Due to the diplomatic effects of Russia�s annexation of Crimea in 2014,

the trilateral Russian-US- Norwegian military exercise �Northern Eagle� was
cancelled that same year (Nilsen, 2014). In the spring of 2014, NATO stopped all of
its civilian and military cooperation with Russia.[13]

Thus, the combination of the annexation of Crimea and the large NATO exercise
Trident Juncture creates the potential for further militarisation.[7] Russia has
since increased their �snap drills� in the Barents sea, starting with an exercise
in June 2018, which included 36 naval vessels and 20 military aircraft.[14]

In 2017 the Russian Defence ministry suggested that the Svalbard dispute holds the
potential for future conflict with Norway, and in consequence, NATO. The Svalbard
Fishery Protection Zone (FPZ) remains a concern for both Russia and Norway, as
arrests of fishing vessels have consistently had the potential to escalate towards
larger conflict.[15]

The establishment of the Arctic Council in 1996 opened up for increased

multilateral cooperation in the Barents sea.[9] While Russian authorities have been
positive to cooperation via the Arctic Council, the council itself does not discuss
matters of security. This is in accordance with Article 2 (a1) of the Ottawa
Declaration. Moreover, Russia�s annexation of Crimea suspended the NATO-Russian
council (Hykkerud, 2019). Thus, the Barents Sea is currently lacking a military
forum in which to build dialogue and trust.

China received observer status in 2013, with much debate.[16] The other Non-Arctic
States that have observer status in the Arctic council include Germany (1998), The
United Kingdom (1998), Poland (1998), The Netherlands (1998), France (2000), Spain
(2006), Italy (2013), Japan (2013), India (2013), Korea (2013), Singapore (2013)
and Switzerland (2017) (Arctic Council, n.d.)
Climate change
Further information: Climate change in the Arctic and Arctic Council

Climate change in the arctic has established new interest in the Barents Sea, as
there is an increase in new potential shipping routes. As the ice zones are
receding, international interest increases.

The marginal ice zone is defined by the Norwegian Polar Institute as �the
transitional zone between the open sea and dense drift ice. It spans from where 15%
of the sea surface is covered by ice to 80% ice concentration�.[17] The southern
border of this MIZ is referred to as the ice edge and the process of defining the
limit of the ice edge is a political decision decided by the Norwegian parliament.
The Norwegian polar institute suggests that the ice edge should be at the point
where there is a 0.5% chance for surface ice in April.[17] The ice edge is an
important area for plankton growth, and a potential oil spill could irreparably
damage the arctic ecosystem.[17] In 2015 the Norwegian government decided that this
point should be where there was a 30% chance for ice in April.[18] This opened up
much of the Arctic to oil exploration, and after 2015 many oil concessions were
given out.[19] In the 2018 Granavolden Agreement, between the Norwegian
Conservative, Liberal, Progress and Christian Democratic party, it was determined
that no oil exploration was to be carried out north of the ice edge. In 2020, the
Norwegian Erna Solberg Cabinet proposed to shift the ice edge southward to where
there is a 15% per cent chance for ice in April.[20]
Introduction to the delimitation agreement
See also: Norway�Russia border

The Barents sea was until 2010 the site of a border dispute between Russia and
Norway.[21] Referring to article 6 of UNCLOS Norway held that the maritime border
should be at the median line between the two countries EEZ, whereas the USSR stood
by a 1926 declaration that the maritime boundary should be determined through a
sectoral approach.[22] In 1978 the two states agreed to establish a 60,000 km �Grey
Zone� in the disputed area, This Grey Zone agreement needed to be renewed every
year, it regulated fishing resources in the area and placed a moratorium on oil
exploration in the area.[23]

On the 15th of September In 2010 President of Russia Dmitry Medvedev and Prime
Minister of Norway Jens Stoltenberg signed �The Delimitation agreement�. The treaty
established a 1700-kilometre boundary line between the state�s� EEZs and in the
Barents Sea.[13] There exists a substantial debate on why and when. the
delimitation agreement was signed. The treaty established a 1700-kilometre boundary
line between the state�s� EEZs and in the Barents Sea.[13]

While academics have not been able to determine the exact reason why Russia was
willing to compromise and solve the border dispute, some have offered differing
expla