Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Samrat Mihir Bhoja & The Identity of The Imperial Pratihāras
Samrat Mihir Bhoja & The Identity of The Imperial Pratihāras
Table of Contents
● Abstract
● Gūjars: Ancestry & Origin
● Gurjara Pratihāras or Imperial Pratihāras?
○ Inscriptions of Mihir Bhoja
○ Other Inscriptions of Imperial Pratihāras
○ Rāśṭrakūta and Pāla Epigraphs
● Gūrjara/Gurjara: A Lexicographical Analysis of the Term
● Gūrjara/Gurjara: A Geographic Term
● Gūrjara/Gurjara: The Term in Other Usages and Additional Sources
● Rājputs and its Antiquity
Abstract
1
Samrat Mihir Bhoja and the Identity of Imperial Pratihāras
Samrat Mihir Bhoja (836-885 CE) of the Imperial Pratihāra dynasty has been at
the centre of the heated historical debates in the scholarly circles. Some scholars,
mostly of the old school, like Prof D.R. Bhandarkar, R.C. Majumdar have
assigned Gūjar origin to the Pratihāras while many, mostly recent, research by
Shanta Rani Sharma, D Sharma assign them the Kshatriya origin. This difference
in history books and research papers has prominently reached the ground society
resulting in clashes and contentions between Rajputs and Gūjars (Gujjar). Many
places saw the unveiling of king Mihir Bhoja's statue with the name plate
identifying him as “Gurjara Samrat” or with the present-day Gūjar community.
This, however, is antithetical to the historical facts, both literary and
archaeological, and solely depends upon the faulty understanding of both the
inscriptions and the words generally assigned to denote lineage in it.
Between the sporadic years of 2008 and 2012, when Gūjars were agitating for
reservation in More Backward Classes (MBC) or later Special Backward Classes
(SBC), numerous of their leaders and prominent members of the community,
representing the will and view of the whole community, presented arguments and
evidence proving Gūjar’s herder nomadic origin and past. Right from Kaka
Kalelkar commission (1955), Lokur committee (1965), Justice Jas Raj Chopra
committee (2007-08), Justice IS Israni committee (2012) to Justice SK Garg
committee (2017); all have agreed that Gūjars, owing to their extremely backward
herder and pastoral origin and past, deserve to be treated specially than the Other
Backward Classes. One of the most prominent indicators of backwardness
identified in the Kaka Kalelkar report was “Low social position in the traditional
caste hierarchy of the Hindu society”. This low social position of Gūjars in the
traditional caste hierarchy of Hindu society, owing to their nomadic origin, was
one of the factors behind their identification as more backward than even
backward classes.
This is echoed in the recorded statements of Gūjar leaders in the Justice Israni
report (2012)1. Results of the study showed that members of the Gūjar
community “live with their cattle in poverty, humility and meekness. They are
known as animist and herdsmen. They use to move restlessly with their cattle.”
Same was said by Shri Kalu Lal Gurjar, Ex Minister & President Rajasthan
Gurjara General Body and Shri Ram Gopal Guard, Ex Zila Pramukh Jaipur; on
03/09/2012 in a submission to the Justice Israni committee. Senior Gūjar leaders
like Shri Kirori Singh Baisla, Shri Himmat Singh told that their community’s
“99% population is nomadic.” Shri Nathu Singh Gurjar, Ex. Minister, insisted the
same saying, “main traditional occupation of Gurjar community is cattle breeding
and partially it is agricultural.”
On 5th of October 2012, Colonel Kirori Singh Baisla, President & Convener
Gurjar Aarakshan Sangharsh Samiti submitted a representation to the Justice
Israni committee. Quoting directly from the Justice Israni report- “In it, inter
alia, the following has been mentioned:
1 Justice I.S. Israni report Chapter 4: Personal hearings on memorandums received in the matter of
reservation to Special Backward Classes
2. Word, 'gurjar' is derived from the principal profession followed by the tribe:
'gau' (Cow) and 'jar (earnings- estate)' originated from 'Prakrit' language,
meaning thereby earner from cow. Gurjar community is a community whose
members pull their livelihood by cattle breeding. Since time immemorial, this
community is being identified by the name of Gurjar, Gujjar and Gujar.”
Noted historian of Medieval India, William Dalrymple, in his The Last Mughal
notes “The Gujars were Hindu herders and pastoralists, many of them semi
nomadic, who for centuries had roamed with their cattle and horses throughout
north-west India and especially in Rajasthan. They had their own traditions and
deities, and even their own oral epic of origin, about the herder-hero Dev
Narayan, whose festival at Sawai Bhuj near Ajmer brought about - and still does a
great annual gathering of the different Gujar clans and their livestock. The Gujars
were always treated with great suspicion by their urban neighbours who regarded
them, rather as Europeans at the same period used to look on Gypsies, as thieves
and criminals.”
The Ajmer Gazetteer tells us of Gūjars that “They are careless cultivators and
devote their energies to grazing cattle. Those who live in or near Ajmer will sell
milk and butter in the town.” Saharanpur Gazetteer (1908) 2 tells us that the
Gūjars “are inferior herdsmen and have not yet lost their old reputation for
turbulence and lawlessness, while they still indulge largely in thieving. Of their
history little definite is known; they assert that they migrated from the west some
five centuries ago, and they universally claim a Rajput extraction.”
Similarly the “Rawal clan claims descent from a Rajput, named Dhundhpal, who
immigrated to the district from near Lahore, and married the daughter of a
Gujar”5. Karnal Gazetteer too gives the same information6.
Similar instance is recorded by A.H. Bingley described many Jats and Gūjars
clans by Rajputs from Jat and Gūjar women.7 He writes “It is strange that nearly
all the Jäts and Güjars so descended concur in the same ridiculous story that their
ancestress was a beautiful Jatni or Gajarin, who, while going along with a
waterpot on her head, stopped a run away buffalo by pressing her foot on the rope
tied to its neck, and did so without spilling the water. This feat of strength so
pleased a Rajput chieftain who was looking on, that he immediately placed her in
his zanäna, and thus a new göt or family sprang from the connexion.”
From Gūjars in Jhalwan and Makran (both in Balochistan), who point to Rajput
ancestry from Delhi and Mewar respectively, and those in Punjab who claim
Rajput ancestry (Gujarat, Rajasthan) from Gūjar lady to Gūjars of western UP
areas like Nanota, Rampur, Maniharan, Sahāranpur who trace their descent from
Pundir Rajputs; Gūjars’ claim of Rajput ancestry is widely seen throughout North
India. And evidently seen in their own historic admissions too like folklores sung
by Bhopās of Gūjars and medieval texts like DevaNārāyaṇa Kī Pha ḍa which
depicts Gūjars as pastorals and gives their origin from a holy cow. It also says that
later many Rajput offsprings married Gūjar women.
Another important part of the Gūjar past often left unnoticed in the mainstream
discussions is the wide-scale reconversion of Gūjars over the last century. 19th
century records tell us that Gūjars to the north of Delhi were all Mahommedans;
and those to the east and south of that place were “sometimes half-
Mahommedans, sometimes a sort of Hindus, though of so lax a character.” 8 It
was in the early 20th century that most of the Gūjars converted back to Hinduism
through various social movements.
In the second half of the 20th century, over many years, Gūjars dwelling in the
forests and hills of Uttarakhand were approached by NGOs like RLEK (Rural
Litigation and Entitlement Kendra) as the government had declared their habitat
or primary dwelling region Rajaji National Park (RNP) as reserved region. The
NGO believed that Gūjars, owing to their constant nomadic movements in the
Himalayan foothills, would find it difficult to claim their rights since the most
prominent of their region, the RNP, is reserved. It tried negotiating with the
Gūjar community to bring them under the Scheduled Tribe but failed as the NGO
couldn’t consider the Gūjars’ Islamic affiliations. NGO took a secular approach
which didn’t go well with the community which was all Muslim. Later in the
1990s, the Deoband approached the same Gūjars and this time it succeeded in
achieving the objective and also their further Islamization.
It is because of this same herder nomadic origin and past of the Gūjar
community, which puts it at the lower strata in the traditional caste hierarchy,
that it is today regarded as a backward class or special backward class more
specifically.
So when Gūjars have always remained as herders and nomads, how did some
historians, though very few, identify the Imperial Pratihāras as Gūjars and how
did it come to be known as the Gurjar-Pratihāra dynasty? Answer lies in
correcting the faulty readings of inscriptions as pointed out by recent research.
Inscriptions of the line of Pratihāras which ruled Kannauj, and had Nāgabha ṭṭa I,
Vatsarāja, Nāgabhaṭṭa II, Mihir Bhoja as rulers, make it crystal clear that the
Pratihāras of this line have never identified themselves with Gurjar term and
have always identified themselves as Raghuvaṁshi Kshatriyas. And one more
contemporary line of Pratihāras, besides the Imperial line, was the Mandore
Pratihāras. They have extensively recorded their lineage in inscriptions.
One of the earliest inscriptions of this line is the Jodhpur inscription of Bāuka
(837 C.E.)9. Bāuka, being the son of Kakka and 11th in line of Harichandra (who is
addressed as a learned man of immense knowledge), has described about his
ancestors along with informing of his victory over the Mayūra. Inscription starts
with prayers to Lord Vishnu and goes on to shed light on the illustrious line of
king Bāuka. Verse 3 tells that glories of Bāuka’s ancestors who belonged to his
own Pratihāra clan will be written here (Ataḥ Baukö dhimam sva-Pratihāra-
vansajam). Verse 4 tells, since Raghuvaṁshi Shri Rāmchandra’s brother
Lakshman performed the duty of being a doorkeeper, his descendants came to be
known as Pratihāras (śri-Prattihāravansoyam-ataschonnatim-āpnuyat). Verse
5 uses the word kshattriyā for Bhadrā, Harichandra’s wife, whose sons form this
Pratihāra line.
Going through the Imperial Pratihāra inscriptions makes the picture even clearer.
One inscription of the Imperial Pratihāra king Mihir Bhoja himself, the most
famous and perhaps the finest of the Pratihāra inscriptions, is the Gwalior
Prashasti11. This inscription tells exactly the same of the Pratihāra clan's ancestry
as Bāuka's Jodhpur inscription — that the Pratihāras are descendants of
Raghuvaṁshi Kshatriya Shri Ramchandra's younger brother Lakshman
(Saumittri is the word used in this inscription). Composed in beautiful poetic
Sanskrit, the Gwalior Prashasti records the erection of a house in his seraglio, by
king Mihir Bhoja in honour of Vishnu, and begins with an invocation to that God,
thereby singing the glory of Mihir Bhoja's ancestors. Verse 2 talks about the
creation of the Sun and names Manu, Ikshvāku, Kukustha, Prithu as kings born
in the Suryavaṁsha. Verse 3 tells that in the same lineage (Tēshām vaṁshe
sujanmā) was born Shri Ramachandra and his younger brother Lakshman who
acted as a Pratihāra (Saumittris-tivra-dandaḥ pratiharaṇa-vidhēr-yaḥ
pratihāra asit). Verse 4 tells in the same line (tad-vaṁshe) was born
Nāgabhaṭṭa I, the ancestor of Mihir Bhoja. Verse 7, speaking of king Vatsarāja,
says that “he, the foremost among the most distinguished Kshatriyas, stamped
the noble race of Ishvāku with his own name by virtue of his blameless conduct”
(Kshattriya-pungavēshu cha yaso-gurvvin-dhuram prodvahann Ikshvakuḥ
kulam-unnataṁ sucharitais-chakrē sva-nam-aikitaṁ).
Another of Mihir Bhoja’s inscriptions and also his earliest yet found is the Barah
copper plate (836 CE)12. Inscription records a grant of agrahāra to Brahmins of
Udumbar vishay, Kālanjar mandal of Kanyakubja bhukti. It has nothing
particular on lineage except for names of Bhoja’s mother, grandmother and great
grandmother- Appādevī, Īsatādevī and Sundaridevī.
11 E.I. Vol 18 Pg 95
12 Vikramāṅkadevacaritam 18.97
Next inscriptions of Mihir Bhoja are the Badhal copper plate (841 CE) 13 and the
Daulatpurā plate (843 CE)14. Bhoja, in the Daulatpurā plate, is addressed as
parambhagvatibhaktō Bhojadēva. He from his residence or camp of Mahôdaya,
on the representation of one of the people concerned, renews here a grant which
had been made by his great-grandfather, the Mahārājā Vatsarājadēva, and
continued by his grandfather, the Maharaja Nagabha ṭadēva, but, in his own reign,
had fallen into abeyance. The object of the grant is the village of Sivå, in the
Dēṇḍvānaka-vishaya of the Gurjaratrābhūmi (Gurjaratrābhūmau).
Later in the year 862 CE, Bhoja issued the Deogadh pillar inscriptions 15 which
addresses Bhoja as the Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājadhiraja Paramēśvara. The
inscription is adjacent to a Jain Shāntināth temple. Same Paramabhaṭṭāraka
Mahārājadhiraja Paramēśvara for king Mihir Bhoja is found in the Pehvā
inscription from the Temple of Garibnāth16.
The undated Ahār stone inscription17 of Bhoja records monetary investments into
various fields from the Kanakdēvi temple funds and mentions nothing particular
in the interest of this paper. It mentions a few Jāti (caste) by name. Interesting
thing to note here is mention of a Kshatriya merchant named Sahāka, son of
Ichhūk (Document No 6, Line 14) as kshatriya-anvay vanik-sahāk icchūk-putra.
This conclusively trumps the Varna by Karma theory as occupation of Sahāk
(merchant) didn’t change his Varna which is still mentioned as Kshatriya.
Some other epigraphs of Imperial Pratihāras are the Dighwā Dubaulī 18 (898 CE)
and Pehoa19 (undated) plates of Mahendrapāla, Asnī inscription (917 CE) of
Mahīpāla, Rakhetrā (943 CE), Pratābgarh (946 CE) and Osiā inscriptions (959
CE).
The prime argument advanced by D.R. Bhandarkar and R.C. Majumdar in favour
of the Gūjara origin theory was the occurrence of the designations gurjara,
gurjareśvara and gurjjarendra in certain inscriptions of Rāśṭrakūtas and Pālas,
which are taken to refer to the Imperial Pratihāras. A closed study of the
inscriptions however reveal an evident opposite reality.
As Shanta Rani Sharma has pointed out20, the only certain Gurjar epigraphic
reference to the Imperial Pratihāras is Karkarāja II’ Baroda plate21 (812-13 CE).
And without doubt it has a geographical connotation as the term used is
gurjarśevara (lord of Gurjar) along with lord of Gauda and lord of Vanga. Both
Gauda and Vanga, as we know, are geographies and the theme of the inscription
is mentioning lords of those geographies. Hence in the same context, the lord of
Gurjara (a geographical region) is seen. Though the attributed achievements are
highly exaggerated, the reference of gurjarśevara, here is certainly to the
Pratihāra ruler Nāgabhaṭṭa II, who however has not been named in this
inscription either. There is no ethnic connotation.
All other inscriptions of Rāśṭrakūta mentioning the word Gurjar or epithet based
on the word Gurjar, present no evidence to suggest that they are meant for
Imperial Pratihāras. Dantidurga’s Daśāvatāra inscription22 mentions a saudha or
The lack of identification of the Gurjara and Pratihāra is again evident in the
Nesarikā grant24 of Govinda III (805 CE). It mentions in Verse 15 that as the rains
cease on the approach of autumn, so the Gurjara in fear vanished, nobody knew
whither, so that even in a dream he might not see battle. Later, verse 22 of the
grant claims that Govinda III deprived fourteen kings of their royal insignia, one
of whom was the Gurjareśvara. The word here is again lord of Gurjaras,
presenting a geographical connotation, and despite this there is no evidence
however to corroborate that the lord of Gurjara mentioned here is Imperial
Pratihāra. Another word Gūrya(rja)reśvarāt phalakam prativadhārya is a
puzzle of its own with many scholars presenting conflicting views due to the lack
of solid base. Analysing it Shanta Rani Sharma writes “Quite evidently the
scholars were unable to establish the identity of the Gurjara and Pratihāra
emblems even by recourse to substi- tution of the original epigraphic text by
possible alternative readings.”
23 A Dictionary, Sanscrit and English ~ Horace Hayman Wilson, Pg. 270(b)
24 A Dictionary in Sanscrit and English ~ William Yates, Pg. 256(b)
Same is the case with Govinda III’s Wani25 (806-07 CE) and Rādhanpur26 (808
CE) plates. Rādhanpur has the word gurjareśvara (regional connotation again)
but no evidence that it is a reference to Imperial Pratihāras. Wani grant has no
mention of gurjar. Wani and Rādhanpur both mention the Imperial Pratihāra
ruler Vatsarāja but nowhere calls him either gurjar or gurjareśvara.
The only mention of Imperial Pratihāra ruler Mihir Bhoja is in the hyperbolic
description in the Bagumrā plates27 of Dhruva III of the Gujarat branch of
Rāśṭrakūtas (CE 867) which refers to Mihir Bhoja once and also refers to the
Gurjaras twice. Both the times it mentions Gurjaras, it doesn’t mention any
Imperial Pratihāra king with it. In verse 41 it mentions Mihir, generally taken to
refer to Mihir Bhoja, but it does not use any gurjar or gurjareśvara appellation
with him.
The Sanjān plates of Amoghavarsha (CE 871)28, verse 9 extols the much earlier
ruler Dantidurga stating that kings such as the Gurjareśa (literally Gurjara lord)
and others were made doorkeepers by him, when in Ujjayinī the Hiranyagarbha
was performed by the Kshatriyas. Noting this Shanta Rani Sharma writes 29 “This
Gurjareśa is generally identified as the Imperial Pratihāra Nāgabhatta I on the
basis of contemporaneity and the matching of different historical references.
However, in case this identification is accepted, the statement in verse 22 of the
Sanjān plates that the Rāśṭrakūta ruler Govinda III carried away in battles the
fair and unshakable fame of Kings Nāgabhaṭṭa and Chandragupta, which
apparently records a reverse in battle faced by another Imperial Pratihāra ruler
Nāgabhaṭṭa, this time without the Gurjara appellation appended to his name, is
even more puzzling. To add to the bewilderment of a reader of the inscription,
25 A Sanskrit-English Dictionary’ ~ Theodore Benfey, Pg. 267(b)
26 E.I. Vol 19 Pg 52
27 Indian Antiquary Vol 15 Pg 105-113
28 E.I. Vol 01 Pg 242
29 Exploding the Myth of the Gūjar Identity of the Imperial Pratihāras - Indian Historical Review
(Journal) 39 (2012)
verse 32 records that Govinda III brought destruction to the valour of the head of
the thundering Gurjjaras (garjjadgurjjaramauliśauryavilayo), but does not name
any specific ruler. This omission is particularly glaring when one takes into
consideration the fact that the Sanjān plates belong to the time of Amoghavarsha,
who was the immediate successor of Govinda III, and as such the name of the
Imperial Pratihāra ruler or Gurjara ruler defeated by Govinda III must have been
definitely known to the writer of the inscription.”
The identical Deoli (940 CE)30 and Karhad (959 CE)31 plates of Krishna III uses
the word Gurjar along with various other geographies like Lāta, Gauda, Kālañjar
and Chitrakūta. There is no ethnic connotation here either.
Same is the case with the Badāl pillar32 inscription of the time of Nārāyanpāla. It
mentions the lord of Gurjara (gurjarnāth) with lords of other geographies like
Gauda, Dravida, Utkala. This inscription too contains no direct reference to either
the lord of Gauda or the Gurjara.
The only reference generally accepted as establishing the identity of the Imperial
Pratihāras and the Gurjara ruler is in the Vikramārjunavijaya or Pampabhārata
written by the Kanarese poet Pampa. The point argued here is why has the ooet
used ghūrjarāja for Mahipāla when Gurjara region was only a small part of his
territory is a fanciful logic. Denomination of the entire kingdom on a small part is
quite a noticeable phenomenon throughout history. It happened just as India was
called Hind despite Sindh being only a small part or as India was called Bhārata
despite Bharatas ruling only over a small part or just as the extension of Gauda is
made to cover entire India in the word Pancha-Gauda or just as Angles gave name
to England despite they ruling only one of the seven kingdoms.
Later on the identification of the universal sovereign of the earth belonging to the
Raghu lineage (raghukula bhūcakravartī) is found in the Harsa inscription of
Vigraharāja II33. The Raghu king, as the inscription reads, came in person to
liberate his predecessor Simharāja Cāhamāna, as an Imperial Pratihāra ruler
indicates that the Cahamānas of Śākambharī also regarded the Pratihāras as
Raghuvamsis.
One more inscription touted is the 7th century grant of Dadda, from the Broach
line, which uses the word Gurjar-nrpati-vamsha. Gurjar-nrpati-vamsha here
means ‘of the lineage of Kings of Gurjara’, i.e. Gurjara geography. It again has no
ethnic connotation. One more example of nrpati-vamsha being used as a
geographical term is found in the 11th century Guwahati grant 37 of Ratnapala. It
speaks of a bride’s lineage as “jamadagnya-bhuja vikramārjita prājya-rājya-
nrpavamśa sambhava” which means “born in the lineage of Kings of many
kingdoms that were won by force of Paraśurāma’s arms”.
It’s absolutely startling how few historians continued to use a geographic term as
ethnic over the years until new research burst the bubble.
This detailed study of the inscriptions, along with literary evidence, conclusively
seals the case that Imperial Pratihāras were Kshatriyas. Mihir Bhoja was never
called or addressed as gurjar or gurjareśvara anywhere, neither in epigraphs nor
in literature. Despite the fact that Gurjar as a term is always used in geographical
connotation.
The Sanskrit term ‘Gūrjara’ without exception has always been a geographic term,
it is sometimes used as a demonym but was never used to refer to the
Gujar/Gujjar community. All the authoritative sources on Sanskrit Lexicography
used across the world have referred to the term ‘Gūrjara/Gūrjjara’ as a
geographical and demonymic one:
1. ‘The Practical Sanskrit Dictionary’ by Vaman Shivram Apte 38, possibly the most
renowned Indian lexicographer, and Professor of Sanskrit at Pune’s Fergusson
College, the term Gūrjara has been identified with the district of Gujarat and also
as the inhabitants of Gujarat.
6. In ‘A Dictionary in Sanscrit and English’ by William Yates 43, the term Gūrjara
again is referred to as the name of a district in Gujarat.
Another inscription, appearing in the Saka year 717 (795 CE), of Vatsarāja
Pratihāra47, in the verse 3, introduces the King Nāgabhaṭṭa I as one who scored
victory over the invincible Gūrjaras. This inscription leaves no room for debate on
the origin of Pratihāras as they themselves defeated the Gūrjara it’s well
established fact the no Gūrjara has been found along with Pratihāras prior to
Nāgabhaṭṭa I subjugating the kingdom of Gūrjara. Another inscription that sheds
light on the word Gūrjara is the Ghatiyālā inscription (861 CE) 48. The inscription
states the Mandor Pratihāra ruler Kakkuka obtained great renown in Travanī,
Valla, Māda, Gurjaratrā, Lāta and Parvata. Again this inscription invokes the
term Gūrjara in geographical context, along with various other geographies, and
does not denote a caste or community.
Further inscriptions using the term Gurjar as a reference to the region are of
Chaulukya kings. Chaulukya Bhimadeva I and his son Karna Trailokyamalla are
mentioned as Gurjara and Chaulukya Kumarpala as the lord of the Gurjara
country49. The Dohad inscription50 speaks of the Chaulukya king Jayasimha
46 Indian Antiquary Vol 05 Pg 67
47 History of India, as told by its own Historians- H. M. Elliot, Ed. Prof. John Dowson Vol 01 Pg 126
48 Kuvalyamālā by Uddyotana Suri Pg 282
49 PrabandhaKośa Vol 01 Pg 43
50 Jaina Pustaka Prashasti Sangraha Pg 62
Even the Gujarat Sultanate’s Muslim sultan Muzaffar Shāh II was called
‘Gurjareshwar’ in Jagannatharya Temple inscription52. The said inscription talks
of Rāna Sāngā defeating ‘Gurjareshwar’ sultan (Mahmūńdkhānmatulam
mlechhādhipam shambaram jitvā durjay-gurjareshwar-matah). The Sravan
Belagola epigraph53 says Ganga Satyavakya Kongunivarman came to be known as
‘Gurjara-adhirāja’ by conquering the northern areas of Rāśṭrakūta king Krishna
III.
Centuries later, identification of the term Gurjara with the region was apparently
taken by Arab traveller Al-Biladuri too. Biladuri uses the term Jurz 56 for the
Gurjara region and mentions it as one of the regions conquered by the Arab
governor of Sindh, Junaid. Al-Masudi even provides the length and breadth of
Jurz kingdom along with giving a rough estimate of the number of villages in it.
One more Jain account, a palm leaf manuscript of Pattan, the ‘Jaina Pustaka
Prashasti Sangraha’59 says “Athasti Gurjaro deśo vikhyāto bhuvanatraye”,
meaning – “There is a desha called Gurjara famous in the three worlds”.
The Puranas too provide evidence on the regional affiliations of the gurjara word.
Skanda Purana’s Sahayadri Khand61 mentions five categories of Brahmins in
South - Tailangas, Maharashtras, Karnatas, Dravidas and Gurjaras. The existence
of Gurjara Brahmins is common with the existence of Gurjara Vaishyas too, as
noted by Historian Dashrath Sharma.
The Goharwa fort copperplate62 of Kalchuri/Cedi king Karnadeva from says that
their ancestor LakshamanaRajaDeva Kalchuri defeated (in around 960-70 AD)
the Kings of – Vangāla, Pandya, Lāṭa, Gurjara, and Kashmīra. All these are
obviously geographies (Verse 8)63.
The Nadola and Lālrāi Shantinātha temple inscriptions 64 of 1176 AD informs that
a part of the revenue from the yield of surrounding villages was to be given for the
procession of 16th Jaina Tirthankar Shantinath. In both inscriptions it has been
called ‘Gūjari yātrā’ and the festivities have been called ‘Gujar Tuhar’ (Tyohāra).
Similar mention of Gurjara Brahmin is found in the Tasgaon plate 65 of Yadav
Krishnadev (1251 AD).
Gurjar connotation to the region was strong enough to find a continuous place in
Sanskrit literature, be it original or commentary. As seen in a commentary on
Hemchandra’s DvyashrayaMahakavya by the 13th-century scholar Abhayatilaka
Gani. Who interprets “Gurjaranāṃ” (the plural i.e. Gurjars) as ‘Gurjara-
deśodbhava-nraṇām’. Meaning – the people born in the desha called Gurajara.
Hemachandra’s Mahāveercharita of the early 12th century tells us that there will
be a city called Anahilapataka (Anahilapaṭṭana) at the spot where the boundaries
of Saurashtra, Lāṭa, and Gurjara meet. VividhaTīrthaKalpa67 tells that the lord of
Ghazni plundered the Gurjara territory. Vinayachandra Suri’s Kāvyaśikśa 68
62 The Hymns of the Rigveda (Vol. 4) ~ Ralph T.H. Griffith, Pg. 291
63 Rig-Veda Sanhita (Vol. 6) ~ H.H. Wilson, Pg. 253
64 E.I. Vol 41 Pg 43
65 E.I. Vol 41 Pg 49-50
66 E.I. Vol. 09 Pg 277-81
67 E.I. Vol 09 Pg 74
68 E.I. Vol 11 Pg 55
The tradition of term Gūrjara being used as demonym, is also seen in the
Vikramânkadevacharitam71. It mentions a visit to the land of Gūrjara and whose
inhabitants were identified as Gūrjara due to them being residents of the Gurjara
geography just as we identify Bengalis of Bengal or Marathis of Maharashtra et al.
In the chapter number 4 of Harshcharita, while mentioning the military conquest
of Prabhābhakarvardhana[72][73], writer Bānabhaṭṭa mentions the Gūrjara in the a
geographical context along with other geographical regions of Gāndhāra, Lāta
and Mālva. It's worth noting that the Harshcharita is a seventh century account.
69 V.O.J. Vol 03 Pg 09
70 E.I. Vol 24 Pg 68
71 E.I. Vol 5 Pg 176
72 Nābhi-Nandana-Jinoddhāra-Prabandha Pg 374 and Ch. 3, verse 5
73 The Calcutta Review (Vol. 101), 1895, Pg. 340
74 The Calcutta Review (Vol. 101), 1895, Pg. 351-352
It's an evident fact that the term Gūrjara existed as a demonym and not related to
any particular community or caste. However it's unfortunate that a plethora of
primary and contemporary inscriptional proofs and the literary evidence have
been ignored and solely on the basis of mere hypothesis, without any evidence,
the term Gūrjara was associated with a community by few historians of a
particular school. The number of inscriptions and contemporary documents is
overwhelming, proving that the word Gūrjara has always been a geographical
identity.
This section of this report establishes that the term Rajput is a continuation of the
Sanskrit Rājaputra - a term that can be traced back to the RigVeda itself, widely
accepted as the oldest text in existence. As mentioned in the the Puru ṣasūkta of
the RigVeda75.
“The Brahman was his mouth, of both his arms was the Rajanya made;
His thighs became the Vaishya, from his feet the Shudra was produced.”
75 Prithviraj Chauhan: A Light on the Mist in History - Virendra Singh Rathore Pg 172-173
76 Origin and Rise of the Imperial Pratihāras of Rajasthan - Shanta Rani Sharma Pg 29
“His mouth became the Brahmana, his arms became the Rajanya;
His thighs became the Vaishya, the Shudra was born from his feet.”
Here ‘Rajanya’ is the term for Kshatriya, used in the enumeration of the 4 Varnas
in the RigVeda.
“The name Rajput, the Hindi form of the Sanskrit Rajaputra - “King’s son” - was
originally a synonym of Rajanya, “Kingly,” showing that the Rajputs were the
ruling race in ancient India. The name Rajaputra dates from Vedic days, as we
find Vishwamitra, the seer of the third section of Vedic Hymns, called
“Rajaputra,” or Rajput. Afterwards the name Kshatria, “warrior,” became more
common. The greatest of the Kshttryas were Vishvamitra, Rama, Krishna, and
Buddha. The last three are held to be avataras, or divine incarnations; a tradition
showing the spiritual importance of the ancient Rajputs.” 78
“But I cannot do more than touch on this question of the ancient spiritual dignity
of the Rajanyas, who are the Kshattriyas and the Rajputs. A question like this
could find full elucidation only in a history of ancient India where the qualities of
each race were fully recorded, and their due share assigned to each in the
77 The Practical Sanskrit-English Dictionary ~ Vaman Shivram Apte, Pg. 384(a), 798(c), 799(a)(b)(c)
78 Shabda Sagara ~ Pandit-Kulapati Jibananda Vidyasagara, Pg. 215(a), 601(a)(b)
splendid epic of India’s history; an epic, not written perhaps in the annals of the
chronicler but rather blazoned abroad on the face of India’s hills and valleys, in
the figure of town and temple, and the deeper and more lasting monuments of
poetry, philosophy and religion.
In this splendid epic of India, can be discerned, I think, four different elements,
like the four voices in perfect harmony, and of these four, the red Rajanya and the
white Brahman have ever borne the weightier parts.
The only alternative left for those who doubt that Kshatriya, and Rajput are
ethnically identical, is to suppose that a red race of warriors, claiming descent
from the sun, was suddenly annihilated; and that another red race of warriors,
also claiming descent from the sun, as suddenly made their appearance in India
to take the vacant place; and, lastly, that all this took place so imperceptibly, that
the second race are convinced of their identity with the first, and that the Indian
traditions preserve no memory of the change.
To this evidence of race identity, quite conclusive in itself, we may add the
additional corroboration of identity of name between the Kshattriyas of ancient
India and the Rajputs of to-day. The name Rajput, as already noted, is nothing
but an abbreviated or colloquial form of the Sanskrit Raja-putra, or King’s son; a
son, that is, of the ruling or royal race. And this same name of Rajput, or Raja-
putra, for the royal race, as a synonym of the Kshattriya or Rajanya, can be traced
back, past the period of the Mahabharata war and the wanderings of Rama, to the
dim, remote days of Vedic India.”79
Further we also have the ‘Indian Epigraphical Glossary’89 of D.C. Sircar, having
Rajput as a usage of the Sanskrit ‘Rajaputra’, alongside Ravata and Rauta etc. -
titles still in use by many Rajputs.
Thus, the term Rajput and its variants has been in use since the Vedic period,
across ancient languages like Sanskrit and Pali.