THE DYNAMICS OF THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT LA VIA CAMPESINA

By :
Anton Mnardi, Muhammad Ilham
Ilhammuhammad0598@gmail.com
Department of International Relations, Pasundan University

ABSTRACT

This article discusses how the international farmer organization La Via

Kampensina is fighting for the rights of farm workers. Where so far in the struggle it has
been successfully promoted with several countries to be discussed at the United Nations.
And in Indonesia it will be seen whether the influence of La Via Kampensina will reduce
the human rights violations experienced by farm workers or the same before the existence
of La Via Kampensina. Meanwhile, in the process of fighting for it, it is aimed at the way
of social movements, which include, among others, Political Opportunity (POS),
Mobilization Structure, and Framing in an effort to minimize land grabbing and land
acquisition that often occurs among world farmers.
The research method here uses a qualitative descriptive study that refers to the
source of interviews, observation and literature study, the theoretical framework as a knife
of analysis in presenting an existing phenomenon, the theory here uses international
organizations, human rights and others.
So in the end it is necessary for the peasants to form a union in order to solidify if
there are similar cases happened to them and they already have the power to fight. It was
not only local unions that the peasants eventually created, but also national unions. And
because the form of this threat is not only from the national level, there is a need for an
international farmer organization to fight for their rights. So it is not surprising that many
peasants' unions have joined La Via Kampensina so that together they can gather strength
to fight for their rights, which so far no one has protected and protected other than
themselves.

Keyword : La Via Campesina, Social Movement, POS, Mobilization Structure,

Framming
1. Introduction

Precisely in May 1993 at a conference in Mons, Belgium, forty-six

representatives (men and women) from smallholder organizations, indigenous peoples and

farm workers from various parts of the world formally created La Via Campesina.

Although in fact the seeds of struggle in forming this organization have existed since the

1980s when at that time what the founders of La Via Campesina did was participate in

various dialogues and exchanges with fellow strugglers both in their own country or in

other countries. internationally. So that at that time regional movements in Europe began

to emerge such as the CPE, and ASOCODE as well as CLOC in Latin America. Where

the end will be the signing of the Managua Declaration by representatives of eight

agricultural organizations in Central America, the Caribbean, Europe, Canada and the

United States who gathered at the second congress of the Union Nacional de Agricultores

y Genaderos (UNAG) which was held at that time in Managua, Nicaragua 1992. (SPI,

2020)

La Via Campesina has differences with its opponents fundamentally. That is to

have a position on certain issues as well as their collective actions. Certainly La Via

Campesina is here as an alternative street or voice for small and poor farmers. Apart from

that, the unique thing about La Via Campesina is that it is a forum and a dialectical arena

between other national or sub-national farmer groups. This particularity is what makes

this organization different and characterized as activists meet and a place to take action.

This makes La Via Campesina an important institution for local and national peasant

movements that purely carry and protect the interests of small farmers and place

themselves at the forefront of the peasants' struggle in fight for their rights (Borras, 2007)

La Via Campesina which is now an international farmer organization. Where

there are many members from other countries farmers. Of course, farmers around the
world will not want to join and fight together if there are no common goals and interests

with them. Among other things, one of which is the absence of protection and discussion

for farmers. Unlike his friends, namely workers workers. Until now, farm workers do not

know how to take cover and demand their rights. Sometimes they can only surrender if

their struggle is not supported by the owner peasants, and it is these farm laborers who are

not considered to be present, none other than messengers to work the land. If there is a

dispute or other conflict experienced by the land, they must be the frontline in the

resistance, because from the land they can eat.

Therefore, La Via Campesina is eager to create a new human rights legal

instrument and draft a declaration that recognizes and protects the rights of farmers.

Because they consider the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Social

and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), International Convention on Economic Rights, Farmers

Charter 1979, Cartagena Protocol, ILO Convention 169, Human right to food from the

UN Human Rights Council, International covenant on Civil and Political Right (ICCPR)

1966, they consider that all of them still have weakness points and have not fully

recognized the rights of farmers. The rights of shepherds, farm laborers, fishermen,

landless farmers, land tenants, and women farmers have not been specifically regulated in

this legal instrument. Where they are all victims of neo-liberal policies who are often

victims of discrimination and deprived of their rights (OHCHR, 2020)

Sometimes there are cases where when the conflict occurred the farm worker

fought against it, while the owner farmer had actually signed an agreement with someone

who wants the land. So this is where the problem comes and the farm workers have to

rack their brains to support their families because the land they have been working on has

been handed over by other parties to the owner farmers.

 There are also several cases where they have to put up a body to defend their land

which is being taken by the company by force. For example, the case of the kendeng,

samin vs cement farmers. These companies do not hesitate to hire security to acquire land,

so clashes automatically occur between the farmers and company people. They are

farmers who are willing to die for their land which they have been caring for and make

their living. In the case of samin vs cement, it is very clear that a human being has to lose

his life which confronts a cement company that will stand on his land. Because the cement

will not only stand on the land but the rest of the land will also be damaged by the

influence of cement production which will cause the soil to dry out and lose fertility.

Unlike the case with the kendeng farmers, those whose land will be contaminated

with cement and lose land due to mining must refuse it. They refused by holding

demonstrations and guarding the land so that heavy equipment did not enter. Meanwhile,

those who carried out demonstrations carried out a long march to the state palace in

Jakarta and cemented their feet in front of the palace grounds so that the construction of

the cement factory was canceled.

Apart from that, it cannot be separated from why La Via Campesina emerged as a

resistance movement against policies that are not pro towards small farmers. This

discrimination is exacerbated from individuals, interest groups, stakeholders, and even the

leaders of their own countries. All of this cannot be separated from the result of trade

liberalization in the agricultural sector where regulations such as tariff elimination,

dumping politics, genetic mutation of food seeds, seed patents by agribusiness companies

are examples of international trade policies that do not support local farmers in small-

scale producers. (ICPF, 2020)

Therefore, La Via Campesina carried out organizing and collective work to fight

back for the creation of large-scale social change through non-institutional means. They
want to make a declaration based on reports of violations of farmers' rights that occur

around the world. Declaration on the Right of Peasents, Woman and Man. That is what

they will fight for at the UN Human Rights Council. This is all they do for the future. The

peasants already have a strong legal basis to defend their basic rights. La Via Campesina

intends to form this declaration based on the principles of Food Sovereignty. Because

Food Sovereignty is trusted to deal with the global food crisis and will prioritize

production and consumption processes on a local scale and will oblige the state to protect

their local farmers (La Via Campesina, 2020)

2. Methods

In the article report on the dynamics of the social movement la via campesina, the

author uses descriptive analysis research methods, which describe, classify, and analyze

actual symptoms or phenomena.

In the author of this article, the author uses data collection techniques in the

following ways :

 Observation

Observation is the main activity and an important research technique. The

technique requires observation from the research side of the object of research. In this

observation, the author observes how the process of transnational social movements in

this world, how the influence of the joint struggle between SPI and La Via Campesina is

important regarding the issue of international security, and how to implement the struggle

against human rights violations of farm workers that have been happening so far.

 Literature study
 Literature Review is a data collection activity carried out by viewing or reading

journals or research sources from trusted official sources as references or comparisons. In

this literature, the author reads books about NGOs, international organizations, read

journals or news about social movements at the national level. or international.

 Interview

Interviewing is a process of collecting data for a study in the form of face-to-face

questions and answers between the interviewer and the respondent using a tool called an

interview guide.

2.1 Theoretical Framework

2.1.1 Contructivist Paradigm

Constructivist thinking in looking at the social world is that the social world is not

something given, where the laws can be found through scientific research and explained

through scientific theories as proposed by the behavioralists and positivists. Rather, the

social world is an inter-subjective area where the social world means a lot to the people

who create it and live in it and who understand it at the same time. The social world is

created or shaped by society at a certain time and place (Jackson & Sorensen, 2005).

Anarchy is not always defined as something that is conflictual or cooperative. There is no

true character of international anarchy. Anarchy is what the state does. If states behave in

a conflictual manner towards one another, it appears that the nature of international

anarchy is conflictual. However, if countries behave cooperatively towards one another, it

appears that the nature of international anarchy is cooperative (Weber, 2005).

2.1.2 Human Rights

Human rights are rights that humans have simply because they are human.

Humanity has it not because it is given to it by society or based on positive law, but solely
based on its dignity as a human being (Donnely, 1973). So, regardless of whether he is

born as a person of color or not, regardless of ethnicity, ethnicity or culture he will still

have that right.

According to Njal Hostmaelingen, human rights have several principles. And this

principle has inspired international human rights. And all these principles are already

present in all international treaties which will then be applied to broader rights. Some of

the principles are:

a. Principle of equality

The very fundamental thing of contemporary human rights is the idea that all people

are born free and have equality in human rights.

 Definition and Equivalance Testing

Equality requires equal treatment, where in the same situation it must be

treated equally, and with debate, where in different situations it is treated

differently.

 Alternative Actions (Positive Discrimination)

Problems arise when a person comes from a different position but is treated

the same. If this same treatment continues, then of course these differences

will occur continuously even though human rights standards have been

improved. That is why it is important to take the next step towards achieving

equality. Affirmative action allows the state to treat certain underrepresented

groups more favorably. For example, if a man and woman with the same

qualifications and experience apply for the same job, affirmative action could

be taken by allowing women to be accepted on the grounds that more men are

applying for the job vacancies than women. Another example, some countries

allow indigenous peoples to access higher education with various policies that
 make them treated more (favored) than other non-indigenous people in order

to achieve equality. More detailed examples can be seen in Article 4 CEDAW

and Article 2 CERD. The note is that affirmative action can only be used

within a certain measure until equality is achieved. However, when equality

has been achieved, this action can no longer be justified.

b. principle of discrimination

The prohibition of discrimination is an important part of the principle of equality.

If everyone is equal, then there should be no discriminatory treatment (other than

affirmative action taken to achieve equality.

 Definition and Testing of Discrimination

Discrimination is the difference between treatment and treatment that should

be equal

 Direct and Indirect Discrimination

Direct discrimination is when a person is directly or indirectly treated

differently (less favorable) than others. Discrimination does not arise

immediately when the impact of the law or in the practice of law is a form of

discrimination, even though it is not intended for the purpose of

discrimination. For example, restrictions on the right to pregnancy will clearly

have a greater effect on women than on men.

 Discrimination Reason

International human rights law has broadened the grounds for discrimination.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights mentions several reasons for

discrimination, including race, color, gender, language, religion, political

opinion or other opinions, national or national, ownership of an object

(property), birth or other status. All these things are unlimited reasons and
 there are more and more instruments that expand the reasons for

discrimination, including sexual orientation, age and disability.

c. Positive Obligations to Protect Certain Rights

Under international human rights law, a country must not deliberately neglect

rights and freedoms. On the other hand, the state is assumed to have a positive

obligation to actively protect and ensure the fulfillment of rights and freedoms.

 Meaning

For freedom of expression, a country may give freedom by providing few

restrictions. The only limitation is what is legally referred to as restrictions (as

will be discussed below). For the right to life, the state must not accept a

passive approach. The state is obliged to make the rule of law and take steps

to positively protect rights and freedoms that are acceptable to the state. For

this reason, the state is obliged to make legal rules that prohibit murder to

prevent non-state actors from violating the right to life. The emphasis is that

the state must be proactive in respecting the right to life and not being

passive.

 Few Examples

Among some of the most common examples are the right to life and the

prohibition of torture. The state must not follow the mistakes of other

countries which violate the provisions of the right to life or violate the

prohibition of torture. The state must not assist other countries in taking a

person's life or violating the prohibition on torture. As discussed previously,

this creates problems for a country when considering refusing to recognize

refugee status, deporting non-nationals or accepting extradition requests.

2.1.3 National Integration Movement Theory

 The Social Movement Integration Theory put forward by McAdam, McCharthy,

and Zeld (1996) states that social movements are strongly influenced by three factors /

dimensions, namely: (1) Political Opportunity Structure; (2) Social Mobilization

Structure; and (3) Cultural Framing. In the dimension of the structure of political

opportunity, according to Doug McAdam (1996), the emergence of a social movement

can be seen from the availability of opportunities resulting from changes / changes in

institutional structures and ideological dispositions in a government. The structure of

political opportunity can be further divided into four dimensions, namely: (1) the relative

openness or closure of a political government; (2) stable or unstable relationships between

groups in power; (3) the presence or absence of an alliance between the forces (elites) in

society; and (4) the capacity and tendency of the state to carry out repressive actions.

Meanwhile, the mobilization structure is defined as a collective forum, both

formal and informal, in which people mobilize and engage in collective action.

Mobilization structures focus on the level of meso-groups, organizations and informal

networks that comprise the collective building blocks of social movements and

revolutions. The structure of the mobilization can be divided into categories, namely

formal and non-formal and movement and non-movement in nature. Finally, the

dimension of cultural framing (framing) is a factor that connects between the political

opportunity structure and the mobilization structure. Cultural framing is related to the

efforts of the agents of change to influence meaning in public policy. Therefore, actors of

change have an important task to achieve their struggles through the formation of framing

on social problems and injustice. These three factors / dimensions, in the theory of social

movement integration, are interrelated and influence each other (JPPUMA, 2020)

2.1.4 Global Social Movement

 Peter Waterman in his book, Globalization, Social Movements, and the New

Internationalisms (2001), states the importance of constructing "the international" as a

utopian realm for various alternative social movements, for example movements that fight

for women, ecology, and human rights. According to him, the contemporary moment

which could be called "high or radical modernity" provided fertile ground for the

development of new forms of internationalism. Developments in communication

technology facilitate the movement of ideas and initiatives to allow external aspects to

influence internal and local aspects to redefine global aspects (Waterman, 2001).

Charles Tilly defines a "social movement" as a movement consisting of "a series

of activities, performances, and ongoing campaigns in which ordinary people make

collective claims against other parties" (Tilly, 2004). Meanwhile, Sidney Tarrow (Tarrow,

1994) defines social movements as movements of collective resistance (against elites,

authorities, or other cultural groups) by a group of people who have the same goals and

solidarity in ongoing interactions with the target group.

Basically, global social movements can be divided into reformer, refusenik, and

alternativist types. Movements of the first type use the United Nations to legitimize their

role. The second movement completely breaks away from the mainstream institutions and

moves against it, while the third type movement can be further divided into more "radical"

currents such as in the "globalization from below" and the more "reformist" approaches,

as seen in the labor movement. international organizations that try to realize a "global

social compact" and democratize globalization for the common social good (Munck,

2020).

Social movements focused on the peasants have existed since the 19th century

and can therefore be called the "old" type of social movement. However, the peasants'

movement on an international scale that moves within the framework of criticism of

globalization is a phenomenon in the mid-end of the 20th century and is often referred to

as part of “new social movements” (Aberle, 2020). It can be said that in a transitional

situation leading to social change, an actor (movement leader) has the opportunity to

utilize a number of potential local values (framing process) to mobilize a resistance

movement. In this process, there is an activity in which the existing local institutions,

organizations and associations are used to mobilize the movement (mobilizing structure).

However, to arrive at open resistance, structural mobilization efforts in the framing

process still have to pay attention to opportunities and threats or environmental situations

(Dobson, 2020).

3. Result

Since its inception La Via Campesina has a very strong passion for creating

prosperity for farmers, Agrarian Reform, Food Sovereignty and Trade, Biodiversity and

Genetic Resources, Human Rights, Sustainable Agriculture, Migration and inflating

workers, Women and Gender Varieties , The Role of Youth, and Communication Training

(Rosset, 2005). La Via Campesina continues to campaign some of the above until it all

materializes. Original and integrated Agrarian Reform, which is believed to be able to re-

distribute large property land assets to farmers so that farmers own the land and enable

them to access and have the right to control over productive natural resources that aim to

solve the problems of poverty and hunger in the regions rural. And this can only be

realized through agrarian reform. At present, farmer-based food production, smallholder

fisheries, ranchers and natural resource management by communities and indigenous

peoples are also seriously threatened by the expansion of corporate development based on

neo-liberal policies from the World Bank, IMF and WTO. Therefore, it is very important

to maintain and strengthen control by the community over these resources based on the

principle of food sovereignty (Cetim, 2020).

 Although the FAO mission also wants to eradicate poverty and hunger in rural

areas. Therefore, La Via Campesina also hopes for a commitment from FAO in this

matter. La Via Campesina demands that FAO member states, the national governments of

La Via Campesina, take the necessary steps to define an international plan of action that

requires governments to implement agrarian reform genuine integrated system that

guarantees the following: (Saragih, 2020)

a) Active and respectful participation and initiatives to support organizations

and movements (landless, adat, farmers, fishermen) for true agrarian

reform.

b) National legislation to protect and promote genuine agrarian reform.

c) Definition and implementation of the national action plan.

d) Commitment to provide and channel the Funds needed to build and

strengthen the necessary institutional instruments.

e) Commitment to establishing policies to achieve adequate control over

natural resources by the communities concerned

La Via Campesina proposed to the FAO that the conference in Mozambique

decided to initiate the FAO capacity building process on Agrarian Reform. La Via

Campesina demands that the FAO take leadership on this issue, and that governments,

especially developed countries, free up adequate means to carry out a broad open

participatory process for an effective international plan of action and lead to the

implementation of integrated agrarian reform. To achieve the needed changes and

eradicate poverty and misery requires involvement, courage, political will and strong

solidarity.

The Global Food Crisis is a crucial issue that La Via Campesina has used as a

weapon. The current food crisis itself is the result of years of deregulation of the
agricultural market, privatization of state regulatory agencies and dumping of agricultural

products in emerging markets. Even the FAO is of the opinion that market liberalization

has attracted huge cash flows seeking to speculate on the "future" of markets for

agricultural products and other financial instruments. The expansion of agrofuel

companies and the support of agrofuels initiating countries such as the United States,

European Union and Brazil have made land for food narrower and rarer. Hundreds of

thousands of hectares have been converted from agricultural land in uncontrolled ways to

zones of economic development, urbanization and infrastructure. Land grabbed by

Transnational Corporations and other speculators will expel millions more farmers who

will end up in big cities as poor laborers living in slum areas (Saragih, 2020)

3.1 Dynamics of the La via campesina social movement

3.1.1 Political Opportunity Structure (POS)

The author provides an analysis of social movements, namely the Political

Opportunity Structure (POS), a mechanism that explains that social movements occur

because they are caused by changes in the political structure, which can be seen as an

opportunity. In sharpening the POS mechanism, Sidney Tarrow emphasized that forms of

political tension increase when actors of change get external support to get out of trouble

or achieve their desired goals. When an access to institutions has opened, divisions occur

between the government elite, the formation of opponents, and the capacity of the state

becomes weak, social movement groups get the opportunity to get their demands. When

combined with high power to take an action, this political opportunity will produce a form

of resistance from an opportunity for demands that have been obtained at the international

level.

Here seeing that a social movement made by La Via Campesina is a movement

which makes a political transgressing from a small issue to become a major issue, such as
making an issue from local to national then to international, this is where La Via

Campesina makes a rural social movement to become a common issue of unrest with

farmers.

3.2 Mobilization Structure

Seeing the awareness of the social movement, it is necessary to have support

needed as one of the success factors of a social movement. The form of support can take

various forms, it can be in the form of financial support, morale, motivation,

relationships / networking and others. Alliances are also needed to strengthen the position

of social movements at the global level. Even though it is not permanent, the impact of the

alliance can still be felt with the changes and progress they have gained during the

alliance.

To gain support, a movement must seek the Mobilization Potential of various

actors, including individuals, private companies, governments and other movement

organizations. The potential for mobilization does not only come from actors who have

the same goals and interests, but can also come from actors who have no interest but are

sympathetic to the movement's vision and mission. The more sympathizers one has and is

successfully mobilized, the stronger the position and position of the movement will be.

The framing process of the issue of farmers' rights here plays a role in the process

of mobilizing the masses, support and sympathizers. According to La Via Campesina,

farmer groups at the local and national levels have a Vacuum space that can be used as an

opportunity or potential for mobilization. The Vacuum room here is closely related to the

orientation of the peasants movement struggle. Where, La Via Campesina tries to direct

this orientation to focus on the protection and recognition of farmers' rights which are not

known by the small farmers themselves as the cause of their poor condition.
 The issue of land rights, for example, has become the focus of attention of

smallholder organizations that rely on the kinship system. These organizations are

considered as the basis of the class that protects small farmers in determining agricultural

activities and groups in order to obtain organizational interests. The issue of land rights

has become the basis for the orientation of the smallholder movements because they face

direct land grabbing by agribusiness companies that have received special privileges from

the local government to manage agricultural land with an export orientation and eliminate

the traditional values of local agriculture. Small issues like this are packaged by La Via

Campesina in the big issue, namely the issue of farmers' rights, which are fought for in

order to get support from various local, national and international agricultural groups as

evidence of the legitimacy of La Via Campesina's struggle.

be able to get a lot of sympathizers, it is necessary to be supported by a recruiting

network that is wider in scope so that sympathizers who are mobilized are increasingly

being netted from various regions of the world. Global peasant movement organizations

such as La Via Campesina which has 79 member countries form recruitment networks at

every national level to attract other actors who want to join La Via Campesina through

promotions, campaigns and spread a sense of solidarity by using crucial issues to attract

sympathy among farmers at each national level of member countries. Starting from this

vast recruitment network, La Via Campesina succeeded in mobilizing support by

increasing the number of its members, from initially only 46 farmer organizations from

several countries, during the 20 years of struggle from 1993-2013, it was able to add

members to 164 farmer organizations from 79 countries. This broad coverage also makes

La Via Campesina strong legitimacy and representation and is seen as an accountable

global peasants movement organization in the world through various discussions and

internal debates related to crucial agricultural issues.

 Here there is no special standard procedure for farmer groups or individuals who

wish to join La Via Campesina. Provided that the group or individual is sympathetic,

active and supports the goals of La Via Campesina, then he or she is declared a member or

alliance of La Via Campesina. The registration process only fulfills minor administrative

requirements such as filling out forms and statements to wholeheartedly join La Via

Campesina. La Via Campesina actually relies heavily on informal organizations such as

kinship and fraternal networks to join La Via Campesina, because organizations like these

have high loyalty and can become radical protesters.

This mobilization occurred because informal organizations such as kinship and

fraternal networks became the basis for recruitment for the La Via Campesina movement.

Informal structures are also important contributors to the emergence of local movements.

By establishing relationships with local movements that are informal in nature, formal (La

Via Campesina) and informal relationships in the community can be a source of solidarity

and facilitate communication structures when uniting goals to bring about change.

(Situmorang, 2007) With the established relationship between La Via Campesina and

grassroots organizations at the local level of member countries, La Via Campesina is

called a formal grassroots organization capable of becoming radical political protesters

and having a high commitment to the goals of the movement.

Here is an example of La Via Campesina's efforts to mobilize support as in

Thailand, the peasants on behalf of La Via Campesina, together with members of the AOP

(Assembly of the Poor) and the NPF (North Peasants Federation), have advocated

recognition and respect. on the rights of women and men peasants since 2001. La Via

Campesina calls on the Thai Human Rights Commission to support raising awareness of

peasants' rights among communities and encouraging the Thai government to support the

declaration of rights for women and men farmers . (Saragih, 2020)

 One of the ways La Via Campesina mobilized support was by organizing

representatives of rural organizations from both Southern and Northern countries. They

are organized at the time of the WTO or FAO meetings related to the formulation of

global agricultural policies. La Via Campesina mobilized the masses to the streets of cities

such as Geneva, Paris, Seattle, Québec City, Quito, Rome, Johannesburg, Porto Alegre,

Cancún, Hong Kong, Copenhagen, Durban and other cities. (La Via Campesina, 2020)

Lobbying is becoming an increasingly valuable tool in social movements.

Successful lobbying at the international level relies on alliances with human rights

organizations, coupled with lobbying the central government with local groups. An

example is the experience of the Indonesian Peasants Union (SPI), which is an important

member of La Via Campesina, illustrating how a 2-tier strategy combines direct action on

the ground by engaging all members to lobby their national government through a

network of formal and informal institutions to promote recognition of farmers' rights. to

the government and private parties. (Right to food and nutrition watch, 2020) Another

strategy, namely La Via Campesina, tries to lobby at the UN level assisted by its allies

such as FIAN and CETIM as a symbol of collective action and efforts to get the interests

of all its members.

3.3 Framing

Framing here becomes a social movement which lies in the extent to which the

actors of change influence public policy. To influence public policy and make changes, a

social movement needs to carry out a framing mechanism within its internal organization

so that it is solid and works efficiently so that it has high accountability. One form of

framing is creating movement goals, whether their social movement goals have been

accepted by all movement actors or not. The success of social movements lies in how the

movement's actors formulate their goals so that they are widely accepted.
 Efforts The success of social movements is determined by the extent to which the

public has the same view of an issue, a common enemy or a common goal. Social

movements not only need a frame for how each actor should act, but also a frame for what

problems they are facing. The success of a social movement depends on how successful

the group is in defining the frame for what should be done together. (IPB, 2020)

La Via Campesina conducted 3 framing programs for members and alliances as

one of the factors in its success in establishing legitimacy and accountability. Namely

framing of issues / problems faced together, framing of goals to be achieved by showing

what benefits will be obtained if you are involved in the struggle to win crucial issues that

represent the interests of its members, as well as action framing explaining what

contributions can be made by the members. This framing clarity is what makes La Via

Campesina very solid in every movement, thus demonstrating the accountability of La Via

Campesina at the international level.

The reason behind using the issue of farmers' rights in the La Via Campesina

framing is because there are several advantages to using human rights for framing. Among

these advantages is that human rights can be used by activists to define the boundaries

between what is fair and what is not. The concept of rights allows social movements to

framing interests in a way that does not emphasize specific or sectoral interests. The right

facilitates the integration of several ideologies and helps claim exports to other movement

organizations as references to ideologically, politically or culturally different and

geographically different. These advantages help explain why human rights have been

exercised in a number of social movements (Borras, 2004)

In fact, there is a universal Human Rights to Food, namely Human Rights to

Food. However, there are weaknesses in this instrument that La Via Campesina sees as an

opening to continue to harm farmers' rights. First, the contemporary Human Rights
Regime is dominated by Western concepts of thought, individualist and liberal concepts.

Second, this regime was formed only to oblige the state to uphold human rights, and failed

to hold responsibility from both private and transnational actors. Third, human rights

emphasize economic freedom - understood as the deprivation of individuals to access and

control economic resources - at the expense of equality of results / welfare.

These factors can seriously hamper the subversive potential of human rights and

represent a major challenge for social movements, such as La Via Campesina, which

decided to exercise rights in their struggle against capitalism and neoliberalism. That is

why La Via Campesina actually created a new Human Rights instrument through the

Food Sovereignty campaign by forming its own declaration, and not using existing

instruments.

La Via Campesina contributed to developing alternative conceptions of rights.

This conception emphasizes the dimension of collective claims to individuals, targeting

the various levels at which issues of food and agricultural governance should be

discussed, from local, national, regional to international, rather than focusing exclusively

on the role of the state; and provide the tools to counter neoliberalism and capitalism in

agriculture, bypass defenses of autonomy and enforce the use of the same liberal food

system. (Saragih, 2020)

La Via Campesina also conducts trainings for its members to have the same

understanding with the movement's vision and mission as well as increase their

motivation to be more actively involved in the movement. This training will also

strengthen their identification as members of La Via Campesina. This training is one of

the Framing efforts carried out by La Via Campesina by equipping its members to

understand their duties as members.

 An example here is a delegation of farmers, women and men, from the

international movement La Via Campesina in the Southeast and East Asia region, seeking

to increase its accountability and legitimacy by attending a Regional Training on Farmers'

Rights in Chachoengsao Province, Thailand 26-29 May 2009. During this training,

members of La Via Campesina emphasized their commitment to uphold farmers' rights.

Their initiative towards the International Convention on Peasants Rights (ICRP) has

advanced in the legal process mechanism at the UN Human Rights Council and La Via

Campesina has also worked at various regional levels such as (ASEAN) and at the

national level of each member.

To evaluate the performance of the movement, La Via Campesina also facilitates

its organization by holding an International Conference every 3 or 4 years. The first

conference was held in 1993 when La Via Campesina was formed in Belgium. The 2nd

Conference was held in Tlaxcala Mexico in 1996. The 3rd Conference was held in

Bangalore, India in 2000. The 4th Conference in Sao Paolo, Brazil in 2004. The 5th

Conference in Mozambique in 2008, and the 6th Conference in Jakarta, Indonesia in 2013.

(The International Peasant's Voice, 2020)

Above this is the dynamic that La Via Campesina often carries out a social

movement to advocate for issues relating to peasants and promote the struggle for the

rights of peasants in the world.

In fact, what is experienced by Indonesian farmers is almost the same as that

experienced by farmers in other parts of the world, such as in India, Japan, Korea, even in

the USA and Europe. Because agricultural products imported to Indonesia are not

products of farmer families in these importing countries, what actually happens is that the

producers and importers of agricultural production are agricultural companies that control
from upstream to downstream. These companies control the seeds up to the marketing.

For example Chargill, Monsanto. These companies dictated the world's leaders to issue

liberalization and privatization policies under the umbrella of the World Trade

Organization (WTO) organization, which was successfully formed in 1995. Where

Indonesia is a country that is classified as the first country to ratify the agreement, it

means a country that has ratified the agreement. classified as early members of the WTO.

In the midst of the monetary and political crisis in Indonesia in 1998, the Soeharto

government before ending tied itself with the IMF in the form of a Letter of Intent (LOI),

which liberalized and privatized the Indonesian economy. Among the contents of the LOI

are that the Indonesian government must open its domestic market, including food.

Indonesia must also remove subsidies to farmers. Privatizing agrarian resources, and

government institutions that take care of public affairs.

As a result, since 1998, the Indonesian market has been opened as wide as

possible, imports of soybeans, corn, wheat, milk, onions and so on have increased. Water

management was liberalized by issuing the Water Resources Law in 2004, the budget for

treating irrigation was not provided. That is why almost half of irrigation in Indonesia is

not maintained and is not functioning until today. BULOG was planned to be disbanded,

but due to resistance from various groups, BULOG was eventually reduced in its role.

This LOI was a fatal mistake made by Suharto when his government was about to end.

On the way, transnational companies (Trans National CorporationTNC) cleverly

on behalf of overcoming hunger in the world and eliminating poverty succeeded in

making as many agreements as possible to make there are no more limits for these giant

companies to take care of agriculture and food. In 1996, the World Food Summit (WFS)

was held in Rome, Italy by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). The global

food corporation lobbies have succeeded in influencing the content of the summit's
preparedness, which recommended that liberalization and privatization must be carried

out in an effort to eradicate hunger in the world. The world leaders at that time, stated that

they would eliminate 50% of the world's hungry people by 2015. At that time the number

of hungry people in the world numbered 825 million. There should be 400 million hungry

people in the world today. However, the results of the liberalization in 2008 showed the

opposite result. The world food crisis occurred, resulting in an increase in the number of

hunger for human beings in the world to 1 billion in 2008. On the other hand, the

corporations engaged in the food and food sector actually increased their profits during

the food crisis.

In 2015, based on FAO data on The State of Food Insecurity in the World (Fig.

1), it is stated that the world population who starved in the period 2014 - 2016 was 795

billion people. In the midst of this situation, the TNC company actually got a lot of profit.

(FAO, 2015)

Picture.1 The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2015

Picture.2 Growth of farmer corporation profits

Tabel.1
Tabel.2

Tabel.3
 At the national level we can also see the decreasing number of farmer families and

conversely the increasing number of corporations in agriculture.

4. Discussion

Implementation of the social movement la via campesina

As the author of the article here I have explained about the social movement la via

campesina which aims to fight for human rights in the world, and here to strengthen the

proof that there is indeed an increase in welfare that has been fought for through social

movements that have been established by la via campesina from POS, Mobilization

Structure, and Framming.

International Conference on Farmers' Rights

Since 2001, La Via Campesina has championed the institutionalization of

peasants' rights into the international human rights system. This initiative was

strengthened at the La Via Campesina International Conference on Peasants' Rights on

19-24 June 2008. The conference also involved La Via Campesina allies, human rights

activists and academics to shape a global step towards the institutionalization of human

rights. This conference produced output in the form of a conference declaration and a

declaration of the Rights of Farmers and their attachments which included considerations

and developments in institutionalizing the rights of farmers.

The International Conference on Farmers' Rights includes discussions on the

following:
  The struggle for the rights of farmers in the current political and economic

context

 The struggle of various groups to achieve recognition of their rights

 Strategies and options to increase the protection and recognition of peasants'

human rights in the UN human rights system

The Declaration of Farmers' Rights: A Contrahegemonic Discourse

In this section, the author will describe the content of the disrahegemonic

emancipation in the text of the La Via Campesina Peasant Rights Declaration. As

previously mentioned, La Via Campesina continues to strive to develop alternatives to the

current plight of small farmers, one of which is through the creation of a new human

rights discourse that recognizes the rights of farmers as a legitimate part of human rights,

which is carried out through the Declaration of the Rights of Peasants.

Text as a unit of discourse analysis is the use of spoken and written language that

is coherent and meaningful. Thus, the Declaration on the Rights of Peasants is a form of

text. In the text of this Declaration, there are emancipatory content and counter-legal

criteria which are not only aimed at the issue of protecting the rights of peasants, but also

concerning the development and creation of an alternative world order that is contrary to

the elements of the neoliberal world order. Therefore, the text of this Declaration acts as a

critical discourse instrument that functions to oppose the dominant discourse, both

regarding human rights and the ideas and institutions that compose the neoliberal world

order. In other words, La Via Campesina develops counteregemonic discourse through the

text of this Declaration. Therefore, this section will analyze the emancipatory content and

hegemonic criteria (discourse) contained in it. This will be done starting from the

introduction to the article by article.

Mainstreaming of Farmers' Rights in the Global Human Rights Discourse

 Seeing that mainstreaming is defined as “efforts to incorporate peasants' human

rights into the global human rights discourse through institutionalization of peasants'

rights in the UN Human Rights system, namely in the form of the establishment of the

International Convention on Peasants' Rights (ICRP), then La Via Campesina, through the

Declaration of Human Rights Farmers and the Global Campaign towards ICRP, have

made efforts to mainstream.

The practical objective of this mainstreaming is to place farmers' human rights

normatively and practically in the UN human rights mechanism. This includes respect (to

respect), fulfillment (to fulfill), and protection (to protect), as well as monitoring

(monitoring) in terms of progressive realization.

Picture.3 Step of mainstreaming farmer right’s

https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/internationallaw.aspx accesed on 12 september 2020

From all that has been explained above, through a penetration that has been

carried out by la via Campesina, namely social movements including POS, Mobilization

Structure, and Framing, there has been a fairly massive change which resulted in the

raising of a declaration called UNDROP that has boosted the welfare of the peasants

which can be seen carefully here

 Picture.4 Average of Price food on 2000-2007

Sumber:http://www.globalissues.org/article/758/global-food-crisis-2008, access on 11 september 2020.

The Picture above explains the difference in the difference between the conditions

of the Price Index value, where the difference in the Price Index from one year to another

categorized into percent. For example, the year 2000, the Price Index was at 93, then in

2007 it was at 158. Difference The 2000 and 2007 price indexes are 65 points. So,

comparison the increase in the Food Price Index from 2000 and 2007 was 65%. This

matter this means that the average world food price in 2007 has increased by 65% since

2000.

According to Henry Saragih from La Via Campesina, a food price crisis has

occurred due to the commodification of food. Responsible Agricultural Investment (RAI)

will legitimizing land grabbing is worse than it was during the colonial era. All sizes and

types of land can be taken by Transnational Corporations. Not there will be enough place

for farmers, communities and communities to live and producing. Large-scale land
acquisitions designed to open up new space export-oriented agriculture and plantations,

will be bad for farmers and state food sovereignty. Sanctions that go through a series of

'principles' or code of conduct for investors, because investors will always be chase-

oriented profit, won't work. (SPI, 2010)

So overall this is the reasen why la via campesina struggle and do effort to

accompany their human rights, cause of they need help from us, so la via campesina can

approved such as La via campesina called from pbb discussed about FAO with global

food crisis and debate about their human right especially farmer.

5. Conclusion

Based on the explanation above, it can be concluded that La Via Campesina has a

very strong spirit to create prosperity for farmers, Agrarian Reform, Food and Trade

Sovereignty, Biodiversity and Genetic Resources, Human Rights, Sustainable Agriculture,

Migration and inflating workers, Women and Gender Varieties, Youth Roles, and

Communication Training. La Via Campesina continues to campaign some of the above

until it all materializes. Original and integrated Agrarian Reform, which is believed to be

able to re-distribute large property land assets to farmers so that farmers own the land and
enable them to access and have the right to control over productive natural resources that

aim to solve the problems of poverty and hunger in the regions rural. And this can only be

realized through agrarian reform. At present, farmer-based food production, smallholder

fisheries, ranchers and natural resource management by communities and indigenous

peoples are also seriously threatened by the expansion of corporate development based on

neo-liberal policies from the World Bank, IMF and WTO. Therefore, it is very important

to maintain and strengthen community control over these resources based on the principle

of food sovereignty.

Neo-liberalism in agriculture has made many peasants lose their rights so that La

Via Campesina feels the need to protect and campaign for the fulfillment and protection of

farmers' rights. Massive human rights violations experienced by small farmers in the

world led La Via Campesina to compile a draft Declaration on Peasants' Rights entitled

Declaration on The Rights of Peasants, Women and Men. This declaration was made

because the existing international human rights law instruments were not yet able to

protect farmers' rights comprehensively and there is still a tendency to commit violations.

The declaration contains articles that reaffirm who is a farmer, what rights have

been recognized by other international instruments such as the UN Universal Declaration

of Human Rights, the ICESCR, the FAO Declaration, as well as adding new rights that

need to be recognized such as the right to land, seeds, maintain local agricultural values,

obtain a clean environment, maintain biodiversity, and are freed from all forms of policies

that discriminate against farmers, especially neo-liberal policies.

The success of La Via Campesina in getting recognition of the Declaration on the

Rights of Peasants which can be seen from the implementation of its movement to

produce an International Conference, fight for the declaration of the rights of peasants,

pengarustaraan peasants' rights in global discourse and fight for the declaration of the
rights of peasants in Indonesia by using social movements like social movements,

mobilization structure, and framing.

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