Lesson 3 Customs

of the Tagalogs

This section will focus its’ discussion on the content and contextual analysis of selected
primary sources; the identification of historical importance of the text; and the examination of the
author’s main argument and point of view. The Las Costumbres de los Indios Tagalos de Filipinas
or Customs of the Tagalogs of Fray Juan de Plasencia depicts the government, laws, culture,
tradition and belief system of the early Filipinos.

Customs of the Tagalogs

(TWO RELATIONS BY JUAN DE PLASENCIA, O.S.F.)

After receiving your Lordship's letter, I wished to reply immediately; but I postponed my answer
in order that I might first thoroughly inform myself in regard to your request, and to avoid
discussing the conflicting reports of the Indians, who are wont to tell what suits their purpose.
Therefore, to this end, I collected Indians from different districts—old men, and those of most
capacity, all known to me; and from them I have obtained the simple truth, after weeding out much
foolishness, in regard to their government, administration of justice, inheritances, slaves, and
dowries.1 It is as follows:

CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS

This people always had chiefs, called by them datos, who governed them and were captains in
their wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed any offense
against them, or spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished.

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes Page 165as many as a hundred houses,
sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalo a barangay. It was
inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed,
by their language, among the Malay nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the
barangay, which is a boat, thus called—as is discussed at length in the first chapter of the first
ten chapters—became a dato. And so, even at the present day, it is ascertained that this barangay
in its origin was a family of parents and children, relations and slaves. There were many of these
barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did not settle far from one another.
They were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship and relationship. The chiefs,
in their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.

In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: nobles,
commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call maharlica. They did not
pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The chief
offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato
went upon the water those whom he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped
him, and had to be fed for it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his
lands for tillage. The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay,
especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own. No one belonging to another
barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands on the tingues, or
mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay. Consequently, at the
time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have come
from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel
him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these
nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was
that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief,
upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him
for the arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the
advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided.

The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of the rivers
for markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege,
unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or village.

The commoners are called aliping namamahay. They are married, and serve their master,
whether he be a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the
beginning. They accompanied him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They
live in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy
their property and lands. The children, then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be
made slaves (sa guiguilir) nor can either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by
inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who was going to dwell in another village, they
could not be taken from their own village and carried with him; but they would remain in their
native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.

The slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir. They serve their master in his house and on his
cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master grants them, should he see fit, and providing that
he has profited through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully.
For these reasons, servants who are born in the house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold.
That is the lot of captives in war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields.

Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby themselves making a
profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their natural lot. If any person
among those who were made slaves (sa guiguilir)—through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or
otherwise—happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he had to give his master, he
ransomed himself, becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of this
ransom was never less than five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels,
as they might agree, he became wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied this custom.
After having divided all the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his
own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and
if a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle.

The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping sa guiguilir, should be noted; for,
by a confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as slaves who really are not. The
Indians seeing that the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom of taking
away the children of the aliping namamahay, making use of them as they would of the aliping sa
guiguilir, as servants in their households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should
appeal to justice, it is proved that he is an aliping as well as his father and mother before him and
no reservation is made as to whether he is aliping namamahay or atiping sa guiguilir. He is at
once considered an alipin, without further declaration. In this way he becomes a sa guiguilir, and
is even sold. Consequently, the alcaldes-mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone
asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have the answer put in the document that
they give him.

In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both

the father's and mother's side continue to be so forever;
and if it happens that they should become slaves, it is
through marriage, as I shall soon explain. If these
maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children
and their mothers became free; if one of them had
children by the slave-woman of another, she was
compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a
gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her
inability to labor during the pregnancy. In such a case
half of the child was free—namely, the half belonging to
the father, who supplied the child with food. If he did not
do this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his
child, in which case the latter was wholly a slave. If a free
woman had children by a slave, they were all free,
provided he were not her husband.
Fig. 1 .The Visayans were known as
If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica Pintados. As bagani warriors, their batuk
and the other a slave, whether namamahay or sa (tattoo) covers and protects their dungan
or inner energy (Villan, 2013).
guiguilir, the children were divided: the first, whether
male or female, belonged to the father, as did the third
and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the
father were free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slave, all those who
belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to the mother. If there should not be more
than one child he was half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division,
whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of
servitude which was their parent's, either namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number
of children, the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to ascertain with any
certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for each one suited himself in
this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the namamahay
and their children, nor could they be transferred. However, they could be transferred from the
barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village.

The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay
to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or
smaller according to the inclination of the different villages, running from one to three taels and a
banquet to the entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay
which the person left and the one which he entered. This applied equally to men and women,
except that when one married a woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided
equally between the two barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief,
which is no longer the case—because, if the dato is energetic and commands what the religious
fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and
protect them and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that they now prefer, not him
who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless
and faint-hearted.

Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence of those
of his barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named
from another village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this purpose
some persons, known as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to their
customs. If the controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also
convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different
barangays. In this ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.

They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who insulted the daughter
or wife of a chief;, likewise witches and others of the same class.

They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death-penalty. As for the witches, they
killed them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made
some recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished by fines in gold, which,
if not paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the
person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the following way: Half
the cultivated lands and all their produce belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit
with food and clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might
amass enough money to pay the fine. If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then
claimed that he had fed and clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept
possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last was usually the case, and
they remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged
to render the latter half his service until he was paid—not, however, service within the house as
aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently, as aliping namamahay. If the creditor were not served
in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of what was lent him. In this way slaves were made
by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they served the master to whom the judgment applied; or aliping
namamahay, if they served the person who lent them wherewith to pay.

In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury, which is a great
hindrance to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as I have showed
in the case of the one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until he
pays the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrowers become slaves, and
after the death of the father the children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be
paid. This system should and can be reformed.

As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited equally, except in the
case where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold
taels, or perhaps a jewel.

When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to marry him to a chief's daughter,
the dowry was greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the
whole property to be divided. But any other thing that should have been given to any son, though
it might be for some necessity, was taken into consideration at the time of the partition of the
property, unless the parents should declare that such a bestowal was made outside of the
inheritance. If one had had children by two or more legitimate wives, each child received the
inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its increase, and that share of his father's estate which
fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a child by one of his slaves, as well as legitimate children,
the former had no share in the inheritance; but the legitimate children were bound to free the
mother, and to give him something—a tael or a slave, if the father were a chief; or if, finally,
anything else were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children,
he had also some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but who was not
considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although the child by the
unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. Such children did not inherit
equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if there were two children,
the legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the inaasava one part. When there were no
children by a legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or inaasava, the latter
inherited all. If he had a child by a slave woman, that child received his share as above stated. If
there were no legitimate or natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether there was a son of a
slave woman or not, the inheritance went only to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest
relatives of the deceased, who gave to the slave-child as above stated.

In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if the husband
punished the adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with the others into
partition in the inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing more. If there
were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives inherited equally with him. But
if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was
not considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. It should be noticed that the offender was
not considered dishonored by the punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By
the punishment of the father the child was fittingly made legitimate.

Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double of what was paid for
their adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted when the first
father died, the child was given [in inheritance] two taels. But if this child should die first, his
children do not inherit from the second father, for the arrangement stops at that point.

This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being protected as a child. On
this account this manner of adoption common among them is considered lawful.

Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are living, they enjoy the use
of it. At their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the
estate, equally among the children, except in case the father should care to bestow something
additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the time of her marriage, has neither father, mother,
nor grandparents, she enjoys her dowry—which, in such a case, belongs to no other relative or
child. It should be noticed that unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the
result of all their labors accrues to their parents.

In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the husband for the purpose of
marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left
him, and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband left his wife, he lost
the half of the dowry, and the other half was returned to him. If he possessed children at the time
of his divorce, the whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their
grandparents or other responsible relatives.

I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the death of the wife who in
a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one-half the dowry to the husband
whose wife had died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry was
returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for
upon inquiry I learned that when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to
be married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only children, there is a
great deal more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall
pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence of the
individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be
unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or
her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had
received was returned and nothing more. But if the
parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was
assumed that it had been their design to separate the
children.

The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly

concerning customs observed among these
natives in all this Laguna and the tingues, and among
the entire Tagalo race. The old men say that a dato who
did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and,
in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some
condemned them and adjudged them wicked.
Fig. 2 The bangka or “soul boat”,
Others, perchance, may considered as a “repository of an offer a more extended
entire belief system” of the
narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning
indigenous society of the early
government and justice Filipinos (Abrera, 2006). among them, a summary of
the whole truth is contained in the above. I am sending the
account in this clear and concise form because I had received no orders to pursue the work
further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is certainly important that it should be given to the
alcal-des-mayor, accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found in
their opinions are indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in every step good fortune
may be yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship deign to consider me your humble
servant, to be which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlán,
October 21, 1589.

FRAY JUAN DE PLASENCIA2

RELATION OF THE WORSHIP OF THE TAGALOGS, THEIR GODS, AND THEIR BURIALS AND
SUPERSTITIONS

In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no temples consecrated to
the performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It is
true that they have the name simbahan, which means a temple or place of adoration; but this is
because, formerly, when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they called pandot, or
“worship,” they celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed, for the purpose
of sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof,
called sibi, to protect the people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house that
it might contain many people—dividing it, after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. On
the posts of the house they set small lamps, called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed
one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs. They also
brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast
lasted, which was usually four days. During this time the whole barangay, or family, united and
joined in the worship which they call nagaanitos. The house, for the above-mentioned period of
time, was called a temple.

Among their many idols there was one called. Badhala, whom they especially worshiped. The title
seems to signify “all powerful,” or “maker of all things.” They also worshiped the sun, which, on
account of its beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by heathens. They worshiped,
too, the moon, especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and
bidding it welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their
names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the planets—with the one exception of the
morning star, which they called Tala. They knew, too, the “seven little goats” [the Pleiades]—as
we call them—and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they call Mapolon; and Balatic,
which is our Greater Bear. They possessed many idols called lic-ha, which were images with
different shapes; and at times they worshiped any little trifle, in which they adored, as did the
Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed with special faculties, to
whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations. They had another idol
called Dian masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called Lacapati
and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid reverence to
water-lizards called by them buaya, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them. They were
even in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing
it into the water, or placing it upon the bank.

They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed. For example, if they
left their house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird called Tigmamanuguin which was
singing in the tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their
house, considering the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should
continue their journey—especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had two
different forms: in the one case it was considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen,
and then they continued their journey. They also practiced divination, to see whether weapons,
such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their possessor whenever occasion
should offer.

These natives had no established division of years, months, and days; these are determined by
the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and the different effect produced upon the trees
when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up the year. The winter and
summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time—the latter term designating winter in those
regions, where there is no cold, snow, or ice.

It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the seasons are not quite the
same, for at Christmas it gets somewhat cooler. The years, since the advent of the Spaniards,
have been determined by the latter, and the seasons have been given their proper names, and
they have been divided into weeks.

Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the devil what they had to
eat. This was done in front of the idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk
and civet, or gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs
sung by the officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The participants made
responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in
need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all became intoxicated. In some of their
idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over
the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without having sight of him. The
devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and
appearance, filled her with so great arrogance—he being the cause of it—that she seemed to
shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding, and she
uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when
in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had
to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him.
This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which
were flayed, decapitated, and laid before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking
a jar of rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as
an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few
buyos—which is a small fruit3 wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these
regions—as well as fried food and fruits. All the above-mentioned articles were eaten by the
guests at the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being “offered,” as they expressed it, were
cooked and eaten also.

The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal
matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking
on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery
in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the
festivities lasted thirty days.

In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded four
days and four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of
food and drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed
her and washed her head, and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old men said that they
did this in order that the girls might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to their
taste, who would not leave them widows in their
youth.

The distinctions made among the priests of the

devil were as follows: The first, called catolonan,
as above stated, was either a man or a woman.
This office was an honorable one among the
natives, and was held ordinarily by people of
rank, this rule being general in all the islands.

The second they called mangagauay, or Fig. 3 The(Visayan) Babaylans were the
witches, who deceived by pretending to heal the custodians of faith, folk therapist, visionaries,
wisdom keeper and advisers of people and
sick. These priests even induced maladies by
indigenous communities.
their charms, which in proportion to the strength
and efficacy of the witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at
once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which
was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. This office was general throughout the
land. The third they called manyisalat, which is the same as magagauay. These priests had the
power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and despise their own wives,
and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with
the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness
upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This office was
also general throughout the land.

The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself at night, once or
oftener each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as
the priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived in the
house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This
office was general.

The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the
mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed
whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms, they
did so by using other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile
to them, they were able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the
upper part of Luzon.

The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear out
his liver and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of
Catanduanes. Let no one, moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they tore out in
this way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by
father Fray Juan de Mérida.

The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show himself at night to many
persons, without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked about and carried, or
pretended to carry, his head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body—
remaining, as before, alive. This seems to me to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they
have seen it, because the devil probably caused them so to believe. This occurred in
Catanduanes.

The eighth they called osuang, which is equivalent to “sorcerer;” they say that they have seen him
fly, and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among
the Tagalos these did not exist.

The ninth was another class of witches called mangagayoma. They made charms for lovers out
of herbs, stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the
people, although sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends.
The tenth was known as sonat, which is equivalent to “preacher.” It was his office to help one to
die, at which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the
functions of this office to be fulfilled by others than people of high standing, on account of the
esteem in which it was held. This office was general throughout the islands.

The eleventh, pangatahojan, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future. This office was general
in all the islands.

The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a “cotquean,” a man whose nature inclined toward that of a
woman.

Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was buried beside his house;
and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for
this purpose. Before interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him on a
boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over
him by a slave. In place of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being
assigned a place at the oar by twos—male and female of each species being together—as for
example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the
deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until in this wretched way
he died. In course of time, all suffered decay; and for many days the relatives of the dead man
bewailed him, singing dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied of it. This
grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a custom of the Tagalos.

The Aetas,4 or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also a form of burial, but different.
They dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with
head or crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a
shield. Then they went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo
who had died. To this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until
some one of them procured the death of the innocent one.

These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called maca, just
as if we should say “paradise,” or, in other words, “village of rest.” They say that those who go to
this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed
other moral virtues. They said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of
punishment, grief, and affliction, called casanaan, which was “a place of anguish;” they also
maintained that no one would go to heaven, where there dwelt only Bathala, “the maker of all
things,” who governed from above. There were also other pagans who confessed more clearly to
a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place,
and there dwelt the demons, whom they called sitan.

All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has been stated: catolonan; sonat
(who was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt
before him as before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him);
mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuan, mangagayoma,
pangatahoan.5

There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which they called Tigbalaang.
They had another deception—namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child
suffered punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This was called patianac.
May the honor and glory be God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos not a trace of this is left;
and that those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the
holy gospel, which has banished it.

1
With this document cf., throughout, the “Relation” by Miguel de Loarca, in VOL. V of this series.

2
Juan de Plasencia, who entered the Franciscan order in early youth, came to the Philippine
Islands as one of the first missionaries of that order, in 1577. He was distinguished, in his labors
among the natives, for gathering the converts into reductions (villages in which they dwelt apart
from the heathen, and under the special care of the missionaries), for establishing numerous
primary schools, for his linguistic abilities—being one of the first to form a grammar and
vocabulary of the Tagal language—and for the ethnological researches embodied in the memoir
which is presented in our text. He died at Lilio, in the province of La Laguna, in 1590. See account
of his life in Santa Inés's Crónica, i, pp. 512–522; and of his writings, Id., ii, pp. 590, 591.

3
The betel-nut; see VOL. IV, p. 222.

4
The Aetas, or Negritos, were the primitive inhabitants of the Philippine Islands; but their origin is
not certainly known. It is perhaps most probable that they came from Papua or New Guinea. For
various opinions on this point, see Zúñiga's Estadismo (Retana's ed.), i, pp. 422–429; Delgado's
Historia general, part i, lib. iii, cap. i; and Report of U.S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 333–
335. Invasions of the islands by Indonesian tribes, of superior strength and culture, drove the
Negritos into the forest and mountain regions of the islands where they dwelt; they still remain
there, in a state of barbarism, but in gradually decreasing numbers. See the Report above cited
(pp. 347–351), for habitat and physical characteristics of this race.
5
For much curious and interesting information regarding these superstitions, beliefs in demons,
etc., see Blumentritt's ”Diccionario mitológico,” in Retana's Archivo, ii, pp. 345–454.

3.3.1 REFERENCES:
Customs of the Tagalog. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/13701/13701-h/13701-
h.htm#d0e1500

3.3.2 SUPPLEMENTAL READINGS

Boxer Codex: This Is What 16th Century Filipinos Looked Like.
https://www.thevisualtraveler.net/2018/05/boxer-codex-this-is-what-16th-century.html

Mintz, M. Crime and Punishment. The Philippines at the Turn of the Century.
http://intersections.anu.edu.au/monograph1/mintz_crimeandpunishment.html

Scott, W.H. (1997). Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine Society and Culture.
https://kupdf.net/download/barangay-william-henry-
scott_59b24e6adc0d60524d568edd_pdf

3.3.3 VIDEO LINKS

Amaya episode 1https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oHqCvBi9oX0