Yeshi & Tee (2016) - A Mixed-Methods Study On Materialism and Spirituali...

Materialism, spirituality and happiness 1
A MIXED-METHODS STUDY OF MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY: TWO

SIDES OF THE HAPPINESS COIN?
Lobsang Yeshi
Life University
Marietta, GA 30060
USA
Email: lingdrupa007@yahoo.co.in
Dr. Eugene Y. J. Tee

Senior Lecturer
Department of Psychology, HELP University
Malaysia
Phone: +60(3)2094200 Ext. 1178
Email: teeyj@help.edu.my
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lobsang Yeshi, Life

University, Marietta, GA-30060, USA. Email: lingdrupa007@yahoo.co.in
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A Mixed-Methods Study of Materialism and Spirituality: Two Sides of the Happiness

Coin?
Abstract
In this mixed-methods study, we examine the role of materialism and spirituality and how
they contribute to the happiness of adults in two distinct age groups. In Study 1, 210 adults
from two distinct age groups (25-39 years and 40-65 years) completed a series of
questionnaires measuring materialism, spirituality and levels of happiness. Analysis of the
data provided support for the hypotheses, showing that younger adults, relative to older
adults, were more likely to report higher levels of materialism. Older adults, conversely,
reported higher levels of spirituality than young adults. Correlational analyses further reveal
that there is a significant negative correlation between materialism and happiness, and a
significant positive correlation between spirituality and happiness. In Study 2, semi-
structured interviews were conducted with 11 adults on their perceptions of materialism,
spirituality and happiness. Results from the thematic analysis of these accounts suggest that
spirituality fosters self-awareness in individuals, and inspires them to value and help others.
Interviewees further state that being materialistic provides subsistence, but breed
dissatisfaction. Collectively, findings from this mixed-methods study suggest that while
materialistic values do contribute to happiness, such values do not extend individual
happiness beyond that necessary for subsistence, and may even be detrimental towards
happiness in the long-term. Spirituality, on the other hand, appears a more permanent and
constant contributor to sustained happiness, though this realization only appears evident
among older adults. We conclude by discussing the theoretical and practical implication of
these findings.
Keywords: materialism, spirituality, happiness, mixed-methods
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Introduction
Happiness has long been viewed as the driving force behind all human endeavour
(Diener, 1984). Empirical evidence indicates that happy people function more effectively,
have successful social relationships, display better work performance (Bateman & Organ,
1983), earn higher incomes (Graham, Eggers & Sukhtankar, 2004; Marks & Fleming, 1999),
have better health and live longer (Fiscella & Franks, 1997). A large body of research
demonstrates that despite a steep rise in affluence and technological conveniences, the rise in
happiness levels has been nominal (Diener & Seligman, 2004). To contemporary
psychologists, happiness is a colloquial term for subjective well-being (Bok, 2010; Ryan &
Deci, 2001; Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000) and is defined as "a person's cognitive and
affective evaluation of his or her life" (Diener, Oishi & Lucus, 2002, p.63). For the purposes
of this study, the term “happiness” and “subjective well-being” will be treated as
synonymous. Happiness is not merely about physical hedonism but rather, overall personal
judgments about the good and bad aspects of life (Diener, Sapyta & Suh, 1998). Differing
beliefs on the building bricks of happiness have given rise to two observed, yet opposing
approaches to achieving happiness: materialism and the pursuit of spirituality.
Materialism
Materialism is defined as "the importance ascribed to the ownership and acquisition
of material goods in achieving major life goals or desired states" (Richins, 2004, p. 210).
Early studies on financial success as a key component of the American dream (Derber, 1979;
as cited in Kasser & Ryan, 1993) sparked voluminous research into materialism and its
impact on “desired states”. The acquisition of wealth was viewed a facilitator of happiness
(Roszkowski & Grable, 2007). The concept of materialism was first proposed by Belk (1984;
1985), who associated materialism with undesirable personal traits such as non-generosity,
greed and envy, which were negatively correlated with happiness and life satisfaction.
Kasser and Ryan (1993; 1996) have conducted extensive research on materialism and its
effect on well-being using different methods on a wide range of participants. In one study
(1993), the authors found a negative correlation between financial success and psychological
well-being. Participants who rated financial success as being highly important scored lower
levels of global and social functioning, and displayed more behavioural problems. According
to Kasser (2002), the analysis of the data collected from both teenagers and adults showed
that those who prioritized financial success over non-material values were found to have
significantly lower levels of self-actualization, higher levels of anxiety and depression. The
author also notes that teenagers who placed a high importance on financial success were
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reported to have more destructive behaviour such as antisocial behaviour and difficulty in
adapting to society (Kasser, 2002).
Materialism has also been associated with poorer psychological outcomes in studies
sampling a more mature adult population. In one study, adults who rated money, image and
fame high in importance were found to have depression, a lower sense of self-actualization
and reported more physical health problems such as headaches and backaches (Kasser, 2002).
Observing similar results from numerous studies (Carver & Baird, 1998; Schroeder & Dugal,
1995; Wachtel & Blatt, 1990), Kasser asserted that happiness in an individual declines when
the individual’s belief of what is important in life revolves only around materialistic values
and goals. Thus, individuals who strive for material wealth are more likely to experience
negative outcomes. Indeed, Hellevik (2003) found that Norwegians’ levels of happiness did
not increase correspondingly, or proportionately to their marked increase in income over the
past two decades. The author suggests that materialism and the tendency to prioritize income
and material possessions over other values had a counteracting influence on respondents’
levels of happiness. Similarly, a recent study on victims of terrorist attacks (Ruvio, Somer, &
Rindfleisch, 2014) reaffirmed the negative effect of materialism on the individual’s well-
being. These researchers found that highly materialistic participants experienced higher levels
of post-traumatic stress compared to the participants who scored lower in materialism and
they resorted to impulsive buying and compulsive consumption as a means to cope with
unpleasant emotions stress. It therefore concluded that materialism not only directly exerts
negative effects on well-being but also indirectly worsens stressful situations (Ruvio et al.,
2014). Resorting to impulsive purchasing can lead to an increase debt and spousal conflict,
which further compounds stressful situations (Hirschman; as cited in Ruvio et al., 2014).
Further, studies have linked materialism to lowered levels of self-esteem (Richins &
Dawson, 1992), psychological disorders such as anxiety and depression (Shaw, 2002),
narcissism (Bergman, Westerman, Bergman, Westerman & Dally, 2014), behavioural
disorders such as antisocial behaviour (Kasser & Ryan, 1993), post-traumatic stress (Ruvio et
al., 2014), lower satisfaction with many domains of life (Richins & Dawson, 1992; Roberts &
Clement, 2007; Ryan & Dziurawiec, 2001) and is generally detrimental both to society and
individual (Burroughs & Rindfleisch, 2002). The pursuit of materialism in short, focuses on
external, material possessions and thereby draws the individual away from actualizing his/her
potential. Therefore, the pursuit of materialism is a distraction to individual happiness and
personal development (Kasser & Ryan, 1993).
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At the global level, country-level aggregates of income and happiness provide further
evidence that materialistic pursuits and goals do not provide incremental increases in
happiness past a certain point Pukeliene & Kisieliauskas (2013) investigated the relationship
between income and happiness of 21 European countries from 2000 to 2010. The authors
found that within that decade, GDP per capita was highest in Norway but it ranked only third
in happiness levels. In contrast, Denmark was ranked with the highest levels of happiness
since 2001, yet it was not even amongst the five highest income-earning countries until 2010.
Likewise, Ireland rated second in terms of highest income between 2003-2007 but was not in
the top five high in happiness countries during that period. If income has a compelling
influence on happiness, nations that ranked highest in GDP per capita ought to have ranked
highest in the happiness. This was not the case and thus lends weight to the argument that
higher income does not equate with increased happiness.
One plausible reason for the rise in income failing to elevate happiness levels is that
as income increases, aspirations for further material gain increase as well (Easterlin, 1995).
The aspirations of those in rich countries differed not only in terms of the range of aspirations
but also sophistication and cost, compared to the aspirations of people from poorer countries.
Cantril's (1965; as cited in Easterlin, 1995) explanation was that people in developed
countries have a wider range of needs compared to those in less developed countries. Tella
and MacCulloch (2008) refers to this phenomenon as "hedonic adaptation", a tendency for
individuals to get accustomed to better facilities and subsequently, further increasing their
expectations and aspirations. This drives them to over-work to acquire more wealth to
maintain the lifestyles they have become accustomed to, as well as meet rising expectations.
Overworking and deprivation of free or leisure time contributes negatively to personal
happiness (Alexander, 2012). Based on these findings, Kasser (2002) concludes that pursuing
wealth and possessions as a means to achieve happiness prevents the opportunity to improve
the quality of one's life. Csikszentmihlayi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) echoed this point
when they said, "The danger of focusing attention excessively on the goal of physical
consumption - or materialism - is that one does not attend enough to the cultivation of self, to
the relationship with others, or to the broader purpose that affects life" (p. 53).
Spirituality
Spiritual beliefs and practices have persisted in many cultures for centuries and served
as a coping mechanism for individuals to make sense of life's difficulties and to overcome
them (Koenig, 2010). However, scientific research on spirituality is relatively new (Ratnakar
& Nair, 2012). It was only in the 1990s that interest started to grow and since then, a
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considerable body of research on religion and spirituality has emerged (Ratnakar & Nair,
2012). As at 2010, at least 326 studies have examined religion and spirituality's relationship
with well-being and 79% of studies have established significant positive associations
(Koenig, 2012). However, there has been ongoing definitional debates on the term
“spirituality” and its association with religiosity (Schlehofer, Omoto & Adelman, 2008). For
the purposes of this study, a broad definition that accommodates both religious and non-
religious concepts of spirituality has been adopted, namely, Parsian and Dunning's (2009, p.
2) definition of spirituality of "finding meaning in life, self-actualization and connection with
the inner-self, other people and the universal whole".
The positive relationship between spirituality and health is well established.
Investigations into this relationship discovered the positive role of spirituality in lowering
health risks and coping in conditions such as heart disease and cancer (Koenig, 2012; Masters
& Hooker, 2013). Cancer and AIDS patients coped better with pain and fatigue when they
were involved in spiritual activities (Brady, Peterman, Fitchett, Mo & Cella, 1999). Studies
pointed to spirituality serving as a buffer from the risk of alcohol addiction, drug and
substance abuse (Salas-Wright, Olate & Vaughn, 2013).The positive role of spirituality is not
limited to physical health but extends to helping those with mental disorders. For example,
many studies (Koenig, 2010; Mohr, 2013; Wachholtz, Pearce & Koenig, 2007) reported the
benefit of spirituality in expediting the recovery of patients suffering from anxiety,
depression and schizophrenia. According to Peres and colleagues (2007), people often start to
question the meaning and purpose of life when traumatized by adverse situations. The quest
for answers to the meaning and purpose of life are key components of spirituality (Dyson,
Cobb & Forman, 1997; Howden, 1992). This is evident in a study by Bartlett and colleagues
(2003), who studied patients with rheumatoid arthritis and found that spirituality facilitated
emotional adjustment and encouraged them to attend to the more positive aspects of their
lives.
Researchers have consistently attributed spirituality's positive effect to enabling
people to finding meaning and purpose in life, as well as offering comfort in the present and
hope for the future (Bussema & Bussema, 2007; Koenig, 2010; Martinez & Scott, 2014;
Sullivan, 1993). This bolsters the individual’s capacity to transcend adverse conditions such
as physical and mental illnesses (Parsian & Dunning, 2009) and is therefore, a significant
contributor to "a good life" that every individual aspires to (Dierendonck, 2011). Purdy and
Dupey (2005, p.99) assert that a life without spirituality "may be flat and dimensionless”.
This is consistent with the meaning of "ruah" which is spirit in Hebrew, meaning the air or
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breath that helps to sustain life (Kreitzer, 2012). Recent studies also show that spirituality
does correlate with subjective well-being. Holder, Coleman and Wallace (2008) found that
spirituality predicted children’s’ level of happiness, above and beyond their religious
practices. Cohen (2002) found that both spirituality, along with religiosity, were correlates of
happiness amongst Jews and Christians. Collectively, it would appear that spirituality can
also contribute to overall happiness and feelings of well-being.
Overview of Present Studies
Presently, however, there appears to have been no study that has examined the
attitudinal differences towards materialism and spirituality amongst younger and older adults,
and how these might impact individual levels of happiness. One might argue that the pursuit
of materialistic gains and materialistic accomplishments may be more evident in younger,
relative to older adults. Indeed, Chaplin and John (2007) found that materialism does increase
from when an individual is in middle childhood to when they are adolescents, and decreases
from early to late adolescence. Interestingly, these researchers also find that materialism
decreases with high self-esteem, evidencing the possibility that security with oneself and
one’s accomplishments diminishes the need to persistently be materialistic. There is a lack of
research that extends beyond these age groups – many studies tended to focus on samples of
young adults and adolescents (Chan & Prendergast, 2007; Chan, 2003; Doldberg et al., 2003;
Dittmar & Pepper, 1994). An exception to this is a study by Roales-Nieto and Segura (2010),
who found evidence of intergenerational differences in materialistic values in their study of
449 Spanish respondents across three age groups. More importantly, there is no study that
directly compares the differential effects of both materialism and spirituality on happiness
across varying age groups. In this study, the “young adults” category refers to persons
between 25-39 years of age inclusive; “middle adults” refer to persons ages between 40-65
years old inclusive (Papalia, Olds & Feldman, 2009).
In order to examine the role of materialism and spirituality in happiness, we adopted a
mixed methods research design which involves collecting and analysing both quantitative and
qualitative data, integrating findings, and drawing inferences using both methods in a single
study or a program of inquiry (Tashakkori & Creswell, 2007; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie,
2004). In particular, we adopted a sequential explanatory mixed-methods design, in which we
first collected and analyzed quantitative data, followed by the collection and analysis of
qualitative data (Creswell & Clark, 2011). The use of a mixed design has significant
relevance as it enables the researcher to study the research topic from different perspectives
(Creswell & Clark, 2011). Relying only on a single approach would have been inadequate,
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given the complexity and subjectivity of how materialism and spirituality interact in
influencing levels of happiness across varying age groups. As such, this research domain
subject demands an approach which allows these concepts to be viewed through a lens that
allows subjectivity, diversity and multiplicity.
Study 1 - Quantitative Study
The quantitative phase of this study examines the relationship between materialism,
spirituality and happiness across varying age groups. Studies have found that significant
correlations between spirituality and age (Moberg, 2002; Dalby, 2006; Turesky & Schultz,
2010). Turesky and Schultz, (2010) posits that individuals shift their externally-oriented
focus in their first half of life to an inward orientation that involves finding meaning and
making sense of their life. Thus, it is reasonable to infer that spirituality increases with age
because as one ages, one's prime focus in life also changes. For young adults, establishing a
successful career and settling down with family becomes paramount (Wink & Dillon, 2002).
Therefore:
Hypothesis 1: Persons in young adulthood (25-39 years of age) will score

significantly higher on materialism than those in middle adulthood (40-65 years of
age).
Hypothesis 2: Persons in middle adulthood (40-65 years of age) will score

significantly higher on spirituality than those in young adulthood (25-39 years of
age).
Part of happiness involves the fulfilment of one's desires and hence, happiness should
increase when one meets those desires (Heathwood, 2006; Seligman & Royzman, 2003).
However, attainment of happiness based solely on materialistic gains would not be long-
lasting, in part due to the escalation of one's aspirations upon attainment of such materialistic
desires (Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). Evidence for the insatiable nature of such desire was
evident from a poll conducted by Chicago Tribune (1997; as cited in Csikszentmihalyi,
1999), which showed that individuals whose earnings were below $30,000 a year thought
they would be happier if they could earn $50,000 a year; whereas those who had an annual
income of $100,000 a year said they would be satisfied if their annual income increased to
$250,000 (Chicago Tribune, 1997; as cited in Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). This suggests that the
ballooning of desires and discontent makes it virtually impossible to find happiness through
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materialistic pursuits. Conversely, as finding purpose and meaning in life is an important

attribute of spirituality, a person who is high on spirituality would be more likely to see
purpose and meaning in their life and their work. As such, they are more likely to interpret
adverse situations as either opportunities or positive challenges. Accordingly, instead of
feeling distress, they would experience eustress and suffer little detriment, and as a result,
experience more sustained levels of happiness. Differing levels of importance placed on
either materialistic or spiritual values would thus be expected to correlate with individual
happiness and well-being. As such:
Hypothesis 3: There is a negative correlation between materialism and happiness

among respondents in young and middle adulthood.
Hypothesis 4: There is a positive correlation between spirituality and happiness

among respondents in young and middle adulthood.
Method
Design
Study 1 adopted a cross-sectional, correlational survey design. Respondents from the
two age groups provided their responses on the survey consisting of measures for
materialism, spirituality and happiness.
Participants
Statistical power analysis was conducted using the G*Power software (Faul,
Erdfelder, Buchner & Lang, 2009), with an effect size of .5 and desired power of .80, which
returned a minimum recommended sample size of 67 participants. We sampled 235
Malaysian adults, aged 25 to 65 years of age through snowball sampling. Our final sample
size consisted of 210 after removal of incomplete questionnaires. Table 1 denotes the
demographic details of participants for this study.
Table 1
Demographic Details of the Participants
Number Percentage
Age Group
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Young adults (25-39yrs) 114 54.2 %

Middle adults (40-65 yrs) 96 45.7 %
Gender
Male 77 36.6 %
Female 133 63.3 %
Faith
Buddhist 92 43.8 %
Christian 45 21.4 %
Muslim 18 8.5 %
Hindu 7 3.3 %
Taoist 3 1.4 %
Nil/Non-believer 45 21.4 %
Job categories
Managerial position 61 29 %
Professional 23 10.9 %
Support Staff 83 39.5 %
Unemployed 43 20.4 %
Materials
Materialism. Richins' (2004) 15-item Material Value Scale (MVS) was used to
measure materialism. This is a widely used scale in consumer research (Dittmar, Bond, Hurst
& Kasser, 2014) and is reported to be reliable at .86 (Richins, 2004). The MVS includes
items that assesses the extent to which respondents perceive material possessions as measures
of success, whether such possessions are central to life and the view that possessions bring
happiness (Richins, 2004). Items include "The things I own say a lot about how well I'm
doing in life", "I admire people who own expensive homes, cars, and clothes" and "I'd be
happier if I could afford to buy more things". All items were assessed on a 5-point Likert type
scale, where 1 = Strongly Disagree and 5 = Strongly Agree.
Spirituality. Spirituality was measured using Parsian and Dunning's (2009)
Spirituality Questionnaire (SQ). This 29-item scale consists of five subscales measuring self-
awareness, the importance of spiritual beliefs in life, spiritual practices, spiritual needs and an
open question on meaning of spirituality. The questionnaire is reliable with the Cronbach's
alpha of .94 (Parsian & Dunning, 2009), and includes items such as, "My spirituality helps
me define the goals I set for my life", "I use silence to get in touch with my inner self" and "I
am searching for a purpose in life". All items were assessed on a 4-point Likert type scale,
where 1 = Strongly Disagree and 5 = Strongly Agree.
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Happiness. We used the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS; Diener, 1985) to
measure the individual's level of happiness. This is a widely used scale consisting of 5 items
such as "I am satisfied with life" and "In most ways my life is close to my ideal". This scale
is reliable at .87 (Diener et al. 1998; 2002) and was recommended for wide range of age
groups (Pavot, Diener, Colvin & Sandvik, 1991). The items used a 7-point Likert type scale,
ranging from 1 = Strongly Disagree to 7 = Strongly Agree.
Demographics. Participants also provided demographic details including age, gender,
faith, occupation, job designation in the survey. Participants provided their age as a whole
number, and was thus considered a continuous (rather than categorical) variable during the
data collection phase.
Procedure
Questionnaires packs were distributed in person to participants. The packs included
details regarding the study, informed consent forms, as well as the questionnaires themselves.
Participants were requested to complete the demographic questions, prior to completing the
MVS, SQ and SWLS measures upon agreement to participate in the study. Completed
questionnaires were returned to the researcher in a sealed envelope, and were sorted
according to either the young adult (ages 25-39) or middle adult (ages 40-65) categories.
Scores on the three measures were totalled, and, prior to hypothesis testing, the data set was
screened for outliers. A casewise diagnostic test revealed no extreme values, and as such, we
proceeded with the hypothesis tests.
Results
Hypotheses 1 and 2: Comparison of materialism and spirituality across age groups
Two independent t-tests were conducted to assess if there were significant differences
in scores of materialism and spirituality between young and middle adult groups. As shown
in Figure 1, there is a significant difference between the two groups in terms of their
inclination towards materialism and spirituality. Young adults scored significantly higher on
materialism (M = 42.43, SD = 6.15) relative to middle adults (M = 37.49, SD = 8.13),
t(176.92) = 4.75, p < .00, r = .33, 95% CI = [2.89, 7.00]. The r value of .33 denotes a medium
effect size (Cohen, 1992). A significant difference is also found in scores of spirituality
between the two age groups. Specifically, middle adults scored significantly higher on
spirituality (M = 91.79, SD = 9.89) than young adults (M = 87.06, SD = 8.56). The mean
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scores on the SQ across these two groups are significant, t(186.18) = -3.54, p < .00, r = .25,
95% CI = [-7.36, -2.09].
Figure 1.
Graph showing comparison of materialism and spirituality between the two age groups
Hypotheses 3 and 4: Correlations between materialism, spirituality and happiness

Results of the correlational analysis showed that there is a significant correlation
between materialism and happiness. As predicted by Hypothesis 1, there was a significant,
and negative relationship between materialism and happiness (r = -.23, p < .01). Results also
showed a significant, and positive association between spirituality and happiness (r = .38, p <
.01). Collectively, these provide support for Hypotheses 3 and 4 – materialism is inversely
correlated with happiness, while spirituality is positively associated with individual levels of
happiness.
Table 2
Correlation Between Materialism and Happiness; Spirituality and Happiness
M S.D. 1 2 3
1. Materialism 2.66 .49
2. Spirituality 3.08 .32 -.32**
3. Happiness 3.54 .74 -.23** .38**
N=210
**Correlation is significant at the p <.01 level (two-tailed)
Discussion: Study 1
Results from the quantitative study showed there is a significant difference in between
young adults and middle adults in relation to their materialism and spirituality. Specifically,
young adults reported higher levels of materialism, relative to middle adults. The difference
in the focus in their lives could explain this pattern of results. While young adults are more
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focused on establishing their careers and family life (Wink & Dillon, 2002), middle adults are
more focused on seeking answers to existential questions such as purpose and meaning in life
(Cohen, 2009; as cited in Santrok, 2013). The finding suggests that a reduction in materialism
and greater engagement in spirituality may be better positioned to sustain long-term
happiness.
The results also suggest a negative correlation between materialism and happiness, as
well as a positive correlation between spirituality and happiness. These findings are
consistent with past research indicating that while prioritizing extrinsic goals as part of life’s
pursuits results in lower levels of happiness. Ascribing greater importance in pursuing
intrinsic goals results in higher levels of happiness (Deci & Ryan, 1987; 2006). In effect,
individuals who prioritize materialistic aims and goals are pursuing extrinsic goals, whereas
an individual who prioritizes spirituality is emphasizing intrinsic goals (Spurr, Berry &
Walker, 2013). The pattern of results obtained in the present quantitative study suggest that
focusing on extrinsic goals leads to diminished levels of happiness, and that happiness is
more likely experienced when individuals focus more on intrinsically-rewarding aims in their
lives.
Study 2 (Qualitative)
The second phase was a basic qualitative study aimed at exploring the initial findings
of the quantitative study in greater depth. This study was premised on the social constructivist
paradigm. Reality is viewed from this paradigm as varied and subjective (Creswell, 2013).
Given the nature of spirituality as an that varies across individuals, exploring spirituality
through a socially-constructed perspective allows the researchers to facilitate a deeper
exploration how it shapes individual's experience of happiness.
Method
Data for the qualitative study were collected through semi-structured interviews.
Semi-structured interviews are in-depth discussions consist of several predetermined
questions that also accommodate the use of follow-up questions and probes. These follow-up
question allow researchers to probe interviewees for further information which may be useful
in more fully understanding subjective accounts and experiences (Dicicco-Blook & Crabtree,
2006; Balcaite, 2013).
Sample
Eleven (11) middle adults were recruited for this study. The middle adults for this
qualitative study consisted of those who had provided responses to the initial survey study,
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and were those who scored high on both spirituality and happiness, but low on materialism.
Our rationale for the selection of these individuals was made on the reasoning that these
middle adults would be able to shed further light on the links between spirituality,
materialism and happiness. Owing to their age and experience, these more mature adults
would be able to reflect on additional, more varied experiences over the course of their lives,
and offer insight into the evolution of their views on materialism and spirituality from their
youth to present day. Nonetheless, we also interviewed one young adult who scored high on
spirituality and happiness, but low on materialism to further bolster our resulting
understandings of the these three concepts in relation to one another. Such participants were
considered information-rich participants, integral to what Merriam (2009) refers to as
‘information-rich cases.’
Procedure
Participants were invited to participate in the study via personal contact, after the
researchers identify scores from the questionnaire that matched the purposive sampling
criteria. Further, only participants who explicitly indicated willingness to participate in the
follow-up interview were contacted. Interviews were conducted in quiet locations convenient
to the interviewees. Upon providing consent to participate in the study, all interviews began
with general questions in the interest of building rapport with the interviewees. We asked
open-ended questions such as, “How do you compare materialism and spirituality in terms of
bringing you happiness in life?” and “Looking back, what is your outlook in life now, as
compared to a time when you were less interested in spirituality?” Where possible, we asked
questions that would encourage interviewees to compare and reflect upon the differences
between materialism and spirituality, as well as contrast between life experiences during
different stages of their lives. Validity of the accounts were enhanced through member-
checking, which involved frequent paraphrasing of participant responses and use of
clarification-type questions (Creswell, 2013). All interviews lasted at least 45 minutes. At the
end of each interview, participants were thanked and given a supermarket voucher amounting
to RM20. All interviews were audio and video-recorded, and transcribed verbatim. Interview
transcripts were emailed to interviewees as an additional form of member-checking, and aids
in enhancing the accuracy of the qualitative data collected (Creswell, 2013). Minor changes
were suggested to by the interviewees, further enhancing the fidelity and accuracy of the
interview accounts.
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Data Analysis
The qualitative data were analysed though thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
The first step of any qualitative data analysis, however, begins with in-depth familiarization
with the data, which can be achieved through listening, and re-listening the interview
recordings as well as reading and re-reading the interview transcripts (O’Connor & Gibson,
2003). In order to gain an in-depth understanding of the experiences, the researchers spent
considerable time reading the transcripts and making notes alongside each paragraph. The
thematic analysis began with open coding, whereby all useful, relevant and potentially
important units of data were highlighted for further categorization. This was followed by
selecting and placing relevant and interpretable units of data (words or phrases) from
interviewee responses and categorizing recurrent words or phrases into distinct clusters or
categories (Merriam, 2009). This process was repeated, moving backwards and forwards
between the codes and resulted in 27 categories. This process of categorizing is known as
axial coding (Merriam, 2009). Five themes emerged from these 27 categories. Creswell
(2013) emphasized the intercoder agreement as the main form of reliability check. For this
study, the researcher and an independent coder reviewed the transcripts and conducted the
open and axial coding stages separately. This resulted in an 86% level of concurrent between
coders, suggesting reliability of the qualitative data analysis.
Results
Theme 1: Materialism provides subsistence but breeds dissatisfaction. Participants
mentioned that having material values does encourage and motivate on towards addressing
basic subsistence needs. However, beyond this subsistence level, materialism was perceived
as an unstable source of happiness because of its temporariness and fragility. This first theme
is consistent with findings on the impermanence of happiness stemming from material gains
(Brickman, Coates & Janoff-Bulman, 1978). Materialistic values diminishes happiness for
two key reasons. Firstly, the pleasure of acquiring new material possessions overwhelms and
diminishes old pleasures. Thus, possessions that were previously elicited happiness are
relegated to the mundane and become less enjoyable over time. Second, the thrill of
acquisition and novelty associated with new purchases wears off quickly. One participant
states this clearly:
Material happiness are temporary. If you buy something, you'll be happy for one
week. After one week, you are no longer happy. (P11)
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The pursuit of materialism is described as being unable to bring lasting happiness and
is one that breeds dissatisfaction. The more one acquires, the more one’s expectations
increase. When these are not met or not met quickly enough, disappointment sets in. This is
consistent with hedonic adaptation theory, which explains that because we quickly adapt to
changes in our desire levels, material possessions have a limited ability to provide lasting
satisfaction and happiness (Kasser, 2002). The essence of this theme is reflected in several
participants' views:
The thing about materials is the (that) you can always want and never stop wanting. It
will never satisfy you completely. (P9)
You need to fulfil some basics first. After that you will look for some spiritual.
Because beyond a certain limit, you add any figure, it’s just a number only. You have
10 million or 100 million to me is the same. (P1)
Beyond that, it can get dangerous when we want more and more. We become unhappy
when we cannot get more. (P3)
Theme 2: Contentment stems from recognition of harmonious relationships, can be

cultivated through gratitude, and is distinct from the satisfaction of material gain. A
commonly reported habit amongst participants was the conscious act of identifying aspects of
their life to be grateful for. This often extended beyond material gains, in that interviewees
mentioning that they are most grateful for connectedness and personal achievements that are
distinct from material gains. Gratitude appeared to play a key role in extending on feelings of
contentment, and was seen both as a habit, and an antidote against feelings of dissatisfaction.
One participant related how feelings of gratitude towards her own personal achievements
contributed to her feelings of happiness:
...before I sleep at night, I have this habit of trying to identify at least 3 things which I
can be happy about, having gratitude about it; 3 things to be grateful (for). That gives
me a sense of, "Yes, I have achieved something today. (P4)
Page 16 of 38
That said, personal achievements were not about major accomplishments, but by
simply having harmonious family and seeing one’s children grow up well. Such harmonious
relationships were also cited as personal accomplishments which played a vital role in
happiness. As mentioned by a civil engineer:
I feel that I have achieved something in my life. I have a family, I have two lovely kids
and they are also quite well behaved...it at least satisfied me. (P1)
Being able to say "I have enough" was cited as a major factor for happiness. A 63
year old retiree held the view that as the nature of human desire is limitless, if left unchecked,
it continuously fans the fire of discontent. In his opinion, if one learns how to assess one’s
situation objectively and acquire the attitude of “having enough”, there will be lower
expectations and thus fewer disappointments, resulting in a happy state of mind. The habit of
counting one's blessings at the end of each day, such as recalling the kindness of others
towards oneself or recognizing advantages that one has, go towards enhancing one's sense of
gratitude and contentment. This was reflected in the following accounts:
So to me the key to my happiness is that I am satisfied with what I have. No aspiration

to get more. (P6)
Usually I would tell people that to be happy, number one is to be grateful. Always, at
the end of the day think about what we have done today even if minor, minor things-
whom have we benefited, whom have we made happy-the more people we made
happy, the happier we would be. (P4)
Indeed, when participants reflected on these connections, they also hinted on a sense
of gratitude and contentment stemming from the more relational, and less material
contributes of their happiness and overall well-being.
Family members are living quite harmoniously together, so that also provides
satisfaction. (P3)
Page 17 of 38
For me, my family, husband, people who are my immediate family, their wellbeing is
very important for my happiness. .... I don't want to see them suffer. That would make
me very upset. (P7)
Theme 3: The meaning and role of spirituality is subjective, varied, and extends
beyond religiosity. Analysis of interviewee accounts also paints a complex, multi-faceted
perspective of spirituality. That is, interviewees understood spirituality in many different
dimensions. Some interviewees saw spirituality as a set of secular guiding principles to
navigate life better. This involved applying universal concepts such as patience, kindness and
compassion towards others as well as oneself. The view was that without these principles,
one would face difficulties in relating with others. One interviewee, a management consultant
by profession, regarded spirituality as a framework to aid in successful management of one’s
life:
Being spiritual means you are able to learn how to manage yourself. It is more about
managing yourself. And also to deal with a lot of the negative emotions… I think
spirituality...is actually the principles for you to live (by) so that you know how to
deal with people in general and of course other beings and the environment as well.
(P11)
It is evident that spirituality goes beyond religiosity. This was expressed by a senior
lecturer who felt that spirituality involves helping others, and goes beyond simply attending,
or participating in religious ceremonies or practices. It was interesting to note that this
participant mentions that even attending church regularly may not become a spiritual act if
motivated by self-interest. Participants expressed their sense of spirituality as characterized
by compassion, kindness and connecting meaningfully with others, regardless of religiosity.
According to him, spirituality is about serving others and connecting with others through
selfless deeds:
Spirituality encompasses your use to others. How you serve others. Your connection
with others. If I am a very religious person but for my own benefit, then I would think
that the person has low spirituality. Spirituality is a connection between you and
others. Doing things selflessly for others. (P4)
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So for me, being spirituality is when you deal with people, showing your love and
compassion. (It) doesn't matter what religion it is. (P7)
The positive role that spirituality played in the lives of many of the participants was as
varied as the interviewees interpretations of the term. For some, spirituality helped sustain
happiness by bringing about a greater level of awareness to self and others. Participants also
frequently mentioned how spirituality aided their regulation of unpleasant emotions such as
anger. These participants recalled, and reflected upon temperamental outbursts as being a
feature of a spiritually deprived life. Involvement in spiritual pursuits altered their view of
others and brought greater awareness of others in terms of their having capabilities too and
deserving compassionate treatment. This increased their empathy for others, which
subsequently had a positive impact on their interactions with others. The habit of engaging in
conflict was curbed and replaced with a more sincere and compassionate approach. One
participant, a banker, relates this aspect of spirituality:
It has helped me change the way I interact with people. I recognize that you are like
me. You also have the ability. Maybe at this moment, you don't recognize it but this
doesn't stop me from being or dealing with you in a compassionate manner. (P7)
This viewed was echoed by others participants too. A human resource manager
described how she became more mindful through being more spiritual. She likened her
mindfulness as an alarm bell that warned her to slow down before reacting to a particular
situation. That helped her manage anger, which helped improved interpersonal relationships
at work and with her relatives and increasing her overall happiness:
I think I'm a lot happier now. For me one of the things I struggled with, earlier in my
life, I think anger was one area I was good at… having a stronger introspection, sort
of like someone saying "Hold on, hold on", having some alarm bells helping me to
realize how am I feeling and how am I reacting to the situation (P6)
Spirituality’s role in the regulation of unpleasant, potentially destructive emotions

such as anger also aided interviewees’ ability to be conscious of their own thoughts and
perceptions of others. Oftentimes, such perceptions are recognized by participants as being
biased, or based on assumptions that may not necessarily reflect fairly on the other
Page 19 of 38
individual. Collectively, these emotion-regulation and perspective-taking aspects of

spirituality appear to link with the notion of compassion. To these participants, spirituality
encourages behaviours that promote a sense of compassion that is other-directed, rather than
fixated on one’s own personal interests. This was reflected in the following accounts:
Always treat the person who is the most nasty to you, (the one who) causes you the
most harm, as the most precious.... By having that thinking, I think it helps. She (the
boss) actually used to shout a lot and caused me many weeks of not sleeping well. I
think if I were to look at her as a very nasty person, then it’s very difficult for me to
move on. So what I learnt from there when I look back is I can also do the same thing
like her. I can also shout at her. I can also throw things back but what I learnt is to be
patient and treat that person as someone who teaches me lots of patience. (P11)
When people say not so good things about me, I used to get affected a lot. Now when I
reflect, I think that there are causes and effect for her to say or maybe I've done
something before. So I don't get angry or upset about things that are not so kind and
try to hopefully learn something from the criticism. (P3)
The effects of spirituality across different times in an individual’s life was also clearly
expressed by several interviewees. Of particular note was the fact that being, and practicing
spirituality, led to longer-lasting, more authentic happiness that extends beyond happiness
from material gains. Indeed, a more spiritual approach to life appears to sustain participants’
sense of well-being, even when one was comparatively (and materially) better off before:
In terms of wealth, four years ago and now, I am wealthier. But four years ago, I had
a better job, now I don't have that. I have a good job but not a prestigious job. Am I
happier now? Yes, I am holistically happier. Last time, I was happy in only one
dimension, which was my job. Today I'm happy because nuclear family, my sisters, my
friends. I have a lot more friends now. (P5)
For some participants, the role of spirituality extended to shaping priorities and goals.
Realizing that material possessions are impermanent in nature and hence relying on them to
bring happiness is pointless. The priority for these participants shifted from material gains to
selflessly helping others as a source of joy and meaning in life. Such accounts further
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establish the link between spirituality and compassion. An example cited was that for a
person who recently went to help build a school for children in Cambodia shared his
experience:
We went to the school and we (bought) building materials, we repair(ed) the school,
brought many books... there in Cambodia. We no longer thought about buying the
next biggest house or buying the next most expensive car and the next new gadgets
(P11)
Some participants cited spirituality as a source of self-confidence. To a young

psychology graduate, her sense of spirituality, from her faith in God, provided her with a
great source of confidence, purpose and strength, and helped her through times of
discouragement and need. Strong faith and trust in God not only inspired her to be an
example of Christ to others but also to control undesirable emotions such as anger and
display positive emotions such as love and compassion
The basic truth for me that God loves me no matter what. So that's the assurance for
me… I will get disappointment, I know that I can turn to the truth that God knows
what's best for me and then I can let go my disappointment. (P9)
Spirituality, of course, extends beyond religiosity, and for interviewees who did not
believe in a creator God, their sense of spirituality was derived from realizing how one’s
actions can leave a permanent, positive and lasting effect on those around them. For instance,
a participant who is a medical doctor derived confidence and a sense of security by relying on
the concept that death is not the end and one has a choice to live a virtuous, principled life
now for a better future outcome:
It gives me confidence that when one passes on, it’s not like sunset into darkness.
There is future life and reincarnation, if we wish to be in a better place, there is a
chance. (P3)
Theme 4: Self-awareness, gratitude and helping others as ingredients of spirituality.

Analysis of the accounts and experiences paints a complex and varied series of links between
materialism, spirituality and happiness. Owing to the more ‘tangible’ nature of materialism, it
Page 21 of 38
was evident that participant accounts reflected a more concrete recognition of how material
possession and acquisitions were not contributors to long-lasting happiness. Descriptions and
accounts related to spirituality, however, tended to be more indirect and at times, tacit.
Participants described spirituality as an approach, a means by which one can lead a more
virtuous, and happier life. This involved cultivating a mindset and practicing behaviours that
was more other-oriented. That is, spirituality, as defined and understood by this set of
participants, related more towards one’s actions towards others. Indeed, when asked for
advice on how to be happy, interviewees’ suggestions revolved around one of three elements:
be self-aware, be grateful, and help others.
I think you need to make a self-discovery first, of yourself. You need to get your
bearings right, know what really matters to you. (P7)
And happiness doesn't come from material things. It comes from other people, comes
from helping people. I think that is if everybody can understand, everybody will be
happy. (P11)
Being grateful and having contentment were two frequently cited ingredients for
happiness. Whether one is wealthy or poor, the level of contentment determines whether that
person is happy or not. While a rich person can be unhappy because of the lack of
contentment and gratitude for his/her situation, a poor person can be happy by simply being
satisfied with the little that one has, suggesting that happiness comes from within. A mere
change of attitude can have transformative effects. Having material possessions appears to
detract from an individual’s ability to be grateful, breeds unhealthy comparisons, and focus
on material possessions at the expense of a more spiritually-fulfilling life.
You see simple people living simple lives and they are happy. But there are simple
people living simple lives but are not happy. Why? Because they keep comparing. So
the mind-set and heart there is no alignment internally. (P5)
Because it comes from the mind. You don't need (to be rich). The poor can be very
happy people because they've no expectations. If they have spirituality in the mind,
the monks have nothing and I think they are basically happier than the average
person in the street. (P10)
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Yes, you have to be contented with what you have. That contentment will also give you
opportunities to sort of do work which you like and do things you like, like now I love
to walk." (P6A50)
Participants were inclined to highlight two vital aspects to spirituality: The inner
aspect of self-awareness and contentment; and the outer aspect of helping others. The secret
formula for happiness offered was to balance these two, neatly summarized in the following
statement:
It’s a balance between looking inside, feeling contentment and looking outward (by)
contributing your happiness towards the happiness of others. (P4)
Discussion: Study 2
The interviews with 11 participants highlighted the role of spirituality in their
happiness and provided some suggestions for a happy life. Their views are consistent with
Seligman's (2002) theory which states that happiness can be achieved through the cultivation
of three key dimensions, namely, pleasantness, goodness and meaningfulness. Living a
pleasant life focuses on the momentary experience of pleasant emotions, which can be
cultivated through gratitude and adopting an optimistic and hopeful outlook in one’s life
(Seligman, 2002). Many participants emphasized gratitude, contentment and personal
achievements as important contributors to their happiness. Living a good life is about
recognizing one's strengths and enhancing one's life through them. Participants frequently
raised the value of self-awareness, which includes being able to identify one's strengths, in
particular those of compassion and patience. They spoke of the ability to avoid reacting
impulsively and the importance of self-control and prudence, which are strengths under the
virtue of temperance (Seligman, 2002). Many participants mentioned selfless service to
others without expecting anything in return. This brings meaning to one's life and this is what
Seligman refers to as the meaningful life, and is particularly emphasized in the other-directed
focus; to bring happiness to others.
Integrated Discussion
In two studies, we examine the role of materialism and spirituality in shaping the
overall happiness of both young and middle adults. In Study 1, we found a significant
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difference in levels of materialism and spirituality between young and middle adult groups.
Materialistic values were higher amongst young adults, relative to middle adults, whereas
spirituality was higher among middle adults than young adults. Results from the quantitative
study also indicated a negative correlation between materialism and happiness, while a
significant positive association was found between spirituality and happiness. In Study 2, we
extend on these findings and sought to understand these associations from a more subjective,
qualitative perspective. Results based on the interview accounts paint a complex interplay
between materialism, spirituality and happiness Themes were indicative of the subjective and
varied nature of spirituality and how it contributes to happiness, though it was clearly
expressed amongst participants that materialism did not lead to sustained levels of happiness.
We discuss these two sets of findings in this integrated discussion.
Key Finding 1: Materialism and its discontents

The negative correlation between materialism and happiness was also reflected in one
of the themes in the qualitative segment of the study, namely, materialism provides
subsistence but breeds dissatisfaction. Many participants explicitly expressed that
materialism is important only in terms of providing basic needs but is not a stable source of
happiness. This finding is consistent with past studies (Kasser, 2002; Kasser & Ryan, 1993;
1996; Richin & Dawson, 1990; 1992; Ryan & Dziurawiec, 2001). Kasser and Ryan (1993;
1996) examined the relationship between specific aspects of materialism with specific aspects
of happiness, for example, the inverse relationship between ascribing importance to financial
success and self-actualization. The data collected from participants who were managerial
staff and support staff indicated that more money does not equate with higher levels of
happiness. Ascribing paramount importance to wealth in the pursuit of happiness may be an
exercise in futility. This is concordant with the large body of studies (Diener & Oishi, 2000;
Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2002; Easterlin, 1974; Easterlin, 1995; Easterlin, 2001; Inglehart,
1996; Inglehart & Klingemann, 2000; Pukeliene & Kisieliauskas, 2013) on income and
happiness that reported the non-significant effect of money on happiness.
Materialistic values may impede the attainment of long-lasting happiness as it creates
the impression that that, despite the rigorous pursuit of material goals, the terminal outcome
of such pursuits are always beyond one’s reach (Solberg, Diener & Robinson, 2004).
Hedonic adaptation towards material possessions creates, and maintains a discrepancy
between what one desires and what one is able to obtain. This, ultimately, leads to
dissatisfaction and discontent (Michalos, 1985; 2008). This escalation of aspiration and
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material wants is also highlighted by Csikszentmihalyi (1999) and Solberg and colleagues
(2004), who state that the pursuit of additional wealth beyond basic necessity ceases to
provide incremental meaning to one’s life. The negative association between materialism and
happiness is also explained by the accounts from the qualitative study. Materialism
discourages feelings of contentment, which appear to be important in the cultivation of long-
lasting happiness. Norris and Larsen (2011) suggest that the absence of contentment creates a
‘have-want’ discrepancy, resulting in disappointment and unhappiness that can only be sated
after acquiring the desired item.
Materialism also strains social relationships. This is because materialistic individuals
direct their energies and efforts towards acquiring material possessions and hence very little
is invested in non-materialistic goals such as personal relationships (Solberg et al., 2004).
Materialistic individuals are more likely to lack quality relationships with their friends and
family. Consequentially, they are less happy. Solberg and colleagues (2004) argue that there
is normally a trade-off between having materialistic goals and quality relationships. Those
who scored high on materialism were found to have poorer social relationships. The
qualitative data revealed frequent statements with regards to caring for their families as well
as others and having harmonious relationships as contributors to their happiness, above and
beyond that of material gains. This finding echoes the point that social relationships are a key
ingredient for a happy life and a predictor of happiness (Diener & Seligman, 2002; 2004).
This may be one of the reasons why participants highlighted the importance of cultivating
and being grateful for social relationships, as a panacea against discontent and dissatisfaction.
Key Finding 2: Happiness through spirituality – contentment from within, contributing

to others
Findings from the qualitative study highlight that the pathway from spirituality to
happiness can be enhanced through positive emotions such as gratitude and contentment.
Both of these emotions appear closely linked with one another. Respondents alluded to the
sense of gratitude and contentment as a buffer against repeated dissatisfaction and challenges
in their lives. Gratitude is vital in achieving and maintaining long-lasting happiness
(Seligman, 2002), while contentment enhances individual satisfaction and encourages an
optimistic outlook towards their current circumstances (Larsen & McKibban, 2008). Both
gratitude and contentment revolve less around one’s personal interests or personal gains, and
more towards others, or, purposes greater than oneself. This is evident from the interview
accounts. Participants who mentioned that once they shifted their focus in life shifts away
Page 25 of 38
from their individual, materialistic pursuits that benefits only oneself, they experienced
greater levels of happiness and contentment. While materialism appears to breed discontent
by encouraging the individual to look inward and towards one’s personal interests,
spirituality encourages the opposite. The cultivation of other-directed happiness, by being
compassionate and serving others, appears to a more consistent contributor towards sustained
happiness.
This study also examined the levels of materialism and spirituality between two age
groups: young adults (25-39 years of age inclusive) and middle adults (40-65 years of age
inclusive). As hypothesized, young adults were found to be more materialistic than middle
adults and middle adults were found to be more spiritual than young adults. These findings
echo those of earlier studies that spirituality increases with age (Moberg, 2002; Turesky &
Schultz, 2010). The prime focus of young adults is establishing a successful career and
settling down with family while for middle adults, an individual’s focus shifts towards
contributing to the community (Wink & Dillon, 2002). Spirituality, in this sense, may be in
part due to maturation gained through the course of one’s life and experiences, and is
consistent with the notion that individuals shift their focus from one of external orientation to
inward orientation in their second half of life (Turesky & Schultz, 2010). Combining the
quantitative and qualitative results to arrive at a holistic approach to achieving happiness, the
answer is to divert one's time and energy away from materialistic pursuits towards pursuits
that develop inner qualities as stated above.
Implications
The findings of this study may contribute towards the science of happiness and the
roles of both materialism and spirituality determinants of overall well-being. The study
highlights both the objective and subjective aspects of materialism and spirituality, and how
they both inform, and shape individual experiences of subjective well-being. The positive
correlation between spirituality and happiness was described by participants as largely
grounded in individual feelings of contentment, gratitude and connections. Spirituality, in this
sense, is not so much a mystical or ineffable experience reliant on external factors, but one
grounded in the experiences ranging from being self-aware, feelings of contentment with self
and gratitude towards one’s connections with others. These findings may provide a basis for a
consolidated, and more universal definition of spirituality. Practically, the present study’s
findings may also lend support for the development of more holistic education systems that
foster self-development through spiritual pursuits, as opposed to focusing solely on
materialistic goals. Recent studies found that today's teenagers are more materialistic but are
Page 26 of 38
unwilling to work, a phenomenon terms as a "fantasy gap", which is caused by a gap between
a fantasized acquisition and working towards achieving it (Twenge & Kasser, 2013). The
assertion is that many teenagers believe that happiness lies in external, fantasized objects.
The excessive focus on materialistic goals from at an early age may lower the individual’s
subsequent levels of happiness and persist over the individual’s adulthood (Ruvio et al.,
2014). As such, an education system that takes into account happiness and its correlates
becomes essential in the development of individual well-being in youth, and this may include
providing opportunities for spiritual development among adolescents and young adults.
The negative association between materialism and happiness across both age groups
in this study suggests that adopting materialistic values is an ineffective way towards
achieving sustained happiness. The findings here provide practical suggestions that the focus
on external forms of gratification, and pursuit of happiness through material possessions is
likely to lead to dissatisfaction with one’s life. The study further supports established findings
on the associations between income and material possessions with subjective well-being, and
may aid individuals in making choices that would best maximize their chances for attaining
authentic, long-lasting happiness. Policymakers in many parts of the world are focus heavily
on economic output. However, it is questionable as to how much consideration is given to the
well-being of workers who are pivotal to this output. Studies have shown that salaries/income
alone do not guarantee high levels of happiness, and performance. For example, according to
the Legatum Prosperity Index (2014), Singapore ranked second amongst the 142 high-income
earning countries but ranked 24th in happiness rankings (Helliwell, Layard & Sachs, 2015).
Moreover, Diener and Seligman (2004) detailed non-economic factors such as social capital,
good health and enjoyment at work, as predictors of well-being. Hence, it is may be
worthwhile for policymakers to formulate policies that include the promotion of spirituality
in its broadest sense, at the workplace. The role of spirituality in the workplace is also slowly
gaining additional attention and research focus. While still in its infancy, studies of spiritualty
in the workplace have been in literature for the past decade (see Milliman, Czaplewski &
Ferguson, 2003; Krishnakumar & Neck, 2002; Pawar, 2013; Garcia-Zamor, 2003; Benefiel,
2003), and will continue to be an avenue for further research in building a more engaged,
ethical and happy work environment.
Limitations and Directions for Further Research
Despite the use of a mixed-methods approach, we acknowledge several limitations of
the current studies. First, caution needs to be taken before inferring the differences in
spirituality among the middle adult sample. We did not take measures of the middle adults’
Page 27 of 38
socioeconomic status, and this may be an influence on the extent of their materialism and
happiness. A middle adult who is experiencing financial difficulty may be more inclined
towards focusing on material gains, and hence adopt a more materialistic set of values rather
than pursue spirituality in their lives. Given the significant findings and accounts regarding
the role of spirituality in middle adults’ lives, however, we don’t see this to be a severe threat
to our study’s findings. Nonetheless, further examination on the role of circumstance, and
assessment of middle adults’ socio-economic status will help provide a more accurate
depiction of the interrelationships between materialism, spirituality and happiness in these
individuals’ lives.
Second, past studies on spirituality relied mainly on Christian participants, who often
viewed spirituality through the lens of their religious beliefs. While we extended on the
findings by including respondents who were affiliated with other religions, and also those
who did not identify with any religion in particular. In the present study, about one-fifth
(20.4%) of the participants were identified as irreligious. Post-hoc analyses revealed no
significant difference between individuals on the basis of their religious affiliations, though
additional research could benefit from examining individuals who rate high on spirituality
and happiness, but do not profess to follow any particular set of religious teachings. This
remains an under-researched area in the study of spirituality and happiness and should be an
avenue for further research.
Third, the Spirituality Questionnaire used in this study posed one question which
appeared to invoke hesitation amongst some participants. From the demographic details, it
was observed that several Muslim in particular, had difficulty answering a particular item (“I
meditate to achieve inner peace”), and often left this item blank. As a result, these incomplete
responses were removed from the final data set. Reliability analyses of the SQ, however,
revealed no major irregularities – the measures did not suffer a substantial drop in reliability
even with the removal of this item. As such, the SQ was retained in its current form for the
purposes of this study. Nonetheless, future studies using questionnaires of similar content
may want to replace words like "meditation" with "contemplation" to alleviate any religious
sensitivities.
Page 28 of 38
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Table 1.
Demographic details of participants.
Number Percentage
Age Group
Young adults (25-39yrs) 114 54.2 %
Middle adults (40-65 yrs) 96 45.7 %
Gender
Male 77 36.6 %
Female 133 63.3 %
Faith
Buddhist 92 43.8 %
Christian 45 21.4 %
Muslim 18 8.5 %
Hindu 7 3.3 %
Taoist 3 1.4 %
Nil/Non-believer 45 21.4 %
Job categories
Managerial position 61 29 %
Professional 23 10.9 %
Support Staff 83 39.5 %
Unemployed 43 20.4 %
Figure 1.
Graph showing comparison of materialism and spirituality between the two age groups
Page 37 of 38
Table 2
Correlations between Materialism and Happiness; Spirituality and Happiness
M S.D. 1 2 3
1.
2.66 .49
Materialism
2. Spirituality 3.08 .32 -.32**
3. Happiness 3.54 .74 -.23** .38**
N = 210
**Correlation is significant at the p <.01 level (two-tailed)
Page 38 of 38

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Materialism, spirituality and happiness 1

A MIXED-METHODS STUDY OF MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY: TWO

Dr. Eugene Y. J. Tee

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lobsang Yeshi, Life

A Mixed-Methods Study of Materialism and Spirituality: Two Sides of the Happiness

Keywords: materialism, spirituality, happiness, mixed-methods

Hypothesis 1: Persons in young adulthood (25-39 years of age) will score

Hypothesis 2: Persons in middle adulthood (40-65 years of age) will score

materialistic pursuits. Conversely, as finding purpose and meaning in life is an important

Hypothesis 3: There is a negative correlation between materialism and happiness

Hypothesis 4: There is a positive correlation between spirituality and happiness

Young adults (25-39yrs) 114 54.2 %

Hypotheses 3 and 4: Correlations between materialism, spirituality and happiness

Theme 2: Contentment stems from recognition of harmonious relationships, can be

So to me the key to my happiness is that I am satisfied with what I have. No aspiration

Spirituality’s role in the regulation of unpleasant, potentially destructive emotions

individual. Collectively, these emotion-regulation and perspective-taking aspects of

Some participants cited spirituality as a source of self-confidence. To a young

Theme 4: Self-awareness, gratitude and helping others as ingredients of spirituality.

Key Finding 1: Materialism and its discontents

Key Finding 2: Happiness through spirituality – contentment from within, contributing

(pp. 141-166). Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews, Inc.

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