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Chapter 18

SOCIAL JUSTICE AND ACCESS TO


EDUCATION: A CASE STUDY OF PAKISTAN

Rukhsana Zia

1. OBJECTIVES AND SCOPE

The present chapter considers social justice in connection with the widen-
ing of access to education in Pakistan. We briefly outline the country’s his-
torical, socioeconomic, and political contexts and seek to relate them to the
concept of social justice. Focusing on educational environment and school
enrollment ratios, our aim is to delineate the widening of access to educa-
tion in the country as an expression of social justice.
Access to education can be most readily assessed by considering partic-
ipation rates of school-age children, enrollment ratios, gender parity at dif-
ferent levels of Basic Education (BE), and across different subject areas.
Here we seek to determine whether access to education is regarded as social
justice, and if so, how it is manifested in public life. Needless to say, an
assessment of social justice in education should not be confined to quanti-
tative access to education across different levels but should also consider
the quality of education. However, the focus here is not on the quality of
education per se, but only on quantity.
Our discussion is confined to the school education level. We acknowl-
edge that access to education can be nonformal and informal, especially
within the context of lifelong learning. Of course, access to education may
not be the only indicator of educational progress (UIS, 2003: 9). Likewise,
access to, and in certain cases completion of, primary education does not
necessarily guarantee that basic literacy has been acquired (p. 9). However,
these possibilities do not impinge on the value of data on access, participa-
tion, and completion rates for policy-making, charting trends, and compar-
ing data across nations. Such data can also give indications of disparity and
discrimination, as in the case of gender. Clearly, unless children have access
to schooling and education, talk of quality will have little meaning. While
we consider Gross Enrollment Rates (GER) and Net Enrollment Rates
(NER) as indicators of access to education, we are well aware that there are

293
A. Oduaran and H.S. Bhola (eds.), Widening Access to Education as Social Justice, 293–304.
© 2006 Springer. Printed in the Netherlands.
294 Rukhsana Zia - Chapter 18

inherent limitations to conclusions based on these rates insofar as the con-


clusions exclude other significant indicators. There may be other explana-
tions for low access and participation; for instance, it could also be due to
lack of available facilities for schooling. Nor do enrollment rates necessar-
ily reflect equity in the use of available capacity. Moreover, 100% or even
more than 100% enrollment rates could mean that some children are not
counted, such as those outside of the official age range for attending school,
whether they be repeaters or late starters or even early starters. Concerns
about a possible lack of complementary data and/or triangulation by house-
hold data (which can provide a clearer picture for out-of-school children) or
a lack of high quality data (since disadvantaged populations could be neg-
lected in data collection: e.g., homeless, migrants, or refugees) will temper
the conclusions drawn in this chapter. Needless to say, the various indica-
tors that are and could be used for measuring access to education could be
highly varied and involve a diverse set of limitations, depending on the pur-
pose for which data is used—for example, survival and completion rates are
valuable in measuring access to education, but they cannot be interpreted as
a measure of learning outcome (UIS, 2003: 17).
In this chapter we do not enter into the debate about the concept implicit
in the words “social” or “justice,” nor do we question the motives that guide
people to dispense with social justice (Novak, 2000). For our purposes here,
politically and ideologically speaking, “social justice” is considered neutral
and open to interpretation. We accept the contention that it is one of the
chief virtues of democracy, and more importantly, that social justice is an
ongoing process (not an outcome) aimed at transforming a system inclined
to injustice. Suffice it to add here that in Islam, by virtue of adhering to
Islamic principles, any and all acts by individuals are subject to personal
rules of just conduct. This code of conduct would thus, by and large, apply
to Muslim societies and nations in general, and hence to the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan in particular.

2. BACKGROUND

Pakistan came into being in 1947, and Islam, as the religion of the majority,
plays a dominant role in all domains of Pakistani life, especially so in the con-
stitutional and legal, the sociocultural and the political spheres. The country
has a legal code with a parallel system of Islamic courts, and yet at an infor-
mal level it is regulated by traditional laws and customs (Zia and Bari, 1999:
3) that at times tend to override statutory and Islamic laws. Though there
continues to be considerable debate about the way in which, and extent to
which, Islam has been and should be used, especially in politics and gover-
nance, an increasing “Islamization” of the state is evident (Zia, 2003a,b: 154).
18. Widening Access to Education as Social Justice 295

Pakistan’s brief history is marked by conflicts in the political sphere,


with military coups having occurred in 1958, 1969, and 1977, and most
recently in 2000—all in the name of democracy. Over the years, there have
been attempts to establish democratic process, but they have had no lasting
impact. Political leaders have tended instead to squander their power. The
recent government (ironically, with a military man as its head) has experi-
mented with a new scheme of local governance. The policy is meant to
empower citizens at grassroots levels, encourage them to participate in
decisions that affect their own area, and also educate them in the practical
aspects of democracy. Launched in 2000, the New Local Government Plan
provides the masses with access to governance in order to remove the
rural–urban divide (NRB, 2000: 1). In addition to being free to participate
in general elections, women have been allocated 33% of seats at all levels
of governance. This has been a major step in affirmative action insofar
as it provides equal access to and mainstreaming women in the political–
governmental arena.
Pakistan is extremely diverse culturally and ethnically. It is basically a
feudal value system with patriarchal trends. Religion tends to have a host of
interpretations, largely due to widespread ignorance and illiteracy, which
are promoted in some cases as acceptable cultural/social norms
(UNESCAP, 1997: 3). The human development indicators are quite low
(e.g., infant mortality, children out of school), while gender development
indicators are even lower. Pakistan’s poor planning, organization, and man-
agement of the social sector have resulted in an ineffective social develop-
ment of the country (Sadik, 1997: 291).
Economically Pakistan’s Gross National Product (GNP) (6% average)
has experienced a healthy increase over the years, but this has been offset
by a massive growth in population (due to a high fertility rate coupled with
migration from outside the country, most recently from Afghanistan).
Economic growth in the 1960s surpassed norms, but was accompanied by
low social and human development indicators. In recent years there has
been a shortfall in development, and many factors have added to the
malaise in the economy.

3. THE CONCEPT AND PRACTICE OF SOCIAL


JUSTICE IN PAKISTAN
Social justice in a broad sense encompasses social, political, educational,
legal, economic, and other human rights, all of which are interlinked with
one another. Social justice ensures that no person is discriminated against
on the basis of belief, gender, color, caste, wealth, or social status. It also
reflects rule of law for all without considering their position in the society.
296 Rukhsana Zia - Chapter 18

It encourages the establishment of institutions that promote respect and


human dignity, as well as equality before law at all levels, administrative,
legal, social, political, and economic (DCHD, 1996: 48).
The concept of social justice composes the cornerstone of the
Constitution of Pakistan (GoP, 2000). In fact the first major step in framing
the Constitution was the Constituent Assembly’s passage of the Objectives
Resolution in March 1949, which defined the basic principles of the new
state. It decreed that Pakistan would be a state
wherein the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and
social justice, as enunciated by Islam, shall be fully observed; wherein
the Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and
collective spheres in accordance with the teachings and requirements of
Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and Sunnah; [and] wherein adequate
provision shall be made for the minorities freely to progress and prac-
tice their religions and develop their cultures. (Raza, 1997: 4)
The Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution clearly identifies Islam as
the state religion and makes it the state’s responsibility to enable Moslems,
individually and collectively, to live in accordance with the principles set
out in the Quran (the holy book of the Muslims) and the Sunnah (teachings
of the prophet Muhammad) (GoP, 2000). There have been intermittent
efforts to define the scope of fundamental rights in Pakistan between 1949
and 1973. However, while the first constitution of 1956 drew heavily on the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) for the chapter on human
rights, it notably ignored many other rights, including a firm commitment
to education and health. The founders of Pakistan saw no contradiction in
the teachings of Islam and the modern concepts of democracy and equality.
Theocracy was explicitly rejected and all Muslims and non-Muslims were
granted equal rights and protections; later events disproved the optimism of
the nation’s founders. The first change arose with its name: the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan; then it was decreed that the chief executive of the
country must be a Muslim (giving a clear definition of a Muslim thereby
excluding non-Muslims); and finally there was an “Islamization” of laws,
that is to say, an effort has been made to bring all laws into harmony with
Islamic injunctions (only the Parliament had the right to change such laws).
None of these changes threatened the fundamental rights of citizens, but
General Zia did exploit them in order to create a quasi-theocratic order,
which considerably eroded basic human rights and those enumerated in the
UDHR (Rehman, 1997: 312). His regime added a considerable body of leg-
islation that discriminates between citizens on basis of belief and gender,
such as the Hudood Laws and amendments to Muslim Family Law
Ordinance. Later governments were unable to rectify the situation, which
persists to this date, leaving minorities, peasants, children, and women
18. Widening Access to Education as Social Justice 297

vulnerable (Shirkat Gah, 2000: 63). Unfortunately, there has been no


progress towards repealing or modifying such laws since successive gov-
ernments have failed to resolve the contradictions between universal human
rights and the fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution.
Pakistan’s Constitution charges the government with various responsi-
bilities, including the provision of the basic necessities of food, clothing,
housing, education, and medical relief for all citizens, irrespective of
sex, caste, creed, or race; the provision of free compulsory secondary edu-
cation; the promotion of the participation of all citizens in every form of
national activity, including employment; the discouragement of parochial,
racial, tribal, sectarian, and provincial prejudices among citizens; the reduction
of disparity between various income levels; and ensuring that women have
the opportunity to participate fully in all spheres of life. While the concept
of social justice is clearly espoused by the Constitution of Pakistan, it is not
always manifest in the everyday lives of its citizens.

4. EDUCATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE


IN PAKISTAN
Social justice designates a “process” in which steps are taken to transform
a system otherwise inclined to perpetuate an injustice. To establish social
justice in an educational setting it is necessary to be fully aware of and then
counter any injustices that exist in that setting. In this section we shall high-
light the injustices in the country’s schooling/educational system by defin-
ing trends and the present situation in the country.
Upon gaining independence, Pakistan had a poorly educated population
and few schools or universities. Although the educational system has
expanded greatly since then, debate continues about curriculum and qual-
ity. Nevertheless, “quantity” remains the most pressing concern in the
country.
Relatively limited resources have been allocated to education, although
there has been an increase in recent decades. In 1960 public spending on
education was only 1.1% of the GNP, but by 1990 the figure had risen to
3.4%. This amount compared poorly with the 33.9% being spent on defense
in 1993, and the situation has not changed much to this day. Although the
Pakistani government enlisted the assistance of various international donors
to help to realize the education agenda outlined in its Seventh Five-Year
Plan (1988–1993), the results did not measure up to expectations. In 1992
the government reiterated the need to mobilize a large share of national
resources to finance education, and most recently the Education Sector
Reforms of 2001 have given impetus to the educational objectives framed
within the context of the Dakar follow-up report.
298 Rukhsana Zia - Chapter 18

Despite improvement over the last 25 years or so (from 21% in 1970 to


36% in 1992 and then to 43% in 2000), adult literacy (among those aged 15
and over) remains low and the gap between illiterates and literates has
persisted (UNESCO, 2000: 18). Many factors (contextual, educational,
demand-and-supply-related, etc.) contribute to and aggravate the current
bleak situation, where illiteracy and poor educational access and enrollment
prevail throughout the country. Some of the oft-cited reasons are the
poverty of families, child labor, malnutrition, poor health, the sociocultural
and structural environment, distance from school, access to transportation,
and a lack of schools or appropriate facilities and/or teachers. The situation
is further exacerbated by a lack of governmental regulation and control,
which not only affects the quality of education but also produced “ghost
schools” (those existing on paper only), as well as schools with vast differ-
ences in physical amenities and even schools that hold the needs of learn-
ers in contempt.
A comparison of data reveals significant disparity in the context of edu-
cational enrollment, specifically by provinces, regions (urban versus rural),
economic status, and gender. It is clear that the same translates to educa-
tional opportunity and access, raising serious concerns about equity.

5. PROMOTING THE WIDENING OF ACCESS


TO EDUCATION: SOME MODELS
From 1947 to 1997 educational policies repeatedly called for the expan-
sion of the public school system in order to universalize education, espe-
cially primary education and literacy. The government has also repeatedly
asserted that the provision of access to education is the obligation of the
state (GoP, 1998: 1), and yet the situation remains bleak. Lately, the gov-
ernment has initiated considerable programs, especially to generate an
increase in primary level enrollment in the public sector. Some of the ini-
tiatives are briefly delineated below.
Expansion of the public educational system: Though the nationalization
mandate of the 1970s has been reversed, the government is aware of its
massive responsibility to educate its populace. The public system is being
consolidated in terms of both quantity and quality. Currently, the focus on
quantity is the prime concern, and numerous efforts are underway to
increase and retain enrollment in the public school system.
Devolution and decentralization of educational management: The Local
Government Act of 2001 has empowered local governments and decentral-
ized the governance of education. Decision-making and the delivery of
social services (managing primary and secondary education) have been del-
egated to the district governments. So far, the mechanisms and institutional
18. Widening Access to Education as Social Justice 299

arrangements have not been streamlined. Although it is expected to improve


access to and the quality of service delivery in education (Government of
Punjab, 2003: 14), it is too early to assess the expected outcomes.
Promotion of early childhood education and care: In Pakistan 131 mil-
lion of its populace are under 5 years of age, nearly half of which are 3–5
years old (GoP, 2003: 60). Only 25% of the children go through preprimary
education (p. 61). The system of preschool education had been well devel-
oped in the formal public school system, but was neglected in the 1980s.
Now the government intends to focus on early childhood education (ECE);
apart from the consolidation of preprimary classes (katchi) in schools, the
Department of Social Welfare is initiating day care centers, particularly for
working mothers. In urban areas especially, private ECE institutions abound
and are well organized, but they cater to the relatively affluent. One-fourth
of the total ECE education is provided by the private sector.
The Prime Ministers Literacy Commission: This commission was estab-
lished in the 1990s to increase literacy or eradicate illiteracy. Literacy cen-
ters were established all over the country in a partnership between the
public and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Despite an ambitious
start, it has been bogged down by administrative constraints and governance
issues, especially those related to monitoring and evaluation.
Quranic literacy: The majority of children in Pakistan learn to read the
Quran in Arabic at a very early age. Urdu (national language) script is sim-
ilar to Arabic script. This fact has been efficiently used to teach the read-
ing and writing of Urdu, thus increasing the national literacy rate. It is an
innovative move that is being effectively used, especially by NGOs in the
country.
Promotion of private enterprise: Private education had virtually disap-
peared in the 1970s, but with the amendment of the nationalization enact-
ment in 1979, it has made a comeback and is being encouraged by the
government to take on added responsibility for providing access to educa-
tion. According to government estimates from 2001, private institutions
hold a 30% share of the total schools or institutions in the country, though
they concentrate mostly in the urban areas. Considering the tendency of pri-
vate education towards elitism, the government is encouraging private
education to relate to the overall objectives of the national education policy.
More regulatory mechanisms still need to be developed to facilitate and
streamline the private sector so that it will play a constructive role in this
regard. This poses a challenge to the concept of social justice, especially in
terms of equality and equity in the educational process.
Public–private partnership: The government has launched various ini-
tiatives to encourage public–private partnership in the educational process.
Some noteworthy initiatives are (i) the “adopt a school” program, whereby
management of selected schools is transferred to NGOs and civil society,
300 Rukhsana Zia - Chapter 18

(ii) the “community participation program,” and (iii) the establishment of


school councils to encourage parental involvement and surveillance in the
running of schools. These are some of the innovative enterprises, however,
that have shown promising results with regard to encouraging access to
education, especially for less affluent households and female education
(GoP, 2003: 15).
Second chance for dropouts: With the explicit aim of retention and to
encourage dropouts to reenter the system, the alternatives to the formal
public system have been promoted—for example, nonformal education
(NFE), part-time education classes, multiple point entry system, evening
classes, flexible school days and timings, and diversified curricula.
Nonformal education: NGOs have played a significant role in educating
masses using NFE. Lately the government has started to acknowledge its
role in this regard, and efforts are underway to provide equivalency to NFE
students to make secondary education accessible to them.
Madrassah/mosque schools: The Seventh Five-Year Plan envisioned that
every child aged 5 and above would have access to either a primary school
or a comparable, but less comprehensive, mosque school. Due to financial
constraints, however, this goal was not achieved. Nevertheless, a board has
been established to monitor and streamline the educational process in these
institutions. This would enable the students of madrassahs to enter the
mainstream of the public school system.
Promotion of female education: To increase access to and improve
retention of girls in schools, various innovative actions have been launched.
For example, Punjab offers stipends for girls enrolled in postprimary
grades; life skills and skill development are encouraged for young girls in
the educational setting, and so on.

6. CONCLUSION

Social justice involves a set of principles that guide us in giving to each


what is due, both individually and collectively. The pivotal issue, however,
is “what is due,” “to whom,” and “who decides.” The interpretation of social
justice will differ depending on the context in which it is defined and imple-
mented. For its optimal dispensation, social justice would require social
institutions, justly organized, so as to provide access to what is “good” or
desired. At the same time, social justice imposes upon us, individually and
collectively, the responsibility to work with others to design and continu-
ously perfect our institutions as tools for personal and social development.
Education and widening access to education are the most oft-recited
mantras within and across countries. It is clear that wider access to and par-
ticipation in education provides an effective means for effective participation
18. Widening Access to Education as Social Justice 301

in societies in the twenty-first century. Education has long been considered


a social responsibility, but in the world today, dominated as it by capitalism,
the aim of education is captured in phrases such as “the need to develop
human capital,” “to counter unemployment,” “to improve economic
growth,” with slight emphasis in some cases on “creating a greater sense of
well-being.” And yet it is clear that with increasing globalization and the
fast pace of technological advances, the very countries that are lagging
behind in education stand to be sidelined in the economic arena, thereby
galvanizing poverty and greater social injustice for their populace. To speak
of widening access to education as a matter of justice is deemed by some to
be highly political. UNESCO is perhaps the only international organization
that focuses on education as a social responsibility placed within the con-
text of human rights (UNESCO, 2000). It is clear that once viewed through
the prism of human rights, provision of access to and opportunity for edu-
cation become matters of social conscience, be it international or national.
Even if it is possible to pursue the cause of widening access effectively in
other, more generally acceptable ways so as to avoid sidelining the issue of
social justice, the question remains: should social justice be emphasized?
Research in different regions and countries would be needed so as to pro-
vide workable answers for each specific context. It may be that in some
contexts, talk of social justice might cause obstacles that would impair or
render impossible its achievement and the widening of access to education.
In the foregoing we have focused on Pakistan as a context for education
so as to clarify the prevailing atmosphere of social justice there. Given the
country’s environment, the lack of will to implement education as a social
justice or as a right is understandable, if regrettable. For developing coun-
tries such as Pakistan, it is clear that positive initiatives in education will
stem from the rationale of capitalist gains. It remains to be determined
whether countries that have moved from developing to become developed
countries have subsequently come to view education as social justice. It is
here in the globalized world that impact on education will see renewed
vigor.
When Pakistan came into being in 1947, it was in accordance with the
Muslim League’s explicit mandate to “protect and advance the political rights
and interests of the Mussalmans (Muslims) of India” (Raza, 1997: iv). This
assertion, especially its practical implications, is debated by various groups
interested in the issue of Pakistani citizenship. Most important for the present
chapter, however, is that it raises concerns among minority groups about
social justice and equality in general and about education in particular. These
concerns are compounded by disparities in access, opportunity, and partici-
pation, which in turn impact on educational status, social class (rich versus
poor), area of residence (rural versus urban), and gender (male versus female)
(Zia, 1998). The prevalence of elitism defined by feudalism and large
302 Rukhsana Zia - Chapter 18

agricultural holdings creates a sharp contrast to have-nots, whom the public


sector does not sufficiently provide with necessary basic social services (edu-
cation, health care, sanitation, and drinkable water), and who cannot afford
the same services as provided by the private sector. Given the low government
allocations for the social sector and specifically for education (approximately
3% of the GNP) coupled with a high birth rate, it is safe to assume that uni-
versal primary education will remain an elusive target soon.
The world today, with its rapidly changing technologies and work envi-
ronment, demands an equally responsive workforce. For such a workforce
BE level is the minimum so that training and development can upgrade the
skills to the needed advanced level within a reasonable period. Still battling
with low literacy and primary education completion rates, Pakistan now
also faces the task of providing access to diverse lifelong learning opportu-
nities for all age groups to meet this challenge of changing economic and
social conditions. In an increasingly globalized world, the challenge facing
Pakistan thus is not only to provide universal access to primary education
for its populace, but also access to higher levels of education, if it is to be
a productive partner in the world community of nations.
The principle of participation is crucial, which means equal opportunity
in gaining access to education (educational institutions in this case) as well
as equality of opportunity to engage in productive work thereafter. It is
obvious that the principle of participation does not and cannot guarantee
equal results, but it requires that every person be guaranteed the human
right of access to education. By definition, social justice in education would
negate elitism, monopoly, exclusionary social barriers, and privileges in
favor of any one person or group. In practice the above does not translate to
reality in Pakistan. The four streams making up the country’s educational
system (public schools, private schools, nonformal, and religious schools)
predetermine the economic justice that is meted out to graduates of each
system.
Due to the dispensation of poor quality education, the public educational
system is not considered a first choice for those who can pay the higher fees
charged by private schools. Access to private schools thus becomes the priv-
ilege of the “haves,” who by acquiring better quality education stand a
greater chance of access to higher levels of education and also to the choic-
est employment opportunities (Zia, 1999: 120). Public schooling remains the
fate of the majority, who cannot afford the costs of schooling. And then there
are those who send their children to maktabs (religious schools providing
primary level of education) and madrassas (religious schools providing sec-
ondary and higher levels of education), where the focus on religious educa-
tion with nominal or no emphasis on modern day education tends to put
them at a disadvantage in dealing with the rigors of modern life and living.
Those who have been through NFE (mostly provided by NGOs) are unable
18. Widening Access to Education as Social Justice 303

to get recognition or equivalence within the formal education structure. All


this raises concerns about the practice of social justice in the country, specif-
ically in the area of education. There is a need for serious attention to better
regulation of education and its provision so that students have a nondiscrim-
inatory and thus “level playing field.”
Despite assertions of compulsory and universal education, access in
Pakistan remains a luxury of the few. Policy documents have mapped
well-thought-out action plans, but a lack of political commitment, the
centralization of authority, and an absence of public participation have
repeatedly led to failure. With more children in and decreasing numbers
of them out of school, a release of resources from the “numbers game”
will result, which will facilitate in turn a focus on the quality of primary
education in the public sector and create wider access to other levels of
education (UIS, 2000: 16). For Pakistan the imminent challenge is to bal-
ance the issues of “quantity” and “quality” in education, specifically in
primary education. Thus, “access” to education and “quality” both remain
a priority.

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