ALLPORT: PSYCHOLOGY OF INDIVIDUAL

MOTIVATION - Allport insisted that an adequate theory of motivation must consider the notion that
motives change as people mature and also that people are motivated by present drives and wants.

 A THEORY OF MOTIVATION
This is a look at Allport's arguments against McDougall's instinct and hormic theory, as well as a
defense of McDougall's theory of motivation against Allport's functional autonomy and
characteristics theory. Part I explains McDougall's thesis, which states that "human psycho-
physiological organisms share common goal-seeking mechanisms that predetermine just the
paths of active response in a broad fashion." The issues about maturation, the law of parsimony,
and the uniqueness of individual objectives as opposed to universal objectives are next
addressed. Purposive action cannot be formed from non-purposive activity, according to this
theory. Part II contrasts the notions of propensities, functional autonomy, and characteristics,
emphasizing the limits of infantile reasons for adult conduct and rejecting that traits provide
significant support for personality unity and continuity without the assumption of underlying
propensities that are satisfied via them. It is proposed that propensities, feelings, and features
are not necessarily mutually incompatible, but that a synthesis may be accomplished by seeing
them as steps in a continuous developmental series.
 FUNCTIONAL AUTONOMY
Allport was one of the first researchers to draw a distinction between Motive and Drive. He
suggested that a drive forms as a reaction to a motive, which may outgrow the motive as the
reason for a behavior. The drive then becomes autonomous and distinct from the motive,
whether the motive was instinct or something else. The idea that drives can become
independent of the original motives for a given behavior is known as "functional autonomy."
Allport gives the example of a man who seeks to perfect his task or craft. His original motive may
be a sense of inferiority engrained in his childhood, but his diligence in his work and the motive
it acquires later on is a need to excel in his chosen profession, which becomes the man's drive.
Allport says that the theory: avoids the absurdity of regarding the energy of life now, in the
present, as somehow consisting of early archaic forms (instincts, prepotent reflexes, or the
never-changing Id). Learning brings new systems of interests into existence just as it does new
abilities and skills. At each stage of development these interests are always contemporary
whatever drives, drives now.
THE STUDY OF THE INDIVIDUAL - Allport strongly felt that psychologists should develop and use
research methods that study the individual rather than groups.

 MORPHOGENIC SCIENCE
Allport distinguished between two scientific approaches: the nomothetic, which seeks general
laws, and the idiographic, which refers to that which is peculiar to the single case. Because the
term "idiographic" was so often misused misunderstood and misspelled (being confused with
"ideographic," or the representation of ideas by graphic symbols), Allport (1968) abandoned the
term hi his later writings and spoke of morphogenic procedures. Both "idiographic" and
"morphogenic" pertahi to the individual, but "idiographic" does not suggest structure or pattern.
In contrast, "morphogenic" refers to patterned properties of the whole organism and allows for
intraperson comparisons. The pattern or structure of ones personal dispositions are important.
For example, Tyrone may be intelligent, introverted and strongly motivated by achievement
needs, but the unique manner hi which his intelligence is related to his introversion and each to
his achievement needs forms a structured pattern. These individual patterns are the subject
matter of morphogenic science.
 THE DIARIES OF MARION TAYLOR
In the late 1930’s, Allport and his wife became acquainted with diaries written by a woman they
called Marion Taylor. These diaries, along with descriptions on Marion Taylor by her mother,
younger sister, favorite teacher, friends, and a neighbor provided the Allports with a large
quantity of material that could be studied using morphogenic methods. However, the Allports
never published this material.
 LETTERS FROM JENNY
Even though Allport never published data from Marion Taylor’s dairies, he did publish a second
case study—that of Jenny Gove Masterson, whose son had been Gordon Allport’s college
roommate. During the last 11 1/2 years of her life, Jenny wrote a series of 301 letters to Gordon
and Ada Allport (although Allport tried to hide the identity of the young couple who had
received these letters). Two of Gordon Allport’s students, Alfred Baldwin and Jeffrey Paige, used
a personal structure analysis and factor analysis respectively, while Allport used a common-
sense approach to discern Jenny’s personality structure as revealed by her letters. All three
approaches yielded similar results, suggesting that morphogenic studies can be reliable.
RELATED RESEARCH

 INTRINSIC RELIGIOUS
DEFINITION – Intrinsic religiousness (initially and still sometimes referred to as intrinsic
religiosity) is characterized as religion that is an end in itself, a master motive. Thus,
individuals described by intrinsic religiousness view their religion as the framework for
their lives, and they try to consistently live the religion they believe. A prototypic
intrinsic religiousness test item is “My whole approach to life is based upon my
religion.”
DESCRIPTION - Intrinsic religiousness was first described by Gordon Allport and
colleagues in the 1960s (see Allport & Ross, 1967) when investigating the possible
reasons for discrepant findings in the area of religiousness and prejudice. At that time,
some studies demonstrated that religiousness was positively associated with prejudice
whereas other studies found the opposite. Allport hypothesized that one’s religious
orientation, or sentiment, may provide guidance in sorting out these findings. The
construct of religious orientation was later.
 EXTRINSIC RELIGIOUS
DEFINITION - Extrinsic religiousness (initially and still sometimes referred to as
extrinsic religiosity) is characterized as religion that primarily serves other more
ultimate ends rather than central religious beliefs per se. Thus, individuals described
by extrinsic religiousness use their religion to fulfill more basic needs such as social
relations or personal comfort, but “the embraced creed is lightly held or else selectively
shaped to fit more primary needs”
DESCRIPTION - Extrinsic religiousness was first described by Gordon Allport and
colleagues in the 1960s (see Allport & Ross, 1967) when investigating the possible
reasons for discrepant findings in the area of religiousness and prejudice. At that time,
some studies demonstrated that religiousness was positively associated with prejudice,
whereas other studies found the opposite. Allport hypothesized that one’s religious
orientation, or sentiment, may provide guidance in sorting out these.
 HOW TO REDUCE PREJUDICE
Prejudice is a baseless and often negative preconception or attitude toward
members of a group. Prejudice can have a strong influence on how people
behave and interact with others, particularly with those who are different
from them, even unconsciously or without the person realizing they are
under the influence of their internalized prejudices. Common features of
prejudice include negative feelings, stereotyped beliefs, and a tendency to
discriminate against members of a group. In society, we often see prejudices
toward a group based on race, sex, religion, culture, and more. While specific
definitions of prejudice given by social scientists often differ, most agree that
it involves prejudgments that are usually negative about members of a
group. When people hold prejudicial attitudes toward others, they tend to
view everyone who fits into a certain group as being "all the same." They
paint every individual who holds particular characteristics or beliefs with a
very broad brush and fail to really look at each person as a unique individual.
CONCEPT OF HUMANITY - Allport had a basically optimistic and hopeful view of human
nature. He rejected the psychoanalytic and behavioral views of humanity as being too
deterministic and too mechanistic. He believed that our fates and our traits are not determined
by 392 Part IV Dispositional Theories unconscious motives originating in early childhood but by
conscious choices we make in the present. We are not simply automatons blindly reacting to
the forces of reward and punishment. Instead, we are able to interact with our environment and
make it reactive to us. We not only seek to reduce tensions but to establish new ones. We desire
both change and challenge; and we are active, purposive, and flexible. Because people have the
potential to learn a variety of responses in many situations, psychological growth can take place
at any age. Personality is not established in early childhood, even though for some people
infantile influences remain strong. Early childhood experiences are important only to the extent
that they exist in the present. Although early security and love leave lasting marks, children need
more than love: They need an opportunity to shape their own existence creatively, to resist
conformity, and to be free, self-directed individuals. Although society has some power to mold
personality, Allport believed that it does not hold the answer to the nature of humanity. The
factors shaping personality, Allport held, are not as important as personality itself. Heredity,
environment, and the nature of the organism are important; but people are essentially proactive
and free to follow the prevailing dictates of society or to chart their own life course.

People, however, are not completely free. Allport (1961) adopted a limited-freedom approach.
He was often critical of those views that allow for absolute freedom, but he also opposed the
psychoanalytic and behavioral views, which he regarded as denying free will. Allport's position
was somewhere in the middle. Although free will exists, some people are more capable of
making choices than are others. A healthy person has more freedom than does a child or a
severely disturbed adult. The high-intelligent, reflective person has more capacity for free choice
than does the low-intelligent, nonreflective one.

Even though freedom is limited, Allport maintained that it can be expanded. The more self-
insight a person develops, the greater that person's freedom of choice. The more objective a
person becomes—that is, the more the blindfolds of self-concern and egotism are removed—the
greater that person's degree of freedom. Education and knowledge also expand the amount of
freedom we have. The greater our knowledge is of a particular arena, the broader our freedom in
that area. To have a broad general education means that, to some extent, one has a wider
choice of jobs, recreational activities, reading materials, and friends. Finally, our freedom can be
expanded by our mode of choosing. If we stubbornly adhere to a familiar course of action
simply because it is more comfortable, our freedom remains largely restricted. Conversely, if we
adopt an open-minded mode of solving problems, then we broaden our perspective and
increase our alternatives; that is, we expand our freedom to choose (Allport, 1955).
Allport's view of humanity is more teleological than causal. Personality, to some extent, is
influenced by past experiences, but the behaviors that make us human are those that are
motivated by our expectations of the future. In other words, we are healthy individuals to the
extent that we set and seek future purposes and aspirations. Each of us is different from others
not so much because we have different basic drives, but because we have different self-erected
goals and intentions. The growth of personality always takes place within a social setting, but
All-port placed only moderate emphasis on social factors. He recognized the importance of
environmental influences in helping to shape personality, but he insisted that personality has
some life of its own. Culture can influence our language, morals, values, fashions, and so forth;
but how each of us reacts to cultural forces depends on our unique personality and our basic
motivation. In summary, Allport held an optimistic view of humanity, maintaining that people
have at least limited freedom. Human beings are goal oriented, proactive, and motivated by a
variety of forces, most of which are within their realm of consciousness. Early childhood
experiences are of relatively minor importance and are significant only to the extent that they
exist in the present. Both differences and similarities among people are important, but individual
differences and uniqueness receive far greater emphasis in Allporfs psychology .
Key Terms and Concepts

• Allport was eclectic- in his acceptance of ideas from a variety of sources.

• He defined personality as the dynamic organization within the individual of

those psychophysical systems that determine a person s behavior and thought.

• Psychologically healthy people are motivated largely by conscious processes; have an

extended sense of self; relate warmly to others; accept themselves for who they are; have a
realistic perception of the world; and possess insight, humor, and a unifying philosophy of life.

• Allport advocated a proactive position, one that emphasized the notion that people have a
large measure of conscious control over their lives.

• Common traits are general characteristics held in common by many people. They may be
useful for comparing one group of people with another.

• Individual traits (personal dispositions) are peculiar to the individual and have the capacity to
render different stimuli functionally equivalent and to mitiate and guide behavior.
• Three levels of personal dispositions are (T) cardinal dispositions, which only a few people
possess and which are so conspicuous that they cannot be hidden; (2) central dispositions, the
5 to 10 individual traits that make a person unique; and (3) secondary dispositions, which are
less distinguishable but far more numerous than central dispositions.

• Personal dispositions that initiate actions are called motivational traits.

• Personal dispositions that guide actions are called stylistic traits.

• The proprium refers to those behaviors and personal dispositions that are warm and central to
our lives and that we regard as peculiarly our own.
• Functional autonomy refers to motives that are self-sustaining and independent from the
motives that were originally responsible for a behavior.
• Perseverative functional autonomy refers to those habits and behaviors that are not part of
one's proprium.
• Propriate functional autonomy includes all those self-sustaining motivations that are related to
the proprium.

• Allport used morphogenic procedures, such as diaries and letters, which stress patterns of
behavior within a single individual.