TAHITIAN INTERLUDE The Migration of The Pitcairn Islanders To The Motherland in 1831

TAHITIAN INTERLUDE: The Migration of the Pitcairn Islanders to the Motherland in 1831
Author(s): H. E. MAUDE
Source: The Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 68, No. 2 (June, 1959), pp. 115-140
Published by: The Polynesian Society
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115
TAHITIANINTERLUDE
TheMigration of thePitcairnIslandersto theMotherland in 1831
By H. E.MAUDE
When Fletcher Christian selected Pitcairn as the future home for

his little band of fugitives from justice and their Polynesian com
panions it is clear that he was attracted primarily by the island's
isolation, inaccessibility and absence of inhabitants.1 Christian, in
short, was looking for a refuge, and as such Pitcairn was ideal : indeed,
it served its purpose so well that eighteen years passed before the
infant colony was discovered, and nearly a quarter of a century before
it was visited by the first men-of-war, H.M.S. Briton and Tagus.2
By this time out of the original population of nine Europeans
and six Polynesian men and thirteen Polynesian women (including
a young girl), all the men except one, John Adams, had died, as had six
of the women ; on the other hand thirty-four children had been born, of
whom two had subsequently died, leaving a net total of forty.3
The little community was found to be in effect a large family
revolving around the regenerate and already patriarchal figure of
Adams ; not surprisingly, when one considers that he was then over
fifty,with the next eldest male a youth of twenty-three.
Even at this late stage, however, Adams was apprehensive lest
he should be required to stand his trial in England for mutiny, and it
was not until reassured on that score by Sir Thomas Staines, of H.M.S.
Briton, that he was able to devote his attention, as a free man, to his
other main worry: the future of those dependent on him.
In other words, Pitcairn had served its purpose as a hideout for
criminals and could now be assessed purely on itsmerits as a permanent
home for the growing colony of Anglo-Polynesians.
Thinking over the problem of the generation rapidly rising around
him, Adams reached two conclusions. Firstly, that his educational
deficiencies were such that he must seek some pious teacher who would
take over their schooling and, it was to be hoped, eventually succeed
him as leader; and secondly that the population would, by natural
increase, soon outrun its resources and necessitate a removal elsewhere.
After unsuccessful attempts to obtain a teacher by appeals to the
captains of visiting ships,4 the London Missionary Society5 and the
1The factors
leading to the eventual choice of Pitcairn for settlement
are discussed inMaude 1958:116, 119-20.
2Most of the
early visits to Pitcairn will be found mentioned in the
introduction to Lucas 1929.
3Staines 1815:218; Lucas 1929:31-2.
4 See for
example Raine 1821:109-10.
5Kotzebue 1830a:
250; letter from John Adams to his brother Jonathan
Adams, 18/1/1819, quoted in Felix Farlees Bristol Journal for March 11,
1820, and, with comments, in Staine [sic] and Pipon, n.d. The Missionary
Society changed itsname to London Missionary Society in 1818.

116 OF THEPOLYNESIAN
JOURNAL SOCIETY
Governor of New South Wales,6 the need was for the time being met by
John Buffett, a sailor from the whaler Cyrus of London, who landed in
1823, and five years later by the better educated George Hunn Nobbs.7
Inception
John Adams* Request
The supposed deficiencies of Pitcairn as a future home were, how
ever, a more serious matter and one which exercised Adams more and
more as his charges increased. It was evidently being discussed even as
early as 1817, when Teehuteatuaonoa, the widow of Isaac Martin, left
the island to return to Tahiti ;8 and probably in 1819 (certainly before
1824) Adams had informed the missionaries there that "fearing that
the population of his island might exceed the means of subsistence
which their quantity of arable land afforded, he was desirous of
settling some of his families in Tahiti,\9
By 1825, when Captain Beechey called on H.M.S. Blossom, Adams
was seriously alarmed. The community now numbered 66 and was
increasing faster than ever, while the water supply, in particular, was
an uncertain factor and considered insufficient for the needs of any
larger population.10 Alleging that crop yields were less prolific than
in past years, that the supply of timber was nearly exhausted "so that
it iswith the greatest difficultya house can be built", and that he feared
distress and famine, Adams urged Beechey to importune the British
Government to send a ship "to transport them all to N.S. Wales or
Van Diemans Land, or some place where they can all settle together and
cultivate the ground or laboras may be required".11
While there is no record of his having done so, it is altogether prob
able that Adams consulted the elders of his flock?George Young,
Arthur Quintal and Thursday October Christian?on this proposed
move, but in any case they would have certainly left the decision in his
hands, as they were accustomed to leave all important questions affect
ing the community.12 After all, they were in no position to compare
the advantages of Pitcairn with those of any other locality ; and besides
there was then no reason to suppose that the patriarch himself would
not be leading them in person to the promised land.
But, as will be seen, the majority never really wanted to leave their
GSee letter from Heads of Families to Sir Thomas Brisbane, Governor

of New South Wales, quoted in Jervis 1936:376.
7 Lucas 11-12.
1929:7-8,
8
Teehuteatuaonoa, first narrative, published in the Sydney Gazette,
17/7/1819. She was known on Pitcairn as Jenny.
9
Quoted inKotzebue 1830a: 250.
10Bechervaise 1839:175; Buffett 1846:34. "The best well of water is
called Brown's two hundred yards above the village?soft water.
well,
Another, just below the school-house, is used for culinary purposes, stock,
and washing. Other wells have been sought by digging, without success."?
H.M.S. in Barrow
Hon. Capt. W. Waldegrave, Seringapatam, 1830, quoted
1833:158.
11Commander F. W. H.M.S. to Barrow, Second
Beechey, Blossom,
Secretary to the Admiralty, 21/12/1825, F.O. 58/14.
12Bechervaise 173.
1839:171,

Tohitian Interlude 117
island. Pitcairn was home to them in a sense which it had never been
to the Londoner John Adams, who had lived such a large part of his life
elsewhere.13 Adams would indeed have left the island with Sir Thomas
Staines, had the latter not refused to take him out of consideration for
those remaining.14 If he was willing to go alone, or with only his
immediate family, he would have been happier still to take the whole
community, with the blessing and assistance of the British Government,
to some less isolated spot where they could enjoy the amenities of
civilization (and especially the superior educational facilities) and
eventually become absorbed into the society around them.
Once Adams had spoken to Beechey there was no turning back ; he
had started the bureaucratic machinery, which had now to run its
course to the end.
Governmental Response
While still off the island Beechey wrote to John Barrow at the
Admiralty, informing him of Adams' fears and request for removal.
He did this with reluctance, as he would have greatly preferred the
Pitcairn Islanders to remain where theywere ;but Adams had convinced
him that some of them would have to go in any case, and he felt that
"it would be a pity to separate their little colony, as they are all so
much attached to each other and their manners are different from and
superior to the People whom theywould have tomix with".15
As one would expect the letter received immediate attention, for
no one in England took a greater interest in the inhabitants of Pitcairn
than Barrow, or was better informed on their condition and needs. He
had already written two articles dealing with them16 and was then
engaged in collecting the material for his classic work on themutiny of
the Bounty, which was to appear three years later.17
Barrow was clearly alarmed at Beeehey's report of a possible
famine on Pitcairn, and within a few hours of its receipt had sent a
letter to the Colonial Office urging action to preserve "this fine race of
Men, so much improved by the Spice of Otaheitan blood in their veins" :
Old Adams must be a strongminded Man, and tho' a Mutineer, has by
his conduct fully redeemed his offence; but, leaving him out of the
for he cannot survive many years, the fine and unoffending
question,
are deserving of every consideration, and, for one, I confess
offspring
I should be rejoiced if they could all of them be transported to some
Settlement on the eastern coast of New South Wales; the higher up
the better on account of thewarmth of the climate?Or, on Bathurst's
Island opposite to our Establishment on Melville Island.18
13He came from and his brother was a Thames waterman.?

Hackney
T. W. 1818:37-8.
14Dixon 1814 ; P.
Pipon, Narrative of the State [sic] Mutineers of
H.M. Ship "Bounty" Settled on Pitcairn9s Island in the South Seas; in
September, 1814, in Brabourne Collection: 17-51; Shillibeer 1817:92-4.
Beechey to Barrow, 21/12/1825, F.O. 58/14.
16
[Barrow] 1810:23-4; and [Barrow] 1815:374-83. Both were pub
lished anonymously, but the authorship was later acknowledged.
17Barrow 1831. It was first published anonymously.
38Barrow to R. W.
Hay, Colonial Office,29/11/1826, F.O. 58/14.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
Had the first suggestion been adopted the Pitcairn community
would have inevitably ceased to exist : inNew South Wales the islanders
could scarcely have maintained their way of life in the face of pressures
from the Australian population around them, still largely convict in
origin ; and once in Australia their return to Pitcairn as a group would
have been virtually impossible.
As for the second, Barrow was an enthusiastic protagonist of the
Melville Island project and believed that the settlement was destined to
become a second Singapore. The Pitcairn people would, nevertheless,
have arrived too late to be participants, since itwas abandoned, as an
unqualified failure, the year after Barrow wrote. Its successor, at
Raffles Bay, was similarly given up in 1829, or well before the com
pletion of arrangements for themove from Pitcairn.19
Fortunately, however, they were to be saved from Barrow's well
meant endeavours to help by an adventitious factor, or as they would
have expressed it, by providence, in the person of the Rev. Henry Nott,
the most dominant character among the early missionaries on Tahiti.
Nott happened to be on leave in England during 1826 and 1827 and
was in touch with the Government as the bearer of a letter from
Pomare III asking for protection and to be allowed to fly the British
flag. The Colonial Office, then engaged in preparing a reply, not un
naturally took the opportunity of discussing Barrow's letter with such
an acknowledged authority on Polynesian affairs.
The Choice of Tahiti

It was Nott who suggested Tahiti as a more suitable home than
Australia20 and undertook to conduct the necessary negotiations with
the seven year old King Pomare III.21 The Colonial Office readily
agreed, subject to the acquiescence of the Pitcairn community:22 indeed,
it must have seemed the obvious solution. The Pitcairn people were,
after all, part-Tahitian, most of them could at any rate understand
the language and many could speak it, and all presumably had relatives
on the island ;while from the mission point of view the known piety of
the newcomers could only serve as a much needed example to their own
still largely unregenerate flocks.
Novel though Nott's proposal may have seemed at the Colonial
Office, a department unaccustomed to giving much thought to Pacific
Islands affairs, it had long been debated on Tahiti itself. As we have
seen, John Adams had himself mooted the possibility of migration to
Tahiti in a letter to the missionaries there, while Teehuteatuaonoa
had asserted, on her arrival from Pitcairn in 1819, that "they would
all like to come to Taheiti or Eimao". The idea was welcomed, partly
because itwas hoped at the time that the islanders might be persuaded
to work on the ill-fated missionary sugar mill at Opunohu on Moorea,
since the Tahitians showed little promise of turning intowage labour.23
Bach 1958:222-38.
20
Evangelical Magazine 1832b: 118.
21
Hay to J. Planta, Foreign Office,22/2/1827, F.O. 58/14.
22
Hay to Planta, 28/2/1827, F.O. 58/14.
23
Sydney Gazette, 17/7/1819.

Tahitian Interlude 119
When Nott left England again inAugust, 1827, he was, therefore,
armed with an official request for the reception and protection of the
proposed immigrants. In it Earl Canning, the Foreign Secretary, stated
the proposals of the British Government in the following terms :
It has, from various circumstances, become desirable, that certain

individuals (the descendants of an English Subject),24 who have been
living for many years past on Pitcairn's Island, should be removed
from thence to some other Settlement in the Pacifick. His Majesty
has therefore given Orders that a Ship shall be employed for the
purpose of conveying them and their Families to Taheite, provided
you may be willing to receive them into your Dominions.
The British Govt. persuades Itself that you will not refuse your
consent to this arrangement, as the modest & amiable manners of
these people, and theirmoral and religious sentiments, are such as to
have excited a strong feeling in their behalf, in the minds of H.M.'s
Officerswho have visited Pitcairn's Island, as well as on the part of
the British Nation at large.
I have therefore to request that you will grant them a favourable
reception, and will be pleased to extend your Protection to them, and
permit them to fix theirResidence in such quarter of the Islands under
your Govt. as theymay think fit to select, or may be chosen for their
residence by their Friends & Connections in the Island of Taheiti. His
Majesty trusts that their peaceable and industrious conduct will be
found to justify the hospitality & kindness which you may be pleased
to shew to them.
Mr. Nott, who is the Bearer of this Letter, will explain to you
more fully the particulars connected with the intended removal of
these individuals.25
By the time Nott reached Tahiti Pomare III had died and his sister
Aimata, or Pomare IV, was Queen. Canning's letter was read to her
in the presence of the chiefs and missionaries26 and its contents readily
agreed to by the Tahitian Government ; hospitable by nature and glad
to be able to please both the British Government and the missionaries.
"In relation to the persons now residing in Pitcairn's Island", Paofai,
the Secretary of the Tahitian Government, replied to the Foreign Office,
"the queen desires me to say, that they shall be kindly received, and
well treated whenever they shall arrive on these islands".27
The matter was again debated at a meeting of the Chiefs of Tahiti
in March, 1829, at which Commander J. M. Laws, of H.M.S. Satellite,
24 This curious statement is almost due to a too literal inter

certainly
pretation of a sentence in Barrow's letter of 25/11/1826 to Under-Secretary
Hay at the Colonial Office, in which he refers to "Old Adams and his
Descendants on Pitcairn's Island". The Foreign Officewould have known no
better.
25Earl
Canning to Pomare III, 3/3/1827, F.O. 58/14.
26Rev. Nott to L.M.S. Letters:
Henry Directors, 25/4/1829, L.M.S., S.S.
Box 7. With this was also read Canning's reply to the petition from Pomare
III mentioned above, which rejected his request for permission to fly the
British flag but agreed to extend "all such protection as His Majesty can
grant to a friendly power at so remote a distance from his own kingdoms".
27 to Tahitian to Planta,
Paofai, Secretary Government, Foreign Office,
20/2/1829, F.O. 58/14.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
was present by invitation. The result was a further assurance of their
willingness to accept the migrants.28
In the meantime, the return of H.M.S. Blossom to England with
first-hand news of the Pitcairn settlement resulted in the appearance of
a few press notices such as the following, taken from the Hampshire
Telegraph :
The Blossom was at Pitcairn's Island in Dec. 1825. The Colony con
sisted of sixty-five, Adams was alive; they express considerable
anxiety to be transferred to some other part of the Globe, and have
petitioned the Government of this Country to grant them some spot in
New South Wales, which by cultivating may afford them themeans of
subsistence. At Pitcairn's the Colony entertain a dread of famine.29
Pitcairn affairs had not yet, however, become a matter of popular con
cern in England and few people, apart from Barrow and the Directors
of the London Missionary Society, were interested in the fate of the
inhabitants.
Even the Directors were not wholly, or perhaps even mainly,
actuated by solicitude for the Pitcairn community. In urging Nott
(unnecessarily, as it transpired) to expedite his negotiations, they
stressed the importance of the move as "the means of considerably
extending the basis of an active and useful Christian population in the
islands, and so facilitating the permanent settlement therein of the
children of the missionaries and of advancing the interests of religion
and civilization generally therein".80 It was because the colonists
promised to be a bridge uniting the European missionaries and their
Tahitian converts that in fact they were wanted.
Second Thoughts
While all this was going on, Nott and Barrow, the only two persons
outside Pitcairn itself who were in a position to make really informed
opinions on the desirability of the migration, were changing their
previously expressed views; in both cases because they became con
vinced that the islanders themselves did not want tomove.
Nott was converted to this opinion as early as April, 1829, and
immediately informed the Directors at home that :
Several vessels which have lately been at Pitcairns Island and
have touched here, have informedme, that the people expressed no
wish to remove from that Island. The ship Ganges, Captain Coffin,an
American was here two months ago, and had her cabbin full of fine
yams, and had many more below, which she obtained at Pitcairns
Island. I enquired of the Captain if the people expressed any wish
to leave the island, he said no, not at all, he did not hear any
....
complaints
28 Commander to
J. M. Laws, H.M.S. Satellite, Croker, 11/3/1829,
Historical Records ofAustralia XIV: 742.
29
Hampshire Telegraph, 27/9/1828.
30 L.M.S. to and
William A. Hankey, Treasurer, Nott, 19/9/1828
23/4/1829, L.M.S., W.O. Letters: Box I.

Tahithn Interlude 121
If one of H.M. ships could call at some early period and make
enquiry into the state of things at Pitcairn Island and remove any
British subject that may be doing them injury, itwould be well, but I
think to send a vessel on pwpose to take them away, and which
perhaps would be a great expence also, is not a desirable step. They
seem to have improved in agriculture (or more properly horticulture)
and consequently their means of subsistence have increased and as to
the deficiency that might have existed on the arrival of the Blossom, it
might have been caused by some peculiarly dry seasons which might
have happened previous to the arrival of Captain Beechey, and which
might have been the occasion of the representations which were then
made to him . . . ,31
It was unfortunate that Nott did not include his new information
and views in his letter to the Colonial Office forwarding the Tahitian
Government's reply to Canning's request, for there is no record of the
Directors taking any action whatsoever.
But a warship, as recommended by Nott, was in fact sent, though
not in consequence of his suggestion. This was H.M.S. Seringapatam,
in March, 1830 ; and it was because Captain Waldegrave reported all
contented and happy, without complaint or fear of famine, that Barrow
also changed his mind.32 He wrote in his book, which appeared before
the migration took place :
It is sincerely to be hoped that such removal will be no longer

thought of . . . The breaking up of this happy, innocent, and simple
minded little by some summary process, and consigning them
society,
to those sinks of infamy on New Holland or Van Diemen's Land, or to
mix them up with the dram-drinkers, the psalm-singers, and the
languid and lazy Otaheitans, would, in either case, be a subject of deep
regret to all who take an interest in their welfare; and to themselves
would be the inevitable loss of all those amiable qualities which have
obtained for them the kind and generous sympathy of their
countrymen at home.33
One would think that such unequivocal recantations might have

halted proceedings, at least until further enquiry had been made. But
itwas too late ; the machine was in full swing and nothing could now
stop it.
31Nott to L.M.S. SS. Letters: Box 7.

Directors, 25/4/1829, L.M.S.,
32
Owing to the delay in carrying out the transfer requested by Adams
over four years H.M.S. Seringapatam had been despatched by the
before,
indulgent Admiralty with supplies for the supposedly necessitous, if not
islanders, Barrow 1831:354-5. For Captain Walde
actually famine-stricken,
grave's journal of his visit see Barrow 1833:156-62. He estimated that only
one-twelfth of the island was as yet cultivated and that it could support a
seen
population of 1,000, which would not be reached for a century. I have
no evidence to support the assertion made by Scherzer 1861c: 264, who was
some thirty years after the event, that as soon as the islanders heard
writing
of the Government's intention to remove them they wrote to England "and
urgently entreated that theywould not remove them from their own hearth" ;
nobody on the island appears to have raised the question of removal with
Waldegrave.
33 1831:355.
Barrow

JOURNAL SOCIETY
Removal
Sandilands Sets Sail
Once assured that their charges would be welcome in Tahiti, the
British Government began to consider ways and means of getting them
there.
The mysterious and somewhat sinister figure of Joshua Hill, then
still in England, made his first appearance on the Pitcairn stage at
this juncture with an offer to undertake the removal, but probably
fortunately for all concerned the vessel which he had in mind was
considered too small for the purpose.34
The plan eventually adopted was suggested by Commander Laws,
who after his visit to Tahiti in H.M.S. Satellite advised the Admiralty
that "the project of removing the people from Pitcairns Islands to
Otaheta may be easily effected by the Ship of War on the New South
Wales Station with the assistance of one of the Colonial Vessels".35 By
agreement between the Colonial Office and the Admiralty,36 therefore,
Captain A. A. Sandilands, of H.M.S. Comet, then based on Port
Jackson, was directed by the Naval Commander-in-Chief in India to
carry out the removal in co-operation with Governor Darling of New
South Wales, who placed the Colonial Government barque Lucy Ann
(208 tons) also at his disposal.37
Sandilands requested that someone "well acquainted with the
islands" should go with him as a liaison and the Governor was fortu
nate enough to secure the services of Samuel Henry, who was on a visit
to Australia at the time.38 Samuel was the eldest son ofWilliam Henry,
one of the pioneer company of missionaries to Tahiti, and his firstwife
Sarah. Born in Tahiti in 1800 he became a seaman, serving his time in
Samuel Marsden's Active and later in the Haweis, which had been built
by the missionaries for Pomare II ; and in 1820 he was put in charge
of Pomare's ships, the Queen Charlotte and the Governor Macquarie.
In partnership with Thomas Ebrill, Henry owned a sugar plantation at
Mairipehe, was fluent in Tahitian and had been present at Commander
Laws' meeting with the chiefs on the proposed removal : it would have
been hardly possible to find anyone more suitable for the work, for
which he was paid ?50.39
34 to Lord James South American Station,

J. Hill Townshend, C.-in-C,
20/6/1834, quoted in Brodie 1851:198; Barrow 1831:354. Undeterred by this
setback Hill, a fanatic with marked paranoid symptoms, determined to
become John Adams' successor. Leaving England in June, 1830, he reached
Tahiti in October only to find his people returned to Pitcairn, where he
followed them the following year. His subsequent reign of tyranny and
eventual removal W. H. Bruce of H.M.S. Imogene, form another
by Captain
chapter of Pitcairn's eventful history.
35Laws to
Croker, 11/3/1829,Historical Records of Australia XIV: 742.
36Sir
George Murray to Governor R. Darling, No. 158, 19/10/1829,
Historical Records of Australia XV: 236-237.
37
Darling toMurray, No. 10, 29/1/1831, Historical Records of Australia
XVI: 48-49.
38 loc. cit.
39 60.
Carnachan n.d.:54-6,

Tahition Interlude 123
A further ?229 was spent in procuring a generous supply of agri
cultural and carpentering tools, clothing and other articles for the
Pitcairn people (including trousers for the men, duck frocks for the
women and a large quantity of blankets), as well as presents for the
Tahitians ; and the two ships left Port Jackson on the 27th December,
1830.40 It had been originally decided to call at Tahiti first to confirm
that the Pitcairn colony would still be welcome, but this deviation was
rendered unnecessary through the unexpected arrival of the missionary
William Crook from that island and his assurance that "they will be
received without hesitation at Otaheite".41
Decision and Departure

Pitcairn was reached on the 28th February and a meeting of the
heads of the island families called at which Sandilands explained the
object of his visit and emphasized that everyone was free either to go
or to stay. To assist them in deciding, Henry gave a talk on Tahiti and
the believed intentions of the Queen and chiefs for their reception there.
Half the population decided to go immediately, and the others the follow
ing day.
Sandilands was convinced, from his observations ashore, that the
physical conditions of life on the island made the move imperative. He
reported to Governor Darling :
On my arrival at Pitcairns Island I found them exceedingly distressed
forWater, and what they had was procured with great difficulty,and
altho the fertility of this Island has reared a comparatively numerous
population yet this very circumstance from their encreasing numbers
renders the necessity for emigration the more obvious.42
It is clear, however, that a large number of the Pitcairn people

never wanted to go at all. Sandilands, feeling the migration to be so
his
desirable, could scarcely be expected to emphasize this feeling in
report but it was obvious to his officers, one of whom wrote later that,
"the inhabitants on their arrival, seemed to have changed their mind,
and naturally showed great reluctance to leave the spot where almost all
5
of them had been born and brought up".4
40 Statement on board the "Lucy Ann"
of Articles shipped for presents
at the Society and Friendly Isles, and for thePersons intended to be removed
from Pitcairn1 s Island, Historical Records of Australia XVI: 52. Many of
these articles of great value later on : as part of the payment made
proved
to the captain who returned the survivors to Pitcairn.
41
Darling to Captain A. A. Sandilands, 24/12/1830, Historical Records
of Australia XVI:50-51.
42For Sandilands*
reports of his proceedings at Pitcairn and Tahiti see
Sandilands to Darling, 19/4/1831, M.L. A1267-12. There is an incomplete
:
version, with minor textual differences and dated 9/4/1831, in Barrow 1833
162-4. A similar (but again not identical) report, dated 26/5/1831, was sent
Sandilands to Rear Admiral Sir E. W. C. R. Owen, C.-in-C, India Station,
by
and is quoted in Brodie 1851:67-71. In Sandilands to Consul R. Charlton,
7/4/1831, enclosed with the first-mentionedreport, he speaks of the islanders
taking three days after the meeting to make up their minds to leave, but
from the reports themselves and other supporting evidence itwould appear
that all had decided by the 2nd March.
43Madras Government Gazette, quoted in the Asiatic Journal 1832:106.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
Nevertheless, it is equally clear that the islanders were not pressed
to leave. Buffett, married to a Pitcairn girl and present at themeeting,
is definite on the point that :
Captain Sandilands told us it was optional with us. If we wished to

go, we if not, we
could; could remain. He brought us a present of
clothing &c, from the government, and said to us, "If some of you
wish to remain I will leave you your portion".44
In the event, not through pressure from Sandilands, or any of his

personnel; "but from the persuasions of those who were going, and
more or less nearly related, it also being a time of drought, they finally
all concluded to leave".45
Even those who were genuinely willing appear to have gone from
very mixed motives : reluctance to offend the British authorities, who
had taken so much trouble and expense in their supposed interests, was
probably the principal reason with most ; and after that a desire to see
the land which their Tahitian mothers or grandmothers had spoken of
in such glowing terms.40 That there was any real fear of the island's
water or food resources proving insufficient is doubtful.
Whatever their motives, however, that many would want to visit
Tahiti was a foregone conclusion; that in this event all would decide
to go is a striking testimony to the united family feeling on the island.47
There seems, moreover, to have been a general impression that if they
did not like their new home they would be returned ; it is certain that
Sandilands gave no such undertaking, but at such a time of emotional
stress some chance remark, coupled with wishful thinking, would be
more than sufficient.48
There could scarcely have been any informed discussion on the pros
and cons of the proposed move, for the Pitcairn Islanders had insufficient
experience of the outside world to enable them to appreciate the diffi
culties involved in mixing with peoples holding very different cultural
attitudes, handicapped as they were by an insular intolerance begotten
of deeply-held religious, ethical and racial views. Nor could they have
visualised the medical hazards they ran through exposure to diseases to
which they had no acquired immunity. They were going to the land of
Canaan, said the more optimistic, and no one knew enough to refute
them.
The most reluctant to leave were the Englishmen, Nobbs and
Buffett, who having decided to settle on Pitcairn from deliberate choice
were loth to be uprooted. Nobbs, in particular, felt that with the
missionaries established on Tahiti his services as pastor and school
teacher would cease to be required ; he therefore asked to be allowed to
44Buffett 1846:34.
45
loc. cit.
46 Bennett 1840a: 51.
47 same was shown in the unanimous
The strong community feeling
decision to go to Norfolk Island in 1856 and to become Seventh Day
Adventists in 1887.
48Moerenhout 1837b:309; Scherzer 1861c:264.

remain behind, with his wife and family. But popular pressure was too
strong and he finally agreed to go with the rest.49
Once the removal had been decided on the ships were loaded with
household goods and provisions for the voyage and within four days
the entire population, totalling 86, had been embarked on the Lucy Ann.
Of this number, 79 were born and bred Pitcairn Islanders, and an
analysis of their ages, prepared from the detailed list forwarded with
Captain Sandilands' report, will serve to show the essentially youthful
composition of the group :50
Ages Males Females Totals

40 and over . ?1 1
30-39 . 9 7 16
20-29 . 5 4 9
16-19 . 5 2 7
10-15 . 6 4 10
Under 10. 19 36 17
Totals 45 79
34
With them went the two Englishmen, the Welshman John Evans, and
the four survivors of the original settlers, Isabella, Susannah, Nancy
and Prudence.
Of these last Isabella was the Tahitian Mauatua, former wife of
Fletcher Christian, who had three children by him and a further three
by Edward Young ; Susannah was the Tahitian Teraura, Young's wife,
who had one child by him and six by her subsequent marriage to
Thursday October Christian; Nancy was Toofaiti, former wife of
Tararo and probably from either Raiatea or Huahine,51 with four
children by Edward Young; and Prudence was either the Tahitian
Mareva, who came to Pitcairn with the Tahitians Teirnua (Teriinua?)
and Manarii, or Tinaforuea, who accompanied the Tubuai chief
Taroamiva (later called Titahiti) but was probably also a Tahitian:
neither Mareva nor Tinaforuea had issue.
It was forty-one years since the four had left Tahiti and they could
have had little conception of the changes that had taken place in the
interim. Nevertheless they were an important element in the migrant
party as being the one tangible link between the two peoples ; especially
49The Humble Petition

of George Hann [sic] Nobbs, late Teacher at
Pitcairn/s Island, quoted in Brodie 1851:180.
50A
comparison of the ages as given by Sandilands with the dates of
birth given in the Pitcairn Island Register Book shows several to have been
but these minor discrepancies are insufficient to affect the
under-stated,
general picture of immaturity.
51The second
supposition is based on her identificationwith Puni (or
Vuni), the Huahine girl who "happened to be at Tahiti at the time of the
Bounty leaving for Pitcairn's Island", Brodie 1851:79; and see also Metoixos
(Hugh Charlton) "Pitcairn's Island", a letter to the London Times, repro
duced in the Shipping Gazette and Sydney General Trade List, 19/10/1850.
In the 1840's the Queen of Huahine suggested that some of Puni's descend
ants on Pitcairn should settle on her family lands, which were reported to be
extensive.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
since both Mauatua and Teraura seem to have possessed characters
which distinguished them from the other women who landed with the
mutineers, with the exception of Teehuteatuaonoa, and Hall has argued
that, as the consorts of British Naval officers, they were "of distin
guished Polynesian blood".52
Sixteen days later, on the 23rd March, 1831, the 87 intending
settlers (for Lucy Ann Quintal had been born en route, and called after
the ship) arrived at Papeete after an uncomfortable voyage and their
drooping spirits were for the moment raised by the entrancing loveli
ness of mountain and shore, surpassing even their own beloved island
in grandeur and luxuriance.
The Pitcairn Islanders in Tahiti

Initiation
They were to be disillusioned all too soon. How could it have very
well been otherwise; for it would be difficult to imagine a greater
contrast than between the young band of Pitcairn Islanders and the
Tahitian population at the time ofAimata's succession.
On the one hand the immigrants formed a large but united family,
of which the eldest was only 40, brought up by a beloved patriarch in
habits of simple piety and mutual affection and in almost complete
isolation from the rest of the world, with scarcely an inkling of the
frailty and shortcomings of ordinary mortals. Such unsophistication
and innocence (and it was genuine, not assumed) could hardy have
existed elsewhere outside thewalls of a nunnery.
The Tahitians, on the other hand, were passing through a difficult
transitional period. Only recently converted to a nominal Christianity,
they had soon wearied of the puritanical precepts of the missionaries
and for the most part were being forced into the outward observance
of an alien moral code by the fear of punishment.
With the accession of the new Queen in 1827, these missionary
imposed sanctions were to a great extent alleviated. Young, head
strong and intemperate, she and her entourage set an example of
personal indulgence which many, though by no means all, of her
subjects were only toowilling to follow.
Teehuteatuaonoa could have warned her former friends of what
was in store, for on Pitcairn she had dreamed of the day when she
could get back to her longed for island, and never leave it again. Yet
when Kotzebue saw her only a few years later she had evidently been
scandalized by all that she had observed and "was now all impatience
to return [to Pitcairn]".53 This was in 1824 and things had certainly
not improved since.
But Teehuteatuaonoa was now dead54 and Moerenhout was prob
52Hall 1935:78.
53Kotzebue 1830a: 249.
54This is admittedly not certain, but I submit that itmay be assumed
from the fact that Teehuteatuaonoa is never once mentioned in any account
of the islanders' stay on Tahiti, nor did she return to Pitcairn with the others
two Tahitian women, Mauatua and Teraura), as
(including the surviving
she would almost assuredly have done had she been alive.

ably the only person in all Tahiti who had any recent personal know
ledge of the Pitcairn Islanders.55 He had visited them twice in 1829,
when a number of the young men had accompanied him on a
pearl
diving expedition to South Marutea Island, in the neighbouring
Tuamotus ; and as a result of these contacts he had developed a warm
regard for the whole community.56 Hurrying on board the Lucy Ann,
he did his best to hearten his anxious friends, but with little hope him
self of any favourable outcome for their venture: "Jetant un oe? de
piti? sur toutes ces jeunes filles et ces enfants innocens, je maudissais
les imprudens dont les absurdes suggestions pouvaient amener tant de
malheurs."57
This, then, was themilieu intowhich the unworldly Pitcairn colony

was to be thrust. On the very night of their arrival they were given a
portent of the state of affairs ashore ; for some fiftywomen swam out
to the ships, or were brought by their husbands or fathers. The
resultant scenes of unabashed prostitution so horrified, and indeed
terrified, the simple folk that the next morning they besought the
captain to take them straight back to Pitcairn.58
Sandilands, of course, lacked the authority to do anything so
drastic, and probably the desire as well, for he was a firm believer that
the move to Tahiti would prove ultimately to be for their good; and
understandably, he made no mention of the incident in his report.
To be fair to the captain, he had other worries on his mind, for
the political situation on Tahiti was at as low an ebb as themoral. Civil
war had broken out ; caused in part by Aimata having given at least
tacit approval to the revival of an abrogated custom involving the
making of ceremonial presentations to her in each district, a proceed
ing which a number of the chiefs, led by Tati, were determined to
oppose.59
The details of this involved dispute do not concern us here, but
as a result the armed forces of Pomare IV and the recalcitrant chiefs
were facing each other in preparation for combat as H.M.S. Comet and
her tender entered the harbour.
Both parties, however, hastened to assure Sandilands that the
promises already made concerning the Pitcairn Islanders would be
scrupulously kept and, at Aimata's request, the now unwilling immi
grants were landed at her own family seat at Outuaiai, some three miles
55
Moerenhout, who gives by far the best account of the Pitcairn
Islanders in Tahiti, had arrived on his second visit there inNovember, 1830,
and was engaged in his extensive commercial activities. He was to be
appointed Consul for the United States in 1835, and four years later Consul
for France.
seMoerenhout 114-31.
1837a:60-71,
57Moerenhout 1837b: 310. A
missionary, reporting the arrival of the
islanders, wrote in similar vein : "They are really an interesting people, but
I'm afraid their morals will soon be corrupted by the Otaheitians." Canton
Register, 16/1/1832, quoted in theAsiatic Journal 1832:106-7.
58 [Moerenhout] 1832:100. From internal evidence the author of this
letter, dated fromTahiti on 15/5/1831, is clearly Moerenhout.
59
[Moerenhout] 1832:98-100.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
from Papeete, where houses were provided for them.60 To the end of
their stay the Queen was to remain their unfailing friend and bene
factor, despite her own troubles.
Reception
Though Captain Sandilands was not prepared to take his charges
back to their former home, he proved to be a most conscientious and
humane officer within the limits of his instructions; and was even
prepared to stretch these limits if he considered it necessary for their
future welfare.
He began by tackling the political situation, and with the help of
the missionaries (with whom he was on the best of terms throughout
his stay), the quarrel between Aimata and her subjects was duly patched
up. While taking the main part in the negotiations, he modestly gives
the credit for their success to his mission colleagues ;61 in actual fact it
seems to have been due mainly to the good sense of Tati and his fellow
rebels who, feeling that the Queen had been humiliated enough,
accepted a compromise and withdrew their forces. By the same evening,
says Moerenhout, Papeete was a deserted town.02
Peace established, Sandilands was able to visit the land which the
Queen had tentatively allocated to the immigrants, subject to his
approval as representative of the British Government. This was
situated in her own district of Papaoa, to the north of the island, and,
after being thoroughly examined in company with his officers and the
. . .
missionaries, was pronounced "a beautiful tract of very rich land
a very eligible territory for their future residence".63 Despite the
captain's enthusiasm, however, to the newcomers "it seemed very small
in comparison with Pitcairn's" ; and was in any case a disappointment,
for they had understood from Henry that they were probably going to
be given the Isthmus of Taravao, connecting Tairarapu with the main
part of the island.64
The chiefs of the district were thereupon assembled in Sandiland's
presence, while the Queen, to quote his report :
formally communicated to them that she had assigned this Land to the
Inhabitants of Pitcairns, giving orders at the same time that her
when
People should immediately commence the construction of houses,
they had made an election of a site, suited to their wishes, and the
materials for erecting those houses were in considerable forwardness
previous to my departure.65
Satisfied that he had now done all he could to ensure that the
new home,
immigrants would be materially well provided for in their
Sandilands' last act before leaving Tahiti on the 8th April was to
goSandilands to Darling, 19/4/1831, M.L. A1267-12.

61Sandilands to L.M.S. missionaries, 4/4/1831, quoted in theEvangelical
Magazine 1832a: 30.
62
[Moerenhout] 1832:100.
63Sandilands to Owen, 26/5/1831, quoted in Barrow 1831:70.
Buffett 1846:35.
?* Sandilands to Darling, 19/4/1831, M.L. A1267-12.

arrange on his own initiative for them to be rationed for the first six
months of their stay, after which it was expected that they would be
self-supporting. This was done by contract with the local entrepreneur
J. G. Bicknell, at a charge of 3d per lb. for fresh meat and 5/- per cwt.
for vegetables, the scale provided being 3 lbs. of meat per man per week,
with 14 lbs. for each woman or child, and of vegetables H lbs. and 1 lb.
respectively per person per diem. The missionaries Pritchard, Nott
and Wilson undertook to see that the agreement was faithfully carried
out.66
Disillusion
With Tahiti once more at peace there was no longer any reason
why the Pitcairn people should continue to reside under the immediate
protection of her personal followers, so the Queen generously handed
over for their temporary use a large house which she owned in the town
of Papeete itself.67
Here they stayed while the negotiations for their settlement were
being concluded, and here the warm-hearted Tahitians tried their best
to make them feel at home. Hospitality was not lacking, particularly on
the part of those who could trace in the newcomers the descendants of
some long-lost relation :
A feeling of great regard was universally manifested to this People

by the Otaheitians, who endeavoured with great diligence to find out
those who were their relatives, in which they were often successful;
and in one instance, a woman came a considerable distance, and dis
covered in one of the four remaining Otaheitian Woman a Sister.68
Bewildered by developments hitherto not conceived of and prob

ably still undecided what to do, the community moved to Papaoa where,
as their houses were not yet completed, they were compelled to live for
the time being with the local Tahitian families.69 This experience
proved to be the final straw ;what they saw and heard at Papaoa, "in
the midst of the most corrupt people of the island",70 made them realize
that the gulf between the Pitcairn and Tahitian way of life was too
great to be bridged by hospitality and kindness, however well
intentioned.
Their position as an Anglo-Polynesian community was, indeed, a
difficult one to sustain. On Pitcairn they had grown up with little con
sciousness of social inferiority ; despite a varying degree of pigmenta
tion and many Polynesian traits in their culture, visitors had invariably
treated them with courtesy, kindness and respect?and as Europeans.
Furthermore, through early training by Adams, later schooling by
Buffett and Nobbs and contacts with the officers and crews of ships,
Gt?See Agreement between Bicknell and Sandilands, and letter from

Sandilands to Pritchard, Nott and Wilson, 8/4/1831, both annexed to
Sandilands to Darling, 19/4/1831,M.L. A1267-12.
67Sandilands to
Darling, 19/4/1831,M.L. A1267-12.
08 loc. cit.
?9Moerenhout 1837b :311.
70

JOURNAL SOCIETY
European ideas, habits and technical processes were becoming increas
ingly predominant and their Polynesian inheritance fast disappearing.
Such marriages as had taken place with foreigners had invariably been
with Europeans.
And yet they were now expected to reverse the cultural trend of
nearly half a century and settle down among a people they had come to
consider their inferiors. Letters from the London Missionary Society in
London convey the impression that the Directors in particular expected
them to be assimilated, and in the process act as a leaven to raise the
moral tone of the Tahitian community.
It was too much to ask: for nowhere in the Pacific is racial pre
judice more marked than in families or groups themselves the product
of inter-racial unions ; and on Pitcairn, then as now, the islanders were
strongly colour conscious. There was reason for this : bitter conflicts
between the Europeans and Polynesian men who came on the Bounty
distinguished the first decade of the island's story, culminating in the
elimination of the latter group ; and naturally enough, both from their
fathers and mothers (for the women had throughout supported and
assisted the Europeans) the rising generation heard justifications for
this crime which tended to disparage the Polynesians and all their
ways?until the result, as Shillibeer noted in 1814, was that "the hatred
of these people to the blacks is strongly rooted".71
Europeans could afford to inter-marry with Polynesians and retain
their racial integrity; not so the Pitcairn Islanders, for whom mis
cegenation spelled assimilation. And if their history teaches us any
thing, it is that the only assimilation they will tolerate is into the
European culture to which they feel they belong. It was no accident
that despite the limited choice of partners offered by their own com
a
munity, not one marriage took place between a Pitcairn Islander and
Tahitian during the whole of their stay on the island.
On the other hand, particularly in some of the material arts, the
life of the two peoples was still sufficiently similar to make it conceiv
overcome their
able, though doubtful, that the migrants might have
racial antipathies in time were it not for a complete and unbridgeable
incompatibility between them on the question of sex.
In matters of sexual morality probably no stricter code existed on
earth than that of the inhabitants of Pitcairn, brought up by their
revered John Adams to regard unehastity in thought, word or deed as the
most heinous of crimes ;72nor any less restrictive than the Tahitians\
had been largely
particularly at this period when customary sanctions
destroyed through the assaults of the missionaries, ably supported in
this instance* by the crews of visiting ships.
71Shillibeer 1817:89. Shillibeer gives a striking illustration of this

in describing a scene on board H.M.S. Briton: "A West Indian
feeling
who was one of the entered the room to attend table as
Black, servants,
usual. [Thursday October] Christian looked at him steadily, rose, asked for
his hat, and said, don't like that black fellow, Imust go\"
72An of their in sexual matters is given by
amusing example naivety
King, who visited the island inMarch, 1819, King 1820:384.

These two factors making for divergence were more than sufficient
to outweigh all the resemblances derived from their common inherit
ance, which might otherwise have been expected to promote fusion. For
decades to come the Pitcairn Islanders were to remember the Tahitians
for two attributes only : their overwhelming kindness and hospitality ;
and their appalling sex life. There could be no meeting ground, for
instance, where conduct permissible in one code, e.g. the dancing of
naked Tahitian youths in front of the Pitcairn girls, merely served to
arouse horror and loathing.73
The project to settle on Tahiti was, therefore, given up by common
consent after a brief trial of the attractions of Papaoa, apparently with
out a sod on their newly-granted land being turned or a house in their
newly-built village occupied ; and the migrant party settled down once
again in the Queen's large house in Papeete, where they could keep
more or less to themselves and would be at hand to take advantage of
any opportunity that might enable them to return to Pitcairn.74 In this
home theywere under the care ofNobbs, who had been asked by Captain
Sandilands to continue to assist the islanders and, with mission super
vision, to act as teacher to their children, duties which he carried on
to the end.75
It was at this stage that, disheartened and desperately homesick,
they began to get ill, and before long to die ;which is scarcely to be
wondered at when one considers their lowered resistance due to
psychological factors, combined with the fact that from long isolation
they must have largely lost their immunity to infectious disease.
Thursday October Christian, the oldest member of the community,
was the first to go, only a month after their arrival ; followed by the
youngest, Lucy Ann Quintal. During the next two months there were
to be ten more deaths to a single birth, including two of the four Poly
nesian women who came with the Bounty.70
Withdrawal
Although the determination to return home was made before the

group was stricken with sickness and, as we have seen, for quite other
reasons, it was the spectacular toll of deaths that gained for them the
sympathy of every section of the population?Tahitians, missionaries
73
74Moerenhout 1837b:312.
73The Humble Petition of George Hann [sic] Nobbs, late Teacher at
Pitcairn's Island, quoted inBrodie 1851:180. That the conduct ofNobbs gave
satisfaction to both the islanders and themissionaries can be seen from the
following letter, signed by Pritchard, Nott and Charles Wilson the day
before the final departure from Tahiti : "The whole of the people belonging
to Pitcairn's Island having mutually agreed to receive Mr. Nobbs as their
sole teacher and minister, we, whose names are undersigned, do hereby
testify our approval of this arrangement, and do most sincerely hope that
he may prove a great and extensive blessing to thewhole of the inhabitants",
Brodie 1851:180.
76Lucas 1929:35-6.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
and traders?and a general agreement that their decision was the only
possible one under the circumstances.77
Even visitors to the island were moved by the plight of the little
band of strangers in the big house by the waterfront, and Young
recounts how the mate of an American whaler named Coffin brought
a supply of special food for the sick. When, as a captain, he visited
Pitairn nineteen years later, his humanity was rewarded by a present
of ten barrels of yams, an act which apparently reduced him to tears.78
Moerenhout did all he could to help them to get away, convinced
as he was that their removal had been a calamity for which he readily
blamed the missionaries. Only a month after their arrival he arranged
for a party consisting of John Buffett, his wife and four children, with
four young men and two boys, to embark on one of his chartered
pearling schooners which was going to Mangareva, barely 300 miles
from Pitcairn, the expenses of deviation being shared. It was intended
that this advance guard should see to the maintenance of the plantations
and livestock and prevent their destruction by the crews of any ships
that might happen to call.79
Unable to obtain the required shell at Mangareva, the little 30 ton
vessel sailed for South Marutea, Moerenhout's favourite pearling
ground, where the captain left them ashore on the plea that adverse
weather prevented him from continuing on to Pitcairn.
Fortunately, however, the French brig Le Courrier de Bordeaux
from Valparaiso was also off South Marutea, with a crew of twenty-six
Borabora islanders engaged in diving for shell. In command was the
well-known Captain Arnaud Mauruc, with whom Moerenhout had
travelled as a passenger on his previous voyage and who had already
visited Pitcairn twice : in December, 1830, and early in 1831 (when it
was of course uninhabited). Despite having lost his 12 ton tender
there on the last occasion he readily agreed to take the party back again
as soon as he had finished his work.
After three weeks ashore on the barren atoll, during which Edward
Christian died, they embarked on the brig and arrived home three days
later, on the 27th June, to find that the hogs had destroyed most of the
yams and had to be caught or shot to save the remainder. Captain
Mauruc stayed with them ashore for over a fortnight with his Poly
nesian crew, whom he evidently had difficulty in controlling; Buffett
complained that they nearly tore down the house in which he was
living.80
Meanwhile back on Tahiti Queen Pomare, helpful as ever, offered
to lend her own small schooner to get the rest home, if they could make
77This remained the

general view: but in point of fact the epidemic
(what disease it was is not known) lasted for only two of the fivemonths
they were on the island and there were no deaths at all during the final
seven weeks. It had evidently spent its force, or the community had gained
an immunity, though there were five subsequent deaths on Pitcairn popularly
held to be due to sequelae.
78 1894:73-4.
Young
79Moerenhout
1837b:312; Buffett 1846:35.
80Buffett
1846:35; Jore 1958:864-5.

her sufficiently seaworthy to undertake the voyage. They worked on
this vessel for some time but it proved to be beyond repair and the
project was reluctantly abandoned.81
Hope now centred on a large schooner which Moerenhout was
expecting from Valparaiso; and when she failed to appear he offered
$2,000 (Spanish) for the 60 ft.Messenger of Peace, which the mission
ary John Williams had built four years before on Rarotonga and had
recently sailed on a cruise to Tonga and Samoa. To recover part of
the cost he obtained an undertaking from the Pitcairn people that,
after their return, a party of young men would work for him as divers.
Moerenhout alleged that Williams accepted, but that another
missionary, David Darling, raised objections on the ground that he
wanted to use the vessel himself on a proposed missionary itineration ;
and that a further proposal to charter her for a few weeks met with a
like fate, despite the intercession of Pritchard, Nott and Wilson, who
offered to defray part of the cost.82
The Society, no friend of Moerenhout's, indignantly denied that
Williams agreed to sell his ship, and one may doubt if in fact he did
(though Moerenhout may have thought so) for he was then busy with
plans for her employment on his own extensive mission work.83
The missionaries were, however, becoming alarmed at the steadily
mounting toll of death, which seemed to be carrying off the entire com
munity. They may also have noticed that while the example of the
immigrants continued to have little or no effect on Tahiti, the converse
was unfortunately becoming no longer quite so true.
Bennett, who called at both Pitcairn and Tahiti a couple of years
later, went so far as to maintain that : "the commercial bustle of Tahiti
had its charms ; to the habits of the people they became but too well
inured ; and it is probable that the Pitcairners would soon have become
reconciled to their new abode, had not disease assailed them.,,S4
This is surely an overstatement. The Pitcairn people never became
inured to the habits of the Tahitians, but the demoralizing atmosphere
of Papeete was beginning to have an effect towards the end : the long
abandoned art of distilling spirits was revived and some of them began
to drown their unhappiness in drink.85 Who can blame them ?
When, therefore, Captain John Driver of the Salem whaler Charles
Daggett arrived at Papeete and offered to take the sixty-five left back
to their island home for a total of $500, the Rev. George Pritchard
immediately organized a subscription to which the missionaries, and
indeed the whole European community, contributed ;while the Pitcairn
folk assisted by selling the blankets and other articles leftwith them by
Captain Sandilands. Apparently $300 was raised thus, and for the
balance the captain agreed to accept a quantity of copper bolts from
tVip "Rmifn.tnwVnVVi tViPv ViaH hrnnaht. with thpm 80
81
loc. cit.
82Moerenhout
1837b:312-13; [Moerenhout] 1832:100-1.
83
Evangelical Magazine 1832b: 119.
84Bennett 1840a: 52.
85 Brodie 1851:76.
s^Brodie 1851:75; Buffett 1846:35.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
"
In a letter from The People of Pitcairn Island" to the owners of
the Charles Daggett at Salem, Massachusetts, written only two days
before she left Tahiti, one can sense some of their pathetic anxiety
to get home :
We hope you will not be displeased with Captain Driver on account of

the step he is now taking. Great mortality has prevailed among us
since we resided at Tahiti. We have buried twelve and we fear that
should we remain here our number will soon be very small. In com
pliance with our earnest entreaties, and through the kind intercedence
of the Missionaries and other foreigners, Captain Driver has agreed to
take us to our island (viz. Pitcairn's). We sincerely hope it will not
prove detrimental to his voyage. We wish him and each of you the
best of blessings.87
By the time the Pitcairn community sailed from Papeete harbour

again on the 14th August they had been just a week short of five
months on Tahiti during which, though keeping purposely aloof, they
had come to be regarded with affection by the open-hearted people, who
had learned to respect, if not to emulate, their mode of life :
Les Pitcairniens, d?j? si inter?ssans par la bont? et par la douceur de

leur caract?re, le devinrent encore davantage par leur malheur, pendant
leur s?jour ? O-taiti; de sorte qu'ils s'y firent aimer et long-temps
regretter de tous.88
Two weeks later, on the 2nd September, they were back again on
their beloved rock. Twelve had died on Tahiti and a further five died
supposedly as a result of their sojourn there, making a total loss of
seventeen (or one-fifth of the entire population). It is perhaps signifi
cant that both Mauatua and Teraura, the two Tahitian survivors of
the original settlement, elected to return to Pitcairn rather than remain
behind with their relatives.
Epilogue
Repercussions
Reactions to the episode outside Tahiti and Pitcairn itself were

few and mild. Lord Goderich, from the Colonial Office, thanked Captain
Sandilands for the "zeal and ability" with which he had carried out the
with the rationing
operation.89 Governor Darling was quite happy
arrangement, and considered the scale and prices very moderate and
likely to add little to the ultimate cost of the venture; though the
Colonial Office disagreed, maintaining that it "will add very consider
the ?279
ably to the other expenses".90 Actually it cost ?125 which, with
was eventually paid from Imperial funds, i.e. from
already incurred,
87Commercial Advertiser, 23/5/1832.
88Moerenhout 1837b:313.
S9Viscount Goderich to Governor Bourke, No. 51, 23/12/1831, Historical
Records of Australia XVI:482.
90
Darling to Goderich, No. 45, 25/5/1831, Historical Records of
Australia XVI:259; Goderich to Bourke, No. 51, 23/12/1831.

the Military Chest, and not charged to the Colony of New South
Wales.91
Samuel Henry was not forgotten, as Sandilands had been impressed
with his abilities and recommended him as a pilot and interpreter "in
any service connected with the Eastern Pacific Islands".92 Henry was
to remain a friend of the islanders and one finds him, a few years later,
playing a beneficent role in opposing the tyranny of Joshua Hill.
The next warship to visit Tahiti, H.M.S. Zebra, reported the
people gone :
Although every possible attention and kindness was shewn them by the
Queen, the Chiefs and the Tahitians in general, and although every
want was amply provided by the Agent appointed to supply them, they
became so wretched and melancholy, and pined so much after their
Native Island, that, after five Months' residence here during which
period twelve of their Number died, the Missionaries, with that
Christian feeling which marks their Character, raised a subscription of
Six hundred and fifty Spanish Dollars, and Chartered a Vessel which
took them to Pitcairns Island in September last.93
But actually the islanders had themselves announced their return

direct to Lord Goderich, giving as their reason the unhealthiness of
Tahiti; and the British Government, far from administering any
reproof, replied in almost apologetic terms, expressing their regret
that their well-meant project had been "frustrated by circumstances
which itwas impossible to foresee", and assuring them "of the interest
which His Majesty continues to feel in their favour".94
The Governor of New South Wales was directed to send them an
immediate supply of soap, since they were reported to be becoming
"rather negligent as to their ablutions", as well as any other supplies
which they might require from time to time, provided no large expendi
ture was involved.95 Great Britain may have made a mistake, but she
had meant well enough, and in any case the Admiralty, with Barrow
its new Secretary, was not easily to be deviated from the role of Fairy
Godmother to the Empire's smallest and most romantic outpost.
Long after their intended flock had fled the Directors of the London
Missionary Society at home were still sending letters of advice and
admonition on their treatment; and still feeling that "there is some
special design, in providence, connected with the peculiar training of
these people in a remote and desolate island for a number of years and
their present removal to Tahiti where they are recognised by the
91Goderich to
Bourke, No. 9, 4/8/1831, Historical Records of Australia
XVI:318-319; Goderich to Bourke, No. 64, 20/2/1832, Historical Records of
Australia XVI: 524; Bourke to Goderich, No. 69, 3/8/1832,Historical Records
of Australia XVI: 688.
92Sandilands to
Darling, 19/4/1831, M.L. A1267-12.
93 H.M.S. to Bourke, Historical Records
G. H. McMurdo, Zebra, 7/7/1832,
of Australia XVI: 688-689. I consider Buffetta statement that the charter
price was $500 to be more reliable.
94
Hay to Joshua Hill, 31/5/1832, Historical Records of Australia
XVI: 668.
95
Hay to Bourke, 15/6/1832,with enclosure Hill toGoderich, 20/11/1831,
Historical Records ofAustralia XVI: 667-668.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
missionaries and the natives as descendants, respectively, of an English
and a Tahitian stock."96
In informing them of the outcome, Pritchard blamed the unfortu
nate impression created in the minds of the newcomers by the civil
war, as well as the sickness which had so alarmed them.97 The Rev.
Thomas Blossom, however, writing from Moorea, believed that they
would have settled down "if they had been placed in a more retired
situation, where they could have been more to themselves". He had him
self tried to persuade them to move to Opunohu, and would have gone
with them.98
As for the general public, it never had an opportunity to hear of
the incident. Neither the Government nor the mission was anxious to
publicize something that they would sooner was forgotten ; and there
was no "Special Correspondent" on Tahiti ready to make the most of
a journalistic scoop.
The few reports that did get into the press were invariably hostile
to the whole transfer. Announcing the return of the Cornet, the
Australian represented most of the migrant party as "discontented
with their change of situation", and anxious to return home ; and con
cluded that "unless with their decided consent, we consider it would
have been more kindness to have left them in their native isle."99
Clearly not all Sandilands' officers agreed with him on the inevitability
of the move.
In the East, where there was a special interest in Pacific affairs
and Christian missions were unpopular, there were a few brief notices.
Someone on H.M.S. Comet wrote a critical account of the transfer in
the Madras Government Gazette,100 and a "gentleman resident at
Woahoo" sent a more circumstantial letter on the removal and return
to the Canton Register, blaming the missionaries for everything.101

Some mild interest may have been aroused in France when the latter
was reproduced in the Revue Brittanique.102
Almost without exception, every report published considered the
missionaries responsible for the whole episode, and not always in
temperate terms. The Monthly Review wrote :
It is with infinite regret that we further learn from a paragraph,

which has lately gone the round of the newspapers, that a vessel sent
to Pitcairn's Island by the Missionaries of Otaheite (those moral
scourges of the Pacific) has carried offthe whole of the settlers to the
latter island ! If this be so, it crowns the iniquities of these harpeys,
who ought to be swept from the face of the earth.103
96 and Clayton to Nott, et al, 17/2/1832[?], L.M.S., W.O.

Hankey
Letters: Box II.
97 Rev. Pritchard to L.M.S. Directors, L.M.S., S.S.
George 24/11/1831,
Letters: Box 8.
98Rev. Thomas Blossom to L.M.S. Directors, 17/5/1831, L.M.S., S.S.
Letters: Box 8.
99
Australian, 27/5/1831:2.
100
Quoted in the Asiatic Journal 1832:106.
101Canton
Register, 16/1/1832, quoted in theAsiatic Journal 1832:106-7.
i?2 Revue 1832:296-332.
Britannique
103
Monthly Review 1831:413.

Tahition Interlude 137
The sole informed and detailed account of the migration to appear,
though one no less critical of the missionaries, was by Moerenhout him
self : this took the form of a long anonymous letter to "a scientific
gentleman" dated from Tahiti on the 15th May, 1831, which was first
published in the United Service Journal, the portions relating to the
Pitcairn migration being later copied "with great pain" (owing to its
strictures on the mission) by the London Literary Gazette.104 It was
the only notice to merit an answer from the Directors of the London
Missionary Society.105
But these erudite breezes passed well over the head of the man in
the street, who as already stated took little interest in Pitcairn affairs
until the story of the colony had been popularized by writers such as
Sir John Barrow and the Rev. Thomas Murray.
Captain Freemantle, of H.M.S. Challenger, the next warship to
call at Pitcairn after the return, was told by the people in 1833 that
"they had never been happy or contented since they quitted it, and that
nothing would have induced them to do so, excepting the fear of dis
pleasing the British Government, which they thought they might have
done, had they not profited by the means offered to remove themselves.
Now, however, being re-established there, they would ever remain."
He considered them "not improved by their visit to Otaheite, but on the
contrary, as I had reason to think, were much altered for the worse,
having, since their return, indulged in intemperance to a great degree,
distilling a spirit from the tee root, which grows in great quantities on
the island."106 A year later Bennett was to find that "the injurious
effects of a more extensive intercourse with the world were but too
evident in the restless and dissatisfied state of many amongst them, as
well as in a licentiousness of discourse."107 The community could clearly
ill afford the loss of its two leaders, Edward Young, who had died a
month after the return, and Thursday October Christian.
Profit and Loss

Yet an honest balance sheet would not show all items on the debit
side ; for as against the unhappiness, sickness and death, the insidious
lowering of moral standards and the recrudescence of intemperance, one
must place the growth of the community from adolescence to manhood.
They could not have lived their Arcadian existence for much longer, for
contacts with the ouside world were inevitable; and if the particular
one now chronicled was rather drastic it at least compelled them to
assume, for the first time, an adult part in the direction of their own
affairs. Experience of the facts of life in an imperfect world was
essential to their further development as a group, and it is useless to
lament that when itwas gained they had lost much of their naive and
childlike innocence, so intriguing to a succession of visiting naval
officers,who were not as a rule noted for such qualities themselves.
104
[Moerenhout] 1832:98-101; London Literary Gazette 1832:21.
105 1832b: 118-119.
Evangelical Magazine
106 to Secretary to the Admiralty, 30/5/1833,
Captain C. H. Freemantle
quoted in Brodie 1851:160.
107 Bennett 1840a:53.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
If the Pitcairn migration raised scarce a ripple at the time, it has
perhaps a wider interest for us today. For it was the first of a
number of community migration projects in the Pacific Islands to be
sponsored by European Governments, and our greater experience of
migration techniques and the factors conducive to success make it
possible today to deduce with some confidence why such a well-inten
tioned scheme had inevitably to come to utter failure.
It was because I had myself organized two successful community
colonization schemes, and assisted in the promotion of two others,108
that I became interested in this prototype of a century before;
and at first sight it seemed that all the criteria that I had considered
essential had been provided. The Pitcairn people were going to an
island where the physical conditions of life?terrain, climate, vegeta
tion?were similar; they would be among people related to them, with
whom they could converse in a common tongue ; their land grant was to
be adequate and their tenure rights safeguarded; and they could begin
at once to grow the same crops with the horticultural methods towhich
they were accustomed. And in addition, more fortunate than the
participants in most later ventures, they were required to undertake
no period of rough pioneering : thanks to the benevolence and generosity
of the British Government and Pomare IV and to the discerning fore
thought of Sandilands, their houses were to be built for them, while
they were to be maintained until their crops came to maturity and
provided with ample supplies of clothing, tools and other necessities.
In short, if material criteria were all that need be taken into
account, the migration should never have failed. But we now know,
from experience in other Pacific settlement projects, that material
factors are not all by any means ; that in fact they often take second
place to psychological considerations. And itwas precisely at this point
that the whole venture collapsed.
The Tahitian Interlude has, therefore, some warnings to offer an
age when attempts to alleviate increasing population pressure by
planned re-settlement schemes are being made in so many island
territories. These caveats, if I have read them rightly, are firstly that
you cannot move a people who do not really want to go, unless they
realize that they cannot possibly get back home; and secondly that
where there are marked racial prejudices or cultural incompatibilities,
the immigrants must be enabled to keep separate as a group so that the
necessary modifications may take place at an assimilable pace.
If the Pitcairn community had really wanted to migrate, an unin
habited volcanic island reasonably near Tahiti or some more civilized
a
centre would have offered the best prospect for success, for in such
place (e.g. on Mehetia) both the material and non-material require
ments could have been met. After all, Pitcairn itself had been colonized
had found, by
only because Fletcher Christian and his fellow mutineers
actual trial, that they could not settle successfully among a Polynesian
were the truth of the lesson
people ; his descendants merely emphasizing
he had learnt forty-two years before on Tubuai.
108The colonisation of the Phoenix Islands by Gilbertese; of Rambi

Island by Banabans; of Kioa Island by Ellice Islanders; and of Nassau
Island by Pukapukans.

Tohition Interlude 139
REFERENCES
A.?-Manuscript Series
Brabourne Collection. Banks' Papers, Brabourne Collection, Vol. 1.
Sydney, Mitchell Library.

F.O. 58/14. British Foreign Office : General Correspondence, Pacific Islands.
L.M.S., S.S. Letters. London Missionary Society, South Sea Letters, Boxes
7 and 8.
L.M.S., W.O. Letters. London Missionary Society, Western Outgoing

Letters, South Seas and West Indies, Boxes I and II.
M.L. A1267. Despatches from Governor of New South Wales. Enclosures,
etc. P.R.O. copies, 1830-1831. Sydney, Mitchell Library.
B.?Manuscripts
Dixon, Admiral Manley, 1814. Letter to Croker, J. W., Secretary to the

Admiralty, Dec. 1, 1814. Sydney, Mitchell Library, photostat A1815.
Staine [sic], Sir T., & Pip?n, n.d. Interesting Report of theOnly Remain
ingMutineers . . . Sydney, Mitchell Library, typescript 999.7s.
C.?Newspapers
Australian, 1831.
Commercial Advertiser (Boston, Massachusetts), 1832.
Felix Farlees Bristol Journal, 1820.
Hampshire Telegraph, 1828.
Shipping Gazette and Sydney General Trade List, 1850.
Sydney Gazette, 1819.
D.?Books and Periodicals
Asiatic Journal, 1832. "Polynesia." n.s. VIII: 106-107. Quotations from the
Madras Government Gazette, Calcutta Government Gazette, and Canton
Register.
"
Bach, John, 1958. Melville Island and Raffles Bay, 1824-9." Journal and
Proceedings of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 44:222-238.

[Barrow, Sir John], 1810. Review of M. de Rossel, "Voyage de Dentre
casteaux envoy? ? la Recherche de la P?rouse ..." Quarterly Review,
111:23-24.
? ? "
1815. Review of Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific Ocean by
Captain David Porter, in the United States Frigate Essex, in the years
1812, 1813, and 1814, . . ." Quarterly Review, XIII: 374-383.
Barrow, Sir John, 1831. Eventful History of the Mutiny and Piratical
Seizure of H.M.S. "Bounty11; its Cause and Consequences. London,
John Murray.
? ? "
comp., 1833. Recent Accounts of the Pitcairn Islanders." Journal
of the Royal Geographical Society, 111:156-168.
Bechervaise, J., 1839. Thirty-six years of a Seafaring Life, by an Old
Quarter Master. Portsea, W. Woodward.
Bennett, F. D., 1840a and b. Narrative of a Whaling Voyage round the
Globe, from the year 1833 to 1836, 2 vols. London, Richard Bentley.
Brodie, Walter, 1851. Pitcairn1 s Island and the Islanders in 1850. London,
Whittaker & Co.

JOURNAL SOCIETY
Buffett, John, 1846. "A Narrative of 20 years' Residence on Pitcairn's
Island." The Friend, IV:2-3, 20-21, 27-28, 34-35, 50-51, 66-68.
Carnachan, Mary A. A., n.d. The Spreading Tree : The Story of an Enter
prise and a Family. Auckland.
"
Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle, 1832a. South Seas :
Tahiti." n.s. X:30.
? ? "
1832b. Tahiti and the Pitcairn Islanders." n.s. X: 118-119.
Hall, James Norman, 1935. Shipwreck. London, Chapman & Hall.
Historical Records of Australia, 1922-3. Series 1, vols. XIV, XV, XVI,
[Sydney], Library Committee of the Commonwealth.
"
Jervis, James, 1936. The Pitcairn Islanders." Journal and Proceedings of
theRoyal Australian Historical Society, 22:376.
"
Jore, L., 1958. Quarante Ans de Navigation dans le Pacifique. Le capitaine
au long cours bordelais Arnaud Mauruc 1800-1872." Bulletin de la
Soci?t? des ?tudes Oc?aniennes, X: 863-876.
"
King, Capt. Henry, 1820. Extract from the Journal of Captain Henry
King of the Elizabeth" Edinburgh Philosophical Journal, 111:380-388.
Kotzebue, Otto von, 1830a and b. A New Voyage Round the World . . .,
2 vols. London, Sir Richards Phillips & Co.
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United Services Journal, (1832). No. 782:21.
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Maude, H. E., 1958. In Search of a Home." Journal of the Polynesian
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TAHITIAN INTERLUDE: The Migration of the Pitcairn Islanders to the Motherland in 1831

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When Fletcher Christian selected Pitcairn as the future home for

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GSee letter from Heads of Families to Sir Thomas Brisbane, Governor

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13He came from and his brother was a Thames waterman.?

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The Choice of Tahiti

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It has, from various circumstances, become desirable, that certain

24 This curious statement is almost due to a too literal inter

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It is sincerely to be hoped that such removal will be no longer

One would think that such unequivocal recantations might have

31Nott to L.M.S. SS. Letters: Box 7.

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34 to Lord James South American Station,

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Decision and Departure

It is clear, however, that a large number of the Pitcairn people

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Captain Sandilands told us it was optional with us. If we wished to

In the event, not through pressure from Sandilands, or any of his

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Ages Males Females Totals

49The Humble Petition

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The Pitcairn Islanders in Tahiti

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This, then, was themilieu intowhich the unworldly Pitcairn colony

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goSandilands to Darling, 19/4/1831, M.L. A1267-12.

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A feeling of great regard was universally manifested to this People

Bewildered by developments hitherto not conceived of and prob

Gt?See Agreement between Bicknell and Sandilands, and letter from

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71Shillibeer 1817:89. Shillibeer gives a striking illustration of this

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Although the determination to return home was made before the

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77This remained the

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We hope you will not be displeased with Captain Driver on account of

By the time the Pitcairn community sailed from Papeete harbour

Les Pitcairniens, d?j? si inter?ssans par la bont? et par la douceur de

Reactions to the episode outside Tahiti and Pitcairn itself were

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But actually the islanders had themselves announced their return

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to the Canton Register, blaming the missionaries for everything.101

It is with infinite regret that we further learn from a paragraph,

96 and Clayton to Nott, et al, 17/2/1832[?], L.M.S., W.O.

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