A WRITTEN INPUT OF TBILISI PRIDE TO THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION AGAINST

RACISM AND INTOLERENCE (ECRI) FOR ITS 6 TH MONITORING CYCLE IN GEORGIA

INTRODUCTION

Violence, persecution, discrimination, and stigma against LGBTI people remain alarming and pervasive
in Georgia. Homophobia and transphobia have been normalized and promoted by different social and
political groups, taking its heavy toll on equality and justice for LGBTI community in the country.
Ineffective execution of existing antidiscrimination laws and policies falls short of full realization of the
rights and freedoms contained therein. LGBTI people form one of the most vulnerable and marginalized
groups in the Georgian society, experiencing hurdles and discrimination in almost all spheres of public
life.1

1. HATE-MOTIVATED VIOLENCE & FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY

1.1. MARCH FOR DIGNITY, JULY 5 EVENTS

Tbilisi Pride Week 2021 was planned to be concluded with “March for Dignity” on July 5, 2021.2
However, due to the large-scale violent attacks organized and committed by far-right groups, the
organizers of the Pride Week were left with no option but to cancel the march.3 The mobs not only chased
civic activists, LGBTI community members, and journalists in the streets, but they also ransacked and
dispersed the offices of the Shame Movement, the Human Rights Center, and Tbilisi Pride.4

The events that took place on July 5 was another manifestation of general challenges that LGBTI people
in Georgia face with regards to the exercise of freedom of assembly as prescribed under Article 21 of the
Constitution of Georgia and Article 11 of the ECHR. The State failed to perform its positive obligation to
ensure enjoyment of the right to peaceful assembly for the participants and organizers of the “March for
Dignity.”5 In spite of the intensity and magnitude of the attacks, the police were present in critically small
numbers and failed to effectively intervene, which further contributed to the aggravation of the process.6
As per the assessment given by the Amnesty International, “instead of planning for this turn of events and
providing a robust response to violence, the government deployed inadequately small numbers of
policemen who were only reacting to violent attacks, rather than providing an organized protection for
LGBTI activists.”7 It is noteworthy that, prior to the commencement of attacks, violent intentions of the
mobs were publicly announced. For instance, on July 4, one of the far-right group leaders, Guram

1
Report of the Public Defender of Georgia on the Situation of Protection of Human Rights and Freedoms in Georgia
2019, p. 137. Available at: https://bit.ly/33hHttH [accessed: 12.02.2022].
2
“Tbilisi Pride Week 2021 Agenda”. Available at: https://bit.ly/3GLoFRe [accessed: 12.02.2022]
3
“Tbilisi Pride March Cancelled”, civil.ge, 07.05.2021. Available at: https://bit.ly/3rNbtHy [accessed: 12.02.2022]
4
“March of Dishonor”, Georgian Democracy Initiative, 2021, pp. 10-12. Available at: https://bit.ly/34AnY09
[accessed: 12.02.2022]
5
“March of Dishonor”, Georgian Democracy Initiative, 2021, pp. 19-23. Available at: https://bit.ly/34AnY09
[accessed: 12.02.2022]
6
World Report 2022, Human Rights Watch, p. 270. Available at: https://bit.ly/3BfWEAi [12.02.2022]
7
“Georgia: The authorities’ failure to protect Tbilisi Pride once again encourages violence”, Amnesty International,
05.07.2021. Available at: https://bit.ly/3gGkqf4 [accessed:12.02.2022]
Palavandishvili warned the State about possible confrontation and casualties.8 Notwithstanding this, the
authorities did not apply any preventive measures.

The State not only failed to fulfil its positive obligations, but it also encouraged the violence taking into
account the statements made by the high-ranking public officials in response to the attacks. On the
morning of July 5, instead of calling on the hate groups to abstain from violence, the Prime Minister Irakli
Gharibashvili shifted full responsibility to the peaceful demonstrators which, according to the Public
Defender of Georgia, further exacerbated the situation.9 The PM referred to the march as “unreasonable”
and “unacceptable”, adding that the march was organized by a “radical opposition”.10 Shortly before the
Pride Week took place, Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze called the Pride Week inexpedient.11 Additionally,
in reference to the Pride Week, Irakli Kobakhidze, the chairman of the ruling Georgian Dream party, said
that “given the entire context, these people should be denied the opportunity to hold this event“.12 The
aforesaid statements made by the public officials exhibit signs of tolerance towards violence, which as per
the ECtHR, “undermines public confidence in the principle of lawfulness and the State’s maintenance of
the rule of law”.13 Additionally, the statements violate Article 11(3) of the Ordinance of the Government
of Georgia on “Ethics and General Conduct in Public Service” (Ordinance No. 200) which prohibits
public officials to use hate speech and/or to make discriminatory comments that can undermine impartial
and objective exercise of his/her/their powers. According to the commentaries of the aforesaid Ordinance,
homophobic or discriminatory statements made by public officials create reasonable doubt in the public
that they are guided by bias while exercising their official powers.14

The dreadful emergence of radicalization and hate-motivated attacks against LGBTI people and their
supporters on July 5 were followed with tolerant policies and impunity for the organizers and perpetrators
of the violence. Even though criminal proceedings were launched against 27 persons, the investigation of
the events has been sporadic and no one has been prosecuted for organizing group violence.15 Despite the
Public Defender's assessment that the publicly available evidence met the standard of probable cause for
prosecuting at least 2 persons, the Prosecutor’s Office of Georgia have not pressed any charges for
organizing or inciting the group violence.16 Furthermore, no investigation has been launched under the
scope of Article 161 of the Criminal Code of Georgia which lays down criminal responsibility for

8
“Persons protesting against Tbilisi Pride set up tents near Rustaveli metro station and stay there overnight”,
interpressnews.ge, 04.07.2021. Available at: https://bit.ly/3Bi2hOk [accessed: 12.02.2022]
9
Public Defender’s statement on events developing on Rustaveli avenue, ombudsman.ge, 05.07.2021. Available at:
https://bit.ly/3LHxyPJ [accessed: 12.02.2022]
10
“PM Says Pride March ‘Unreasonable,’ Organized by ‘Radical Opposition’”, civi.ge, 05.07.2021. Available at:
https://bit.ly/3oLa16q [accessed: 12.02.2022]
11
“Mayor Kaladze on Tbilisi Pride: I don’t Consider it Expedient”, georgiatoday.ge, 29.06.2021. Available at:
https://bit.ly/3HN8xQJ [accessed: 12.02.2022]
12
“Chairman of ruling Georgian Dream party: holding Tbilisi Pride week is unreasonable”, jam-news.net,
19.06.2021. Available at: https://bit.ly/3HUhRCs [accessed: 12.02.2022]
13
Beghelauri and others v. Georgia, ECtHR, 2014, para. 99. Available at: https://bit.ly/3oFFQO3 [accessed:
12.02.20220
14
Aghapishvili, I., Beselia, G., Tsukhishvili, n., Ordinance of the Government on Georgia on “Ethics and General
Conduct in Public Service”: Commentaries, 2018, p.82. Available at: https://bit.ly/3h3OKkh [accessed: 12.02.2022]
15
Public Defender Demands Criminal Prosecution of Two Persons for Organizing Group Violence and Calling for
Violence on July 5, ombudsman.ge, 06.09.2021. Available at: https://bit.ly/3Jj2NhM [accessed: 12.02.2022]
16
International Human Rights Day, ombudsman.ge, 10.12.2021. Available at: https://bit.ly/3LoiaY6 [accessed:
12.02.2022]
unlawful interference with the exercise of the right to hold or participate in an assembly or demonstration
using violence, threat of violence or official position.17

1.2 INTERNATIONAL DAY AGAINST HOMOPHOBIA, BIPHOBIA AND TRANSPHOBIA 2021

On May 15, 2021 LGBTI activists set up an installation with an inscription “welcome to the closet.”
Decorated with rainbow colors, the installation marked the celebration of the International Day Against
Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia. Shortly after the LGBTI activists staged the performance, the
leader of ultraconservative and far-right group leader Guram Palavandishvili, along with his supporters,
arrived at the site, verbally abused the activists and violently damaged the installation. The Ministry of
Internal Affairs launched an investigation into the incident under Article 156 of Criminal Code of
Georgia,18 however the investigation has not resulted in any outcome.19 The Dedaena Park incident once
again reaffirmed that formality is a sole purpose of State response when it comes to investigations into
hate-motivated offences towards LGBTI people.

1.3. PRIDE WEEK 2019

Having been originally scheduled on June 18-23, Pride Week 2019 was cancelled in the face of violent
counteracts, threats, and protests held by nationalist and far-right groups. On May 31, 2019 the Ministry
of Internal Affairs (MIA) released a statement, announcing that the police could not guarantee safety of
LGBTI activists in outdoor settings. Instead, the MIA offered the organizes of the Pride Week to hold the
event in a closed space, such as a stadium or a club.20 Notwithstanding the aforesaid hurdles, several
dozens of LGBTI activists and Tbilisi Pride organizers managed to hold an impromptu march
demonstration on July 8. Due to the threats received from far-right groups who were rushing to the scene
and the refusal from the Interior Minister to protect the peaceful participants, the march lasted for no more
than 30 minutes.21

Taking into account the abovementioned events, LGBTI people and activists were denied to enjoy the
freedom of assembly as the State failed to fulfil its obligation to protect the participants from violent
ultra-conservative and far-right groups. While supervising Georgia’s progress in implementing the 2015
European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruling on the case of Identoba v Georgia, the Committee of
Ministers of the Council of Europe expressed its concerns that “the incidents surrounding attempts to hold
an LGTBI pride march in Tbilisi in June 2019, including threats against would-be marchers, the Public
Defender and her deputies, as well as the reported inability of law enforcement bodies to protect
participants from violent homophobic group”.22

17
Legal Assessment of the Events of July 5-6, Social Justice Center, p. 13. Available at: https://bit.ly/3JFS4hR
[accessed: 12.02.2022]
18
Article 156 of the Criminal Code of Georgia criminalizes persecution of a person due to their speech, opinion,
conscience, confession, faith or creed, or political, social, professional, religious or scientific activities.
19
MIA to investigate Dedaena Garden incident, 1tv.ge, 15.05.2021. Available at: https://bit.ly/3pfWUdV [accesses:
16.02.2022]
20
“Police Can’t Guarantee Pride Safety Outdoors – Ministry”, civil.ge, 01.06.2019. Available at:
https://bit.ly/3H3etnx [accessed: 13.02.2022]
21
“Ultraconservative and anti-Putin protesters face off as queer activists hold impromptu pride”, oc-media.org,
10.07.2019. Available at: https://bit.ly/3sUSIRA [accessed: 13.02.2022]
22
“Council of Europe ‘concerned’ over Georgia’s queer rights record”, oc-media.org, 26.09.2019. Available at:
https://bit.ly/3BwsRn4 [accessed: 13.02.2022]
It is noteworthy that in response to the Pride Week 2019, Levan Vasadze, the leader of the
ultra-conservative and far-right group called for incitement of violence. In particular, the creation of so
called “public legions” and patrolling in streets against LGBTI people were announced. Although MIA
launched investigation, it has proved ineffective.23

2. LEGAL PITFALLS OF HATE SPEECH LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK IN THE CONTEXT

OF PUBLIC OFFICIALS AND MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT

In general, Georgian legislation does not criminalize hate speech unless statements create direct and
imminent risk of violence. The only piece of Georgian legislative framework that explicitly regulates hate
speech for public officials (executive government representatives) is the Ordinance of the Government of
Georgia on Ethics and General Conduct in Public Service. However, there is unclarity as to the
mechanism/body supervising, investigating and responding to alleged cases of hate speech under the
Ordinance. Additionally, normative value/power of an Ordinance is not as high as of law.

With regards to the Members of Parliament (MPs), Article 2 (b)(c) and 3 (n) of the Ethics Code for a
Member of Parliament prohibit MPs to use hate speech based on race, sex, religion, and other grounds.
Even though the Ethics Code formally establishes the Ethics Council whose mandate is to redress the use
of hate speech by MPs, the Council is defunct, making it virtually impossible to execute the Code.

There is no definition of hate speech in Georgian legislation, thus it is not clear what standards redress
mechanisms use when it comes to addressing and assessing alleged cases of hate speech.

3. PROTECTING THE RIGHTS OF LGBTI HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS

The environment in Georgia remains hostile not only to the members of LGBTI community, but also to
those who protect and advocate for their rights. LGBTI rights defenders and activists are often subjected
to physical attacks, threats, insults, defamation, and slander by virtue of the issues they work on.24 For
instance, amid violent attacks on July 5, 2021, the hate groups surrounded the premises of Human Rights
House and threw an explosive in the yard of the building which injured a civic activist present in the yard.
25
In November 2019, LGBTI rights defenders Ana Subeliani and Tamaz Sozashvili were targeted and
attacked while they were accompanying LGBTI community members at “And Then We Danced” film
screening which depicted gay love story.26

Far-right and religious groups have been exhibiting aggressive, intimidating, and violent acts towards the
workspaces of LGBTI rights defenders for past few years. For instance, in 2020, Tbilisi Pride office
experienced a series of attacks, including removing a rainbow flag from the office’s balcony and throwing

23
“Alternative Report on Georgia’s Compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights”,
EMC and GYLA, 2020, p. 35. Available at: https://bit.ly/3h0os25 [accessed: 13.02.2022]
24
“Human Rights of LGBTI People in Europe: Current Threats to Equal Rights, Challenges Faced by Defenders,
and the Way Forward”, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, 2021, p. 7. Available at:
https://bit.ly/34H3W41 [accessed: 13.02.2022]
25
Georgia: Violent attacks on the activists and journalists on the Pride Week, csometer.info, 08.07.2021. Available
at: https://bit.ly/36bl2HP [accessed: 13.02.2022]
26
Statement Concerning the Incident on November 8 Against Human Rights Defenders – Ana Subeliani and Tamaz
Sozashvili, Human Rights House, 2019. Available at: https://bit.ly/33hiG98 [accessed: 13.02.2022]
black paint and eggs to its premises.27 Tbilisi Pride has repeatedly appealed to the police regarding the
aforesaid events, albeit ongoing investigations have so far proved ineffective.28

Prior to that, in June 2019, Tbilisi Pride organizers and LGBTI rights defenders, including Giorgi
Tabagari, Tamaz Sozashvili and Mariam Kvaratskhelia, received death threats on their phone numbers
from anonymous senders.29 Even though the Ministry of Internal Affairs had opened an investigation into
the threats, the perpetrators have not been identified till the present day.

Against this backdrop, it is always a State’s responsibility to ensure the safety of LGBTI human rights
defenders and their ability to work in an enabling environment, including when threats and reprisals stem
from non-state actors.30

Even though the activities carried by human rights defenders (including LGBTI rights defenders) put
them at high risk of persecution and targeting, they are not granted special normative protection within the
legal framework of Georgia. Thus, it is of utmost importance for them to be normatively protected from
unlawful interference in their professional activities.

4. LGBTI PEOPLE AND COVID-19

The Covid-19 pandemic has further aggravated the plight of LGBTI people in Georgia. Having been
renounced and disowned by their families, most members of LGBTI community in the country are
experiencing problems related to the access to social services, housing, domestic violence, employment,
etc. Even though the outbreak of Covid-19 has exacerbated the aforesaid challenges for the community,
the government of Georgia failed to address the needs and priorities of LGBTI people in its anti-crisis
plan on handling the pandemic, leaving LGBTI community beyond the scope of State support.31

The pandemic has been particularly detrimental to transgender women. Owing to the exclusion from
formal labor market, sex work is a primary source of income for most transgender women in Georgia.
Thus, due to the pandemic-induced long-term lockdown and curfew, transgender women were left with no
income, placing them at an imminent risk of homelessness. 32 In response to the government ignorance
towards transgender women amid COVID-19 outbreak, one of the transgender sex workers, Madona
Kiparoidze set herself on fine in front of Tbilisi City Hall on April 30, 2020. 33

5. LEGAL RECOGNITION OF GENDER

27
A Series of Attacks On Tbilisi Pride Office, tbilisipride.ge., 28.08.2020. Available at: https://bit.ly/3LyBgek
[accessed: 13.02.2022]
28
Ibid.
29
Tbilisi Pride evacuates office after ‘receiving death threats’, oc-media.org, 19.06.2019. Available at:
https://bit.ly/3rMaOGb [accessed: 13.02.2022]
30
Human Rights of LGBTI People in Europe: Current Threats to Equal Rights, Challenges Faced by Defenders, and
the Way Forward, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, 2021, p. 7. [accessed: 13.02.2022]
31
Annual Review of the Human Rights Situation of LGBTI People in Georgia Covering the Period of January to
December 2020, ILGA-Europe. Available at: https://bit.ly/3GSCYnb [accessed: 15.02.2022]
32
“Employment and labor rights of LGBTQI community in the context of COVID-19 pandemic”, Equality Movement,
2021, pp. 26-31. Available at: https://bit.ly/3H6SsUP [accessed: 15.02.2022]
33
“Georgia ‘doesn’t care about me’: LGBTQ struggles worsen under lockdown”, politico.eu, 15.02.2021. Available
at: https://politi.co/3p3ppuV [accessed: 15.02.2022]
On March 25, 2021 Georgia recorded its first-ever legal recognition of gender for a trans woman.34
Notwithstanding this, Georgia stays among the countries where there is no legal framework, legislative or
administrative tools and mechanisms which would establish adequate legal opportunities for transgender
people wishing to change their gender marker in their identity documents. In its report adopted in 2015,
the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) recommended the government of
Georgia to establish clear guidelines in this regard,35 albeit no progress has been made thus far.

Legal recognition of gender in the country is linked to gender affirmation surgery. As noted by the Public
Defender of Georgia, transgender people encounter substantial difficulties in social life due to the
prerequisite requirement to undergo sex reassignment surgery in order to change their gender marker in
their official identity documents.36

Such practice is a clear violation of international and European human rights standards. Resolution 2048
(2015) of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe calls on all member states to abolish
requirements related to compulsory medical procedures for gender identity recognition.37 The Council of
Europe High Commissioner for Human Rights recognizes the link between involuntary gender
reassignment and a breach of prohibition of torture and ill treatment.38 Incompatibility of compulsory
gender affirmation surgery with international human rights standards is also acknowledged by the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 39 and the UN Human Rights Committee.40

Apart from the legal flaws of mandatory gender affirmation surgery, most transgender people in Georgia
are not able to undergo this medical procedure due to financial problems, health-related risks or simply
because it is against their free will. Moreover, even though gender affirmation surgery is somewhat
available Georgia, this mandatory procedure is not covered by national health insurance.

As a result, transgender people in the country are practically unable to obtain the identity documents that
would go in line with their gender, making them even more vulnerable to unemployment, homelessness
and receiving social services.

6. EDUCATION

Articles 8(1) and 13 of the Law of Georgia on General Education and Article 3 of the Law on Higher
Education of Georgia prohibit discrimination. However, a survey conducted by the Public Defender of
Georgia in 2018 revealed that there are no specific policies or programs to promote tolerance towards

34
“First time in Georgia trans person's gender has been legally recognized”, wisg.org, 31.03.2021. Available at:
https://bit.ly/3oRWr11 [accessed: 15.02.2022]
35
ECRI Report on Georgia, 5th monitoring cycle, 2015, p. 30. Available at: https://bit.ly/3rSdv94 [accessed:
15.02.2022]
36
Public Defender’s Statement on International Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia, 17.05.2021. available
at: https://bit.ly/36igkYP [accessed: 15.02.2022]
37
Resolution 2048, Discrimination against transgender people in Europe, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of
Europe, 2015. Available at: https://bit.ly/3JrGMxq [accessed: 15.02.2022]
38
A/HRC/29/23, Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the
Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General, para. 38. Available at: https://bit.ly/3gK33dA
[accessed: 15.02.2022]
39
UN Human Rights Council, A/HRC/29/23, report of the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights, paras. 69; 70.
Available at: https://bit.ly/3rRiLtH [accessed: 15.02.2022]
40
CCPR/C/UKR/CO/7, Concluding observations on the seventh periodic report of Ukraine, UN Human Rights
Committee, 2013, para. 10. Available at: https://bit.ly/3LBz5X9 [accessed: 15.02.2022]
LGBTI people in educational settings and there are no regulatory frameworks with regard to bullying
based on sexual orientation or gender identity.41 In the report on his visit to Georgia in 2018, the
Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on SOGI, Victor
Madrigal-Borloz noted that the absence of such policies and lack of awareness create a “hostile
environment” in schools and “breeds intolerance” towards LGBTI students. As per the assessment given
by the Independent Expert, “in such an environment, students internalize the negative attitudes and values
of society, which may have a detrimental impact on their well-being and mental health and result in
school dropout, self-harm or violence.”42

Sexuality education still remains outside the scope of the school curriculum. Even though topics related to
early marriage/pregnancy, STIs and physiological aspects of sex have been introduced into some of the
modules, attempts to incorporate topics related to sexual life, sexual orientation,gender identity and sex
characteristics have failed because of the persistent opposition from neo-conservative and far-right
groups.43 In addition to that, not only students but also teachers lack sensitivity and knowledge with
respect to the issues related to sexuality. Thus, due to the scarcity of sexuality education-related study
materials, policies and competencies, current educational system of Georgia further feeds misconceptions
and stigma encompassing LGBTI people in the country.

7. INTERSEX PEOPLE IN GEORGIA

Statistics on intersex children and data on related medical practices are extremely scarce in Georgia.44
According to Women’s Initiatives Supporting Group, intersex people in Georgia face quite a lot of
challenges, including intersex genital mutilation. Even though the Action Plan of the Government of
Georgia on the Protection of Human Rights 2018-2020 included to conduct the study of the human rights
situation of intersex persons and their access to medical services, no progress has been made in this
regard.45

8. ABSENCE OF NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS ACTION PLAN

Since the expiration of National Human Rights Action Plan for 2018-20,46 no strategy/action plan has
been adopted for 2020-2022. Moreover, as of now, it is not clear whether or when the government of
Georgia is planning to develop the action plan for the years of 2022-2024. Absence of national human
rights action plan creates uncertainty as to what strategy and indicators the State is guided by when it
comes to protection of human rights, including LGBTI rights.

41
“Survey of human rights in education and educational environment in general education field”, Public Defender’s
Office, 2018. Available at: https://bit.ly/3hb0odf [accessed: 17.02.2022];
42
“Visit to Georgia: report of the Independent Expert on Protection against Violence and Discrimination based on
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity”, Victor Madrigal-Borloz, UN. Human Rights Council, 2019, p.16.
Available at: https://bit.ly/3rULZb9 [accessed: 17.02.2022]
43
“Sexuality and reproductive health and rights: national assessment”, Public Defender of Georgia, 2019, pp. 12-16.
Available at: https://bit.ly/3JxhPkc [accessed: 17.02.2022]
44
“Legal Situation of LGBTI Persons in Georgia”, EMC, 2016, p. 47. Available at: https://bit.ly/3BEAVSN [accessed:
22.02.2022]
45
“WISG has become a supporting member of OII Europe (Organization Intersex International Europe)”, wisg.org,
21.01.2020. Available at: https://bit.ly/35i8sWG [accessed: 22.02.2022]
46
Human Rights Action Plan for 2018-20. Available at: https://bit.ly/3httLrn [accessed: 22.02.2022]
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF GEORGIA

1. By fulfilling imposed positive obligations with regards to freedom of assembly, ensure the right of
LGBTI people to assemble and demonstrate.

2. With respect to legal recognition of gender, establish clear legislative and administrative
framework/mechanism that will be compatible with international human rights standards, excluding the
prerequisite requirement for gender affirmation surgery.

3. Introduce special legislative norms, designed to protect human rights defenders, including LGBTI
rights defenders, from unlawful interference into their professional activities.

4. Transform existing education system by integrating human rights-based approach and sexuality
education therein. Train teachers to increase their understanding and sensitivity towards SOGI and LGBTI
issues.

5. Ensure efficiency and effective functioning of hate-speech related redress mechanisms/bodies

responsible for addressing hate speech when used by public officials and members of Parliament.

6. Immediately adopt National Human Rights Action Plan (strategy) which will incorporate and address
existing challenges and needs with respect to the exercise of LGBTI rights in Georgia. Once developed
and adopted, ensure effective and thorough implementation of the action plan.