Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Jurnal 2
Jurnal 2
Jurnal 2
Abstract
Introduction
PART ONE
W hile the establishing docum ent o f the V R A requires it to run its " operations
on sound com m ercial lines’ . historical circum s tances o f the organisation hav e m ade
this objective difficult to achieve and have caused significant problem s. M ost
im portant in the history o f the V R A is the 1962 agreem ents with the W o r ld Bank
and V aleo' w hich requires the Authority to supply gua rante ed am ount o f pow er to V
aleo at a rate that has been a m ajor source o f contention since the mid 1970s. Such
an agreem ent w as necessary from the perspectiv e o f the G h a n a Gov ernm ent
because, to
“ Such a role is required because of the current Government's policy w hich seeks to
promote rural/national electrification.
secure f inancial assistance (in the form o f concessionary loans) from the W o r ld Bank
for the Volta River Project', the G h an a G overnm ent w as required to assu re the
Bank that not only w ould there be sufficient dem and for pow er generated from the
project but also enough revenue for debt servicing. Since the G h an a G overnm ent saw the
availability o f cheap electricity supply as an im portant ingredient in the country's
desire for rapid industrialisation, it com m issioned experts to adv ise on the possibility
o f establishing an alum inium smelter as the m a jor consum er o f electricity generated
from the V olta Project especially during the early years after the com pletion o f the
project. Follow ing the recom m endation o f the experts, the G h an a G overnm ent signed a
contract w ith K aiser A lum inium and C hem icals C orporation and Reynolds Metal
C o m p an y ( two giants A m erican com panies in the alum inum industry) to establish
a sm elter ( Valeo) with various concessions" granted by the G h a n a G overnm ent. In
addition, the V R A has relied on the W o r ld Bank G ro u p and other international
financial institutions for funding o f various projects. Each o f these financial
institutions has certain requirem ents in term s o f w hat it perceives as strong accounting
and f inancial m anagem ent procedures necessary to justify' loans to the A uthority (see
Tove. 19^1).
T hese agreem ents which preceded the establishm ent of the VRA
and su b s equent contracts have been m ajor sources o f contention in V R A 's operations
over the years. An im portant issue which has not only remained puzzling but unexplored
is how the A uthority's accounting and financial m anagem ent system s have been able to
satisfy these diverse constituencies or interest groups. How is the A uthority able to
p u r su e the objective o f prom oting socioeconom ic developm ent in G h a n a and also
satisfy the needs o f these international f inancial institutions, th rough the design o f
accounting and financial m anagem ent system s? T his p a p e r dem onstrates that in its
efforts to legitimise its operations to external constituencies and gain their support.
V R A has until fairly recently not seriously reflected the social and environm ental
aspects o f socioeconom ic developm ent in its f inancial m anagem ent sy stems and
practices. S uch has been the case partly because o f the institutional setting w ithin
w hich the Authority operates and the overw helm ing influence o f the entity1 concept o f
conventional accounting. Before delving into greater detail, the next section prov ides a
synopsis o f the m ethods em ployed to collect em pirical evidence for the paper.
4 The initial project for the construction of the Lake was known as the Volta River
Project and VRA evolved from this.
3 The concessions included a power rate of 2.625/kwh charged to the smelter with
no provision for escalation. This rate was later perceiv ed as one of the lowest power cost to a
smelter in the non-communist bloc (see Graham, 1982).
This section prov ides a framew ork for the analysis o f the em pirical evidence. It
reviews the various conceptualisations o f developm ent and explicates the concept o f
sustainable developm ent w hich guides the discussions in the paper. Such a clarifying
section is necessary because 'development' is an um brella concept w hose m eaning,
scope and understanding depend to a \ ery large extent on the lens through w hich it is
viewed. W i th the proliferation o f p o s tw a r theoretical paradigm s ' m developm ent
studies, diverging interpretations and conceptualisations o f developm ent currently exist
in the literature (see A uty. 1995; Hettne. 1990; k a y . 1989; Larrain. 1989). A uty
( 1995 . p. 3 ) observes that a broad distinction can be m ade betw een orthodox and
s t ructuralist perspectives o f development. A n im portant com monality betw een both
perspectives. Auty argues, is their em phasis (or reliance) on econom ic and quantifiable
indicators such as G ross D om estic Product, real per ca p i ta income, etc. as s tandards
for m easuring developm ent ( Auty. 1995. p 3; see also R ostow . 1990). T hese
conc eptuali sation s (i.e. s tructuralist and orthodox perspectives) o f developm ent w hich
becam e w ide spr ead in the early p o s tw a r period, project developm ent as "a rapid and
sustained rise in real output per head and attendant shift in the technological.
f> Steer and Lutz (1993. p. 21) argue that an important reason for "an excessive locus
on the economic aspects of development is becausc it is easier to measure w hat is transacted
in the market placc than what is not.... What to measure and where to measure it is intuitive,
and the numeraire (the common unit of account) enabling such aggregation is
straightforward - money". Steer and Lut/. concluded that such ' easy calculations arc not
available for many other aspects of development, especially social and environmental issues".
w orld leaders is the choice o f ' a p p ro p r ia te ' developm ent perspectives . As though
responding to Landell- M ills ( 1993 ) in his review o f the m a jor issues constraining
socioeconom ic developm ent efforts in the third world, Serageldin ( 1993 ) propo ses that
for c o n tem p o rary developing countries to break the t rap o f unde rdevelop m ent,
they w ould need to unde rst and the concept in term s o f " sustainable developm ent", a
conceptual isat ion introduced by the B m n d t la n d C om m ission in 1987. The C om m ission
defined " sustainable development" as 'change' in socioeconom ic liv ing conditions w hich
" meets the need o f the present generation w i thout com prom is ing the needs o f future
generations" ( Serageldin. 1993. p. 7). V arious interpretations o f the C o m m i s s io n ' s
definition have given rise to different dim ensions o f the concept o f " sustainable
developm ent" (see W o r ld R esources. 1992 - 93 . p. 1-15). For instance, in his
presentation at the Fourth Pacific Islands C onference o f Leaders. Flalapua ( 1993 . p.
60 ) observed that " sustainable dev elopment":
7 See Ki 1lick (1978) for ;i detailed discussion of the divergent economic policies
(•ind notions of development) which Ghana attempted to pursue during the immediate post colonial
years.
m a jor criticism o f the dom inant econom istic view in the following illuminating
passage:
T he gross dom estic national product does not allow for the health o f
our children, the quality o f their eduction, or the jov o f their pla\ It
does not include the beaut) o f our poetry or the strength o f our
m arriages; the intelligence o f o ur public debate or the integrity o f o ur
public officials. It m easures neither o ur w it nor our courage: neither
our w isdom nor our learning; neither our com passion nor o ur devotion
to o ur country; it m easures everything, in short, except that w hich
m akes life w orthw h ile ( em phasis added).
Kenned)' is arguing, in the above quote, that life is too com plex an entity to be
unde rs tood s o le h ’ in term s o f econom ic m easurem ents or numbers". Vital issues
concerning political, spiritual, and social aspects o f hum anity are not ca p tured by the
do m in an t econom is t ic perspective simply because the)' are apparently not quantifiable
(see W a r ing. 1989; 1995). H ow ever, there is evidence in the literature that
co n tem p o rary developing countries cannot get over the " h a rsh " conditions o
f ( socioeconom ic) underd evelopm ent w ithout strong politico- sociocultural advancem ent
(see H a la p u a . 1992; Leftwich. 1994; Serageldin. 1993). For instance. " A genda 21".
the " m ajor policy docum ent o f the June 1992 Rio Earth S um m i t called for expansion o f
existing system s o f national accounts in order to integrate environm ental and social
dim ensions in the accounting f ra m e w o rk . ..." ( Steer and Lutz. 1993. p 22). T he
Rio E arth S um m i t w as prom oting the concept o f " sustainable developm ent" on
grounds that it has a prom ising potential o f integrating the social and environm ental aspects o
f developm ent into the existing system s o f organisational and national accounting. T
hus by d raw ing upon the notion o f " sustainable development" as a f ram ew ork for
the critical/ interpretive analysis o f the A uthority's accounting and financial m anagem ent
system s, this p ap e r provides a 'broader' understanding o f the effectiveness o f these
system s. By so doing, the p ap e r avoids the danger o f naively draw ing 'firm' conclusions
based solely on the sim plistic technical procedures and descriptions as obtains in the
ex tan t literature (see Lowe. Puxty. and Laughlin. 1983).
T ak in g the above discussion as the platform , the next section exam ines the
A uthority's accounting and financial m anagem ent system s in the context o f the rural
and national electrification program m es w hich are currently m a jor priorities o f the
G h a n a G overnm ent delegated to the V R A and E C G . T he section provides a
discussion
x While this paper agrees with Kennedy's argument, it nonetheless maintains that
the mechanisms which are responsible for producing the "numbers" (including accounting
systems) are human artifacts and can therefore be (re)designed to reflect these important
issues about humanity, albeit in an inexhaustive sense.
PART TWO
R ural electrification is a m ajor issue w hich m ost countries have faced (and
others are still facing") at som e stage in their drive for advance m ent in socioeconom ic
developm ent. In the United States for exam ple, although the quest for electrification in
rural A m erica began at the turn o f the century, it w as not until the creation o f the Rural
Electrification A dm inistration ( R E A ) in 1935 that rural electrification w as accepted
as a public responsibility ( Brown. 19X0. p ix). But the establishm ent o f the R E A did
not im m ediately lead to electrification for the rural folk in A m erica until after the
second w orld w ar. In m ost developing countries, rural electrification becam e a m a t
te r o f public concern in the early 1970's. In fact the W o r ld Bank estim ated that bv
1971. the cum u la t ive investment in rural electrification by developing countries in
the Bank's
operations are a am ounted to US$ 10 .000 million ( W orld Bank. 1975. p. 5)'°. T he Bank
further projected that oxer the next ten years (i.e. from 1975 through to 19X5). US$
10 .000 million to US$ 15 .000 million w as to be invested in rural electrification and
this w ould be sufficient to provide up to a total o f 300 million rural folks in third w orld
countries with electricity.
V arious national governm ents have different reasons for em barking on rural
electrification program m es. N otw i thstanding the diversity o f objectives. S aunders.
Davis. M oses and Ross ( 197X. p. 3-4) m ake an attem pt to sum m arise the m a jor
expectations o f national governm ents for prom oting m ral electrification in the
follow ing passage:
9 . .
Indeed, a majority of those countries which are still facing the quest for rural
electrification arc the so-called developing countries (see World Bank. 1975).
The World Bank also estimated that this investment provided 23 % of the village-
rural population in Latin America. 15% in Asia, and 4 % in Africa south of the Sahara or
about 23 % of the total mral population in poor countries with electricity by the early 1970s
(see Cecelski. et al. 1979. p. 73).
2. C hanging crop patterns resulting from the use o f seasonal labor- saving
equipm ent and/ or the use o f electric p u m p s to provide irrigation water.
3 D evelopm ent o f rural industries; especially those related to the processing o f
agricultural com m odities in rural areas
4. Increasing per capita income resulting from increased agricultural
productivity and the developm ent o f industrial opportunities.
5. Reduction in household labor through the use o f electrical appliances.
6. Reduction in rural- urban m igration o f families and young people as rural
living conditions im prove and em ploym ent opportunities are created through
industrial developm ent and expansion.
7. Im provem ent in the household sanitary conditions and family health
resulting from the use o f electricity for w a te r system s, refrigeration,
ventilation and lighting
8. Relating to rural electric cooperatives; im proved sense o f com m unity
p articipation and involvement resulting from w ork on self-help project:
developm ent o f com m unity leadership training.
9. R eduction in household energy expenditures w ith the substitution o f
electricity for candles, kerosene, gas and wood.
10. Increased satisfaction w ith life resulting from am enities available following
electrification.
In G hana, various G overnm ents have, over the years, show n significant
concern a b o u t the need for electrification o f the entire country bv the year 2020 .
Indeed, national/ rural electrification w as one o f the m a jor issues on the current
GovernmeVit's cam paign trail during the 1992 and 1996 presidential and parliam entary
elections (see Public A genda. M arch 3-9. 1997). T he im portance o f national/ rural
electrification to the people o f G h an a is evidenced by the follow ing quote from a report
issued by the M inistry o f Fuel and P ow e r in S eptem ber 1988:
In its S eptem ber 1988 report on the energy sector, the Ministry o f Fuel and
Pow er stated that the principal rationale for the national/ rural electrification project in
G h a n a w as "to accelerate the pace o f industrial and econom ic developm ent o f the
targeted areas". From such a 'broad' rationale, the investm ent in national/ rural
electrification can. be justified on tw o main grounds: viz socio-political and economic.
W hile som e com m entators (e.g. Saunders et al . 1978) imply that these ground s to r
justifying rural electricity can only be mutually exclusive, w e take a view that there is
the possibility for a " nuddle- range" ju s t i f ica t io n 11. For instance, the G o v e rn m e n t m
ight justify the large investm ents in rural electrification by perceiving it as a social good or
service w hich rural people are entitled to. along w ith education and health services (see
S aunders et al.. 1978. p. 170). How ever, as in the case o f education and health
(especially with the global restructuring o f the traditional public sector), the
G overnm ent might design a system ( o f accounting and finance) w hich aim s at
recouping either part or the w hole o f the investment in the project over a long period o f
t im e ' :.
U nder the social benefits app roach for justifying rural electrification, the
project is considered to be entirely in the social realm (see Saunders et al.. 1978). From
such a perspective, rural electrification could be likened to other traditional social
services such as education, health, adequate pure water, roads and com m unication
facilities, and w aste disposal projects. Since the G h a n a G overnm ent holds itself out as
not seeking any econom ic g am s from the national/ rural electrification project, there
will be no need for com puting rates o f returns and other accounting / econom ic ratios to
justify the need for the project. The posture adopted by the G h a n a G overnm ent is
evidenced by the following quote:
The above quote further buttresses the contention that econom ic justification
for the rural/ national electrification project is unnecessary from the perspective o f the
G h a n a G overnm ent. H ow ever, since the project is not wholly funded by
the G overnm ent, other financiers o f the project m ight seek som e form o f econom ic
justifications, at least, assu ra n ce o f future cash flows w hich will be sufficient for debt
servicing. T his is evidenced by the IDA's (the m a jor lender for the national/ rural
electrification program m e ) conditionality that for the G h a n a G overnm ent to justify its
national/ rural electrification program m e , an 'investment' plan should be draw n and
•clearly establish:
might be a com b ination o f "social accounting" in its n a r ro w sense ( see A gyei. 1977;
Enthoven. 1979; M obley, 1970; S arpong. and G ray, 1989) w ith aspects o f " private
enterprise accounting" (see Enthoven. 1979). Since the V R A is an organisation w hich
is expected to conduct its " operations on sound com m ercial lines", by delegating the
responsibility o f national/ rural electrification in the N orth to the V R A . the G overnm ent
has left the A u thority in a situation w here its operational objectives are increasingly
becom ing blurred (i.e. w hether econom ic or social pursuits should be em phasized).
Indeed, the situation w hich the A uthority is currently faced with could be likened to
w h a t Bromilley and E uske ( 1986 . p. 311 ) described in the m anagerial
ac counting l iterature as the ' use o f rational system s in a bounded rationality’
organisation". T his argum ent derives from the contention in scores o f studies that, as
a hu m a n a r te fa c t " , w hen society's dem and changes, accounting system s m ust also
change i f they are to continue to be in the ( dis) service o f society (see Briston. 1978;
Littleton. 1968; Perera. 1989). By adding the responsibility o f national/ rural
electrification ( which is perceived as a social service by the people o f G h a n a 1 ) to its
objectives, it could be arg u e d that
the V R A is currently experiencing significant changes in dem and from society. As a
consequence, the A uthority's accounting and financial m anagem ent system s w ould also
be expected to change to continue in the ( dis) scrvice o f society.
capitalist investors m such a project. therefore, one would not cxpcct profit maximisation to
dominate the accounting practices of an organisation charged with executing such a projcct.
14
And indeed, a servant ol society (see Littleton. 1968)
o f the socially desirable rural/ national electrification projects into the existing
ac counting and f inancial m anagem ent systems. A lthough such an alternative might
have the advantage o f not over- stretching organisational scarce resources, it
nevertheless, will involve a com plete overhaul o f the existing accounting systems.
W hile the changes in societv's dem ands o f V R A might have im plications for a
wide range o f accounting and f inancial m anagem ent issues such as planning, budgeting
and control, and f inancial reporting, for illustrative purposes, the paper identified the
pow er rate s t ructure as the most important and \ isible 1 element o f the existing
ac counting and financial m anagem ent system s w hich w ould be significantly affected by
the rural/ national electrification project. T his w as therefore discussed with
organisational m em bers. W e initiated the discussion with an arg u m en t that if the
rural/ national electrification project could be viewed in the sam e perspective as health,
educational s e n ices, and roads and com m unications (see S aunders et al.. 1978. p.
171). then 'full' cost recovering should not becom e a central consideration in the project
and for that m a t te r should not be reflected in the A uthority's accounting system. For
such a project to be beneficial to a m ajority o f rural G h a n a ia n s 1*, tw o options
regarding the pricing s tructure w ere raised by the researcher. As a first option, it w as
argued that the m ost obvious and perhaps com m on mode o f prom oting rural/ national
electrification w ould be through G overnm ent subsidy o f rural electrification. Indeed, this s
trategy has historically proved effective in m ost o f today's a d \ a n c e d countries including
the United States. United K ingdom , and A u s t ra l i a 1 The second option in v o k e s
designing the rate s t ructure in such a w av that urban electricitx consum ers cross
subsidise electricity in rural areas. T he motive for such cross- subsidisation is equity.
As Reed ( 1906 ) observes:
17 Most important and visible to all parties concenied including: the Ghana
Government and VRA management, other financiers, and the rural (potential) electricity
consumer, because of its direct impact on revenues, returns on investments, and net personal
incomes respectively.
IS Who arc also relatively low income earners compared to their urban counterparts.
In the case o f the Authority, the pow er rate charged to both the rural and urb an
dw ellers is the sa m e 20 (i.e. uniform non- subsidised p o w er rates), and does leave
a g reater nu m b e r o f rural G h anaians w ho hav e already connected electricitv under the
national/ rural electrification project with huge unpaid bills, especially in the N E D 21
operating area. In an interview with s ta f f m em bers at N . E . D it w as echoed that the
Authority had little influence in designing its pricing structure. T his is evidenced bv the
follow ing quote:
In that case how our pricing sy stem is designed w ouldn't have been a
problem as you and I can see. U nfortunately this is not so.
2 ()
As at first January 1995 the Authority charged N.E.D and ECG a wholesale rate
of C23 per kvvli. Organisational actors were, however unwilling to discuss the actual rate
charged to the individual households per unit of electricity since this was perceived as very
confidential proposals made to the government and strongly guarded at the time of empirical
evidence collection. Some organisational actors speculated that an ostensible reason for the
Government's silence on the rates proposed was the impending political elections. There
might be some substance in such speculations because barely three months after the
Gov ernment was ushered in (i.e. re-elected), an announcement of a proposed 300 % increase
in domestic power rates was made.
21
N.E.D. is a branch of VRA responsible for electricity distribution in the North.
directly above the roofs o f their hom es 22. I f such becom es the case, then the pu rp o se o f
the rural/ national electrification w ould have been defeated. T here are scores of
em pirical studies on rural electrification projects w hose ptirpose(s) have been defeated
because they w ere perceived as not econom ically accessible to the poor m a jority 2^ (see
Cecelski. D unkerlev, and R am say. 1979). F or instance, there is evidence that, a I97X
survey in Com illa, B angladesh, w here rural electrification began in 1963. show ed that
even 15 years after the introduction o f electricity, less than 5 % o f the rural population
used electricity because o f high pow er rates vis a m s m ral income lev els.
22
This view was also shared by organisational actors. They maintained that the
large number of customers whose accounts are due for disconnection under the Authority's
policies (i.e. for long overdue bills) supports this view.
2 '
The emphasis in this argument is on 'poverty' in relative terms since there is a
tendency to overlook income disparities in third world countries especially by ethnocentric
researchers as evidenced in Rostow's (1960) stages model.
24
It should be noted that there is currently a lack of consensus among
organisational actors on what constitutes "commercial competitiveness". On its part, the
Government's interpretation is centred on the need to earn "reasonable" returns on its
investment. An interpretation which is very much in conflict with its social desirability
justification of rural/national electrification.
By insisting that the A uthority should m aintain the existing pricing s t ructure
(i.e. a system w hich does not provide subsidies for rural electricity consum ers), the
G h a n a G o v ern m e n t is failing to recognise that m a x im u m utilisation and
therefore m a x im u m benefits o f the rural/ national electrification will only be realised if
actual electricity use equals potential use (see S aunder s et al., 1978). T o reach such
a goal, the governm ent will have to institute policies w hich will seek to o
perationalise the social desirability o f the rural/ national electrification p ro g ram m e . C o
n s is te n t with such a change will be the need for the A uthority's accounting system s ,
with p a r t icu la r reference to the pricing structure, to incorporate these social
justifications of rural/ national electrification projects. Until then, the A uthority's ac
co u n t in g and financial m anagem ent system s will continue not to reflect the "
people- centred" d im ension of sustainable developm ent.
L ike m ost electric supply utilities, the V R A has its environm ental
obligations w hich m a nagem ent has a lw ays sought to carry out ( S enior officer, R eal
E s ta te and E nvironm ent D epartm ent). O ne o f the m a jor environm ental conce rns o f V
R A is the resettlem ent o f the people w ho w ere displaced for the construction o f the A
k o so m b o and A k u se d a m s 26. A lthough the responsibility for the m aintenance o f the
resettlem ent tow nships built for persons displaced by the form ation o f the V o l ta L ak e
has been, at the request o f the G overnm ent, t ransferred to ap propriate d ep a r tm en t s
and agencies of G o v e rn m e n t since 1971, residual problem s affecting the settlers are
still referred to the
and Lawrence, 1994; Ansari and Euske, 1987; Hoque and Hopper, 1994; Scapens; 1994;
Covaleski, et al, 1996).
’’6
" Those communities which were displaced as a result of the construction of the
two dams include Torgome, Natriku, West Kpong, South Senchi, Fadzoku, and Old Akrade.
A u thority for advice and necessary action ( V R A A nnual Report. 1991. p. 5) W hile
the A u thority has m ade this one o f its m ajor priorities since its establishm ent, there
is am p le evidence that it still continues to dom inate the A uthority's environm ental
concerns ( Senior officer. Real Estate and Environm ent D epartm ent).
D espite the fact that V R A has over the last thirty years " taken m easures to
control the environm ental problem s arising from the construction o f the A k osom bo
and A kuse dam s and has tried to help d e \ e lo p com m unities along the lake area",
recent trends show that, the A uthority's operations have com e under serious scrutiny for
environm ental friendliness ( V i ttor- Q uao. 1996 . p X). Such pressures are partly
induced by international trends, health related problem s ( particularly Bilharzia)
resulting from the construction o f the dam. and other environm ental problem s caused
by the people resettled along the lake area. For instance, extensive 'crude' fishing and
farm ing are undertaken by the lake side settlers w ho also depend on fuel w ood for
dom estic and com m ercial purposes. Such 'unfriendly' and uncontrolled activities along
the lake side not only m a r the natural beauty o f the valley but also threaten the lire
span o f the V olta Lake, the main source o f electrical pow er generation for G h a n
a ( V i t tor- Q uao. 1996).
27
The Authority also runs a well equipped Hospital which provides proximity and
excellent serv ices for staff members and the people living in these areas. The general,
attitude of the Authority towards this Hospital is summarised in the words of the Surgical
Specialists and Superintendent of the Akosombo Hospital in the following words: "There is
no limit on medical expenditure [for employees].... No matter how much it costs we'll always
ensure that our patients are given the best treatment" (cf. Own, 1996. p. 5).
V i t to r - Q u a o ( 1996 . p. 17) observes that every G h an a ian has a duty to protect the
life span o f the tw o darns as evidenced bv the following quote:
W hile the A uthority has dem onstrated significant com m i tm ents to alleviating
the environm ental effects o f its operations, the activities o f the relatively new
D epartm ent o f Real Estate and Environment have not vet been integrated into other
D epartm ents o f the Authoritv For instance, there is am ple evidence that traditional
accounting methods do not often provide adequate inform ation on environm ental costs,
and thus result in ill-informed and costly m anagem ent decisions (see Quellette. 1996).
Recent research also show s that there are signs that " m anagem ent control systems" can
prov ide a fram ew ork for an integrated environm entally friendly organisation, especially
in the hydroelectric industry (see Evans. 1996; C av an a u g h . 1996). At the V R A not
only are environm ental issues unintegrated into m a instream cost determ ination, but
organisational participants do not envisage this as happening in the next few years.
It is important to mention, though, that the tcchniquc of "full costing” might not
be known to most organisations in the so-callcd advanced countries. Therefore, the lack of
know ledge of this technique should not significanth influcncc judgements of the competence
of the Authority's accounting staff By mentioning Tull costing" to organisational
participants, the researcher's secondary- objective was to bring this to their notice as a
contribution towards the efforts to design costing procedures for environmental impacts of
the Authority's operations
assessm ents, recognition and costing o f env ironm ental im pact requires a com
bination o f highly skilled engineers, legal and accounting personnel. This lack o f
technical
expertise in quantifying the Authority 's environm ental issues is noted by V i t tor- Q
uao ( 1996 . p. 8) as follows;
to enable the section [Real Estate and E nvironm ent D epartm ent] to
fulfill its responsibility effectively, m a nagem ent is still considering
p roposa ls presented on the effective m a n p o w e r an d equipm ent
needs o f the sectio n .... It is very im portant th a t such a section has
som e m inim al nu m b e r o f experts to look at specific areas especially
supervision and assessm ent o f strategies being initiated...
2 ‘)
The Authority intends to pursue both options because of the paucity of Ghanaians
who can effectively design, implement, and monitor environmental costing systems to a
considerable standard.
' (l Because of the urgent need to design techniques or procedures for costing
environmental impacts of the Authority's operations.
Conclusions
evidence o f how social and environm ental considerations ( two im portant aspects o f the
notion o f sustainable developm ent) h a \ e either been sidetracked or given very little
em phasis in the organisational routine decision m aking m echanism .
By draw ing upon the notion o f " sustainable development" as a terrain for
investigating the effectiveness o f the A uthority's accounting and f inancial m anagem ent
system s, it w as observed that the people- centred dimension o f the concept w as not
reflected in the A uthority's present accounting and financial m anagem ent systems. It
w as how ever, realised that m anagem ent o f the A uthority had very little control over the
design o f the system, especially w ith regards to the pricing structure. In fact, a m a jor
contradiction w as observed between the pricing s t ructure and the G overnm ent's current
policy o f prom oting rural/ national electrification. O n the environm ental dim ension o f
sustainable development, it w as found that V R A is currently m aking significant efforts
to incorporate environm ental impacts o f its operations into the traditional accounting
systems. In term s o f disclosure in annual reports, significant progress, in recent years,
w as observed. It w as however, found that these environm ental policies w ere pursued
with renewed vigour because o f external pressures from the G h a n a G overnm ent and
international financial institutions, such as the W o r ld Bank G roup.
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