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PTX Da: Generic Link Shell - Oil/Gas/Agriculture Link
PTX Da: Generic Link Shell - Oil/Gas/Agriculture Link
House Democrats are looking to pass both the social spending and bipartisan infrastructure bills as early
as Tuesday, a leadership aide told The Hill. Axios first reported on the timeline for two critical pieces of legislation that are part of President Biden’s domestic agenda, citing two
sources familiar. An aide for Democratic leadership told Axios that committees were notified by House leaders that they had to finish any
changes on the spending bill by Sunday and that the House Rules Committee could meet as soon as
Monday to mark it up. An aide told The Hill that committees have until Sunday to make revisions to the social spending bill's text and that both bills could be voted on as
early as Tuesday, though the aide noted that the schedule was “not set in stone yet.” “Pens down Sunday for committees to make any changes for revised text. Then Rules would meet as soon
another win earlier this week to delay a vote on the bipartisan infrastructure bill. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and
her leadership team had sought to vote on bipartisan legislation — which would include funding for "traditional" infrastructure such as roads and bridges — Thursday before President Biden
headed to Rome. However, the bill was ultimately not brought to the House floor for a vote after progressives said they would not vote for the bipartisan bill without assurance of a social
spending package. Democrats were also particularly eager to vote on the bill given that Virginia’s gubernatorial race is only days away, and recent polls have demonstrated it will be a tight
race. A Fox News poll released on Thursday showed that Republican candidate Glenn Youngkin was up 8 points among likely voters. Among registered voters, meanwhile, the poll showed the
candidates separated by 1 point. A Washington Post-Schar School poll released the following day showed a closer race, with McAuliffe leading Youngkin by 1 point among likely voters.
Democrats are seeking to overcome an impasse on their social spending bill . A new framework released by the Biden
administration on Thursday cut the total cost of the bill back to $1.75 trillion, far below the proposed $3.5 trillion price tag. Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), one of
two key holdouts on the spending bill, said that he supported the $1.75 trillion figure, but it is unclear if
he supports the framework of the deal itself.
B. Link – Oil, Gas, and Ag will push back against the plan, sapping political capital
Mortazavi, University of Oklahoma law professor, 18
[Melissa Mortazavi, Associate Professor, Law, University of Oklahoma, “Food, Fracking, and Folly,”
ARIZONA STATE LAW JOURNAL v. 50, 2018, p. 618,
https://arizonastatelawjournal.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/Mortazavi-Pub.pdf, accessed 6-18-21]
Few industries in the United States carry the clout and capital of the oil and gas and agricultural sectors.
Economic behemoths, their booms and busts shape the destinies of states, define national policy , and
secure the life or death of small towns across the United States.2 Like it or not, the agriculture and oil
and gas industries have strong lobbies and vehement and mobilized constituencies. Recent years have
seen both sectors facing public push-back on modern trends in extraction, growth, and methods of
production. For agriculture, various concerns over the inputs and outputs in crop and livestock
production have led to state-level legal action regarding everything from the terms of animal
confinement to the labeling of genetically modified foods. In the oil and gas arena, exceptions and
administrative carve-outs in federal environmental legislation facilitating the development of hydraulic
fracturing have not eliminated the tide of local attempts to limit its proliferation.
In response to such action, these industries have used their considerable political capital to seek new
laws that curtail the ability of opposing parties to use state and local legislation or ordinances to
interfere with certain industry interests . For agriculture, these have taken several forms: ag-gag laws
that limit the ability of witnesses to report on controversial agricultural practices and, most recently,
right to farm constitutional amendments. Oil and gas lobbies have sought legal protection through
statutes prohibiting municipalities from outlawing fracking within city limits. These industry-specific
legal developments are often happening concurrently, at times in states that have both a vibrant
agricultural and oil and gas sector.
1.2. Turning the power back on in a powerless world ‘Black start’, not to be confused with the term ‘blackout’, is the name given to
experienced before.
the process of restoring an electric grid to operation without relying on the external electric power transmission network to recover from a
total or partial shutdown.3 At first glance, this description is unremarkable, but it implies a disturbing catch-22 – how might one restore power
if the entire external transmission network is compromised? If an electric disruption occurs at a household level, some
homes may be equipped with a modest gasoline generator to temporarily restore power. If a hospital
loses power, it will almost invariably be resupplied by automatic, industrial-scale generators. These
micro considerations hardly give anyone pause; they are hiccups on a stormy night or a snowy day. In other words, their
‘black start’ is a quick and effective process for restoring power. But what happens, at a macro level, when an electric grid
supplying power to large portions of the United States goes black, or worse, what happens if all of the United
States’ electric grids go down simultaneously? 4 In that scenario, how might enough non-grid power be harnessed and transmitted
to turn the United States’ lights back on? Moreover, how might such a catastrophe occur in the first place? Perhaps the more ominous
question is not how, but whether or not we can survive such circumstances if they persist in the long term. The United
States electric grid (‘the grid’) is the ‘largest interconnected machine’ in the world.5 It consists of more than 7000 power plants, 55,000
substations, 160,000 miles of high-voltage transmission lines and millions of low-voltage distribution lines.6 The scale and complexity of the grid
in the context of the modern digital world are beyond comprehension because within it are innumerable industrial control systems; incalculable
connections to digital networks; millions, if not billions, of analogue or digital sensors; many thousands of human actors; and trillions of lines of
programming code.7 Further complexifying the grid is that it is comprised of generations of technologies, stitched together in ways that are not
inherently secure in a world of cyber threats.8 The vastness of the grid makes security of it challenging. Likewise, the
vastness of the
grid makes the opportunities for intrusion seemingly infinite. By any measure, grid failure will unleash a
parade of horrors. Stores would close, food scarcity would follow, communication would cease,
garbage would pile up, planes would be grounded, clean water would become a luxury, service stations
would yield no fuel, hospitals would eventually go dark, financial transactions would stop, and this is only the
tip of the iceberg – in a prolonged grid failure social chaos would reign, once-eradicated diseases would re-
emerge and, increasingly, hope of returning to a normal life would fade .9 The notion of complete grid failure, once
relegated to science fiction comics or James Bond movies, is now not only possible but also one of the most pressing national security threats
today.10