Motjha Palong

An inquest into a consummately youth

lead society

African National Congress

Youth League

Discussion Paper
Strategy without tactics is the slowest route to victory.
Tactics without strategy is noise before defeat.
Sun Tzu
Introduction
Recognising the African National Congress as the only true leader towards a National
Democratic Society, the ANC Youth League seeks to grab an opportune moment to sway the
revolutionary vehicle back on course towards its vision i.e. none racial, none sexist
prosperous society.

The past decade has witnessed a rise in youth led uprisings, demonstrations and riots –
some peaceful yet many others violent- for one course or another. This is not by accident;
the general population of the world is getting younger and younger and as thus many
youths around the world are alienated by the structures, and personalities, governing their
everyday lives.

The Arab Spring is an important phenomenon to bring to the fore. Uprisings flared up in
Tunisia following economic decline, undemocratic practices, human rights violations and the
income disparities within society. Young workers, professionals, students and society at
large came out in unison behind the ash-shaʻb yurīd isqāṭ an-niẓām (the people want to
bring down the regime) slogan. The slogan was spreading through the Arab world like wild
fire, youths in that region finding their voice and rising to the occasion.

In Europe, Spain, we have seen youths struggling for self-determination and have gone to
the streets to demonstrate their commitment towards independence. The Catalan crisis
proves that 1st worlds are not immune to people, youths in particular, from feeling
disenfranchised by the governments of the day.

What began as sit-ins in Hong Kong later developed into riots over the inability of the
Chinese lawmakers to hear the voice of the citizenry regarding their lack of confidence of
judicial processes that were now being rolled out.

Likewise, the South African youth must correctly identify the underlying causes, i.e. root
causes of the challenges they face; that of poverty, inequality and unemployment. South
African youth, ANC Youth League in particular, must at this point recognise a radical
alternative path towards the attainment of a National Democratic Society. Learning from
international progressive forces, the ANC Youth League needs to draw up a strategy on how
best to rid itself from alienation within the Congress Movement and society as well as
tactically coordinate the transformation of strategic societal governance structures, all while
legitimising its mother body as an effective tool for liberation though its twin tasks of being
a preparatory school and a mass mobiliser.

Every new idea & initiative meets with resistance. We have to find courage to take risks,
even to fail, if the goal worthwhile.

Kofi Annan
Objectives
 Uniting the African National Congress, its leagues and alliance partners. A unity
informed by, and driven by, proactive programmatic solutions for poverty
alleviation, reducing inequality and meaningful job creation.
 Renew and restore the image, in addition to the mandate of the ANC Youth League
among the youth and communities it exists within.
 Build active societal governance structures (SGBs, CPFs, Clinic steering committees,
etc.).
 Develop an advanced frontline brigade, i.e. cadre, armed with organisational
discipline and a scientific understanding of conditions that may bring about societal
problems wherever they may arise- particularly those faced by youths.
 Establish a transformed economy, led by young industrial professionals at the helm
of cooperatives and/or nationalised strategic sectors.
 Build sustainable self-sufficient township economies.
 Combating the scourge of drug and substance abuse.
 Realise transformed free quality education.
 Attainment of a National Democratic Society
Motjha Palong
Dialectical materialism being a Marxist theory states that political and historical events are
due to conflicts of social forces caused by man’s material needs. Motjha Palong embodies
the 3rd law of dialectical thought, i.e. negation of negation. This particular law may be
translated as the coming into being of ideas, societies and/or political and/or economic
structures, etc. These things, abstract or tangible, simple or complex, develop until they
reach the most perfect form. In their development, they fertilise the ground within which
new ideas, societies and/or political and/or economic structures, etc. They then begin to die
out, fade away, giving space to a new being, but then in turn they express themselves as an
advanced form or stage of said idea, society and/or political and/or economic structure, etc.

Motjha Palong is a strategic practical ideal, it is not an event. An ideal that notes at all
material times the fluidity of communities it has been adopted within, and works tirelessly
to align progressive youths with the objectives of its programme.

The South African youth finds itself at a juncture between capturing its own moment, as in
the earlier mentioned international examples, or continue accepting the “lost generation”
name tag. Motjha Palong notes how many elders, within the MDM or society in general,
openly, unjustifiable or otherwise, call youths by this name tag having captured their own
moment(s) in their youths. Motjha Palong recognises this type of name calling not as a
genuine critique seeking positive results in the way of youth development, but rather as a
failure by previous generations to sufficiently nature the ground within which a complete
21st century youth may develop.

Qualified, selfless, diligent and morally upright young people, ANC Youth League members
particularly, are at the centre of Motjha Palong. These cadres strive to serve, to the best of
their abilities, without prejudice, the material interests of the most vulnerable communities
within society. A Motjha Palong proponent is one that is characterised by, but not limited to
the following traits:

 Honesty;
 Integrity;
 Respect;
 Diligence;
 Humility;
 Transparency; and
 Discipline.

The programme believes that, “A nation’s success depends also on its ability to encourage,
harness and incorporate into its endeavours the creativity, daring and energy of youth. This
relates to such issues as access to social and economic opportunities, engendering activism
around issues of development and values of community solidarity and creating the space for
youth creativity to flourish”1. In this light, Motjha Palong can be best described as the youth
taking up their rightful place in line. Not just wait in line but proactively move society
towards a space that embraces the ability and energy youth league members, in particular,
possess in the interest of genuinely transformed socio-economic community relations.

2021 local government elections are not the end all and be all of the Motjha Palong
programme, but rather a means to the end. Ward councillors play a major role within
society. They directly represent the interest of a particular constituency at the business end
of government duties. 2021 local government elections will prove to be a highly contested
terrain with more parties registering interest to contest this space and a judgement allowing
for individuals to stand as independents, at all spheres of government proves the maturity
of our democracy. The ANC Youth League should see the local elections as but a 1st step in
implementing Motjha Palong.

The true purpose of the programme has, in some courters, been referred to as GTO
(Generational Take Over). This is a radical shift from the ANC Youth League’s call for
generational mix. Generational mix of the past spoke of 40% representation of youths
within organisational leadership structures of the ANC. This was a highly necessary and
genuine call for the Youth League to make. It brought to the fore the stark lack of diversity-
in thought, in gender, in opinion, in age, in solutions- within these structures. 40%
representation does not even reflect the true ratio of youths within the country. 40% speaks
to organisational structures alone and has not found traction within government, corporate
and societal leadership structures. Motjha Palong comprehensively accelerates the 40%
question into all relevant sites of power, goes beyond none reflective quota of
representation in order to achieve a hegemonic grip on progressive influence within society.

In pursuit of a National Democratic Society, characterised by harmonious relations between

races, genders and age groups, one relation that may not enjoy longevity is that between
worker and employer in its current form. Motjha Palong seeks to greatly close the gap
between haves and have-nots. This will be discussed further in relevant sections.

The process of social transformation plays out in various centres of power.2

Youth Directorate
The milestone of establishing a ministry dedicated to women, children and persons living
with disabilities within the presidency must be seen as a positive step. A youth ministry,
however, may sound progressive and politically correct but in essence would not produce
the results it should.

1
African National Congress, Strategy & Tactics 2017. Paragraph 49
2
African National Congress, Strategy & Tactics 2017. Paragraph 140
There really is no real youth voice, advocacy and programmes within government, at any
level. Ours is to ensure that this void is filled. The current set up of Youth Development
Officers at municipalities and certain departments has proved not to be as progressive as
the intended purpose of their existence. They work in silos and there is no real push for
representation and development of youth.

As the political seasons turn, so should the faces and mandates of a structure we term a
Youth Directorate. This is how a Youth Directorate should look like:

 A Youth Development Officer in the Officer of the President:

o His/her role would be to act as the chief co-ordinating YDO at national level.
They are the custodians of youth development within the republic and chair
meetings of all national YDO meetings.
 Ministerial Youth Development Officers:
o Each national department to have in place a Youth Development Officer in
the office of the minister.
o They would build and facilitate programmes aimed at the development and
representation of youth stakeholders within that particular
department/ministry.
o Liaise with relevant departments where programmes overlap or are interlink
to ensure youth advocacy.
 A Youth Development Officer in the Officer of the Premier:
o His/her role would be to act as the chief co-ordinating YDO at provincial level.
They are the custodians of youth development within the each province and
chair meetings of all provincial YDO meetings.
 Departmental Youth Development Officer:
o Each provincial department to have in place a Youth Development Officer in
each office of a Member of Executive Council (MEC).
o They would build and facilitate programmes aimed at the development and
representation of youth stakeholders within that particular department.
o Tailor their programmes to be in line with the national programme of the
particular department.
o Liaise with relevant departments where programmes overlap or are interlink
to ensure youth advocacy.
o Where an MEC is responsible for multiple departments, as many YDOs, per
department, would be appointed in his/her office.
 District/Metro Youth development Officer:
o His/her role would be to act as the chief co-ordinating YDO at district level.
They are the custodians of youth development within the each district and
chair meetings of all YDO meetings within that district.
 o A chief YDO would be appointed by mayors of Metros to co-ordinate youth
development and representation in addition to other YDOs within that
Metro.
 Local Municipal YDO:
o They would build and facilitate programmes aimed at the development and
representation of youth stakeholders within that particular local municipality.
o Tailor programmes to speak to and respond to each individual locality while
being in line National and Provincial programmes.
o The number of YDOs may differ from Local Municipality to Local Municipality
depending on budgets and how serious a Mayor may deem youth
development to be (extensity of work to be carried out).

This model, we believe, would better co-ordinate youth development with the republic from
a government level. A Youth Development Seminar/Conference of some sort would see all
YDOs come together under one roof, carrying mandates from youth stakeholders from
whatever department and/or locality, to develop programmes and renew their mandate as
a holistic Youth Directorate.

Local YDO structures would mostly typically remain the same; the difference in our proposal
would be to give those proper mandates and a structured systematic workable way of
responding to the question of youth development.

A Key Performance Indicator (KPI) type of scorecard would be designed to monitor and
evaluate each Minister’s, Premier’s, MEC’s, Mayor’s as well as the President’s performance
with regards to youth development within their line of duties.

Motjha Palong on Education

The aim of education shall be to teach the youth to love their people and their culture, to
honour human brotherhood, liberty and peace; Education shall be free, compulsory,
universal and equal for all children; Higher education and technical training shall be opened
to all by means of state allowances and scholarships awarded on the basis of merit3

Education remains the true key to a prosperous society. Motjha Palong, as a programme,
would be void if it was not driven by education loving/embracing cadres. Motjha Palong
echoes the calls of the Freedom Charter regarding education, yet seeks to go beyond by
putting a few proposals on the table.

Motjha Skolong does not stand diametrically opposed to Motjha Palong. Those that hold
the view that it does are welcome to challenge the scientific opinion that indeed it does not.
Motjha Skolong has been birthed by Motjha Palong. These are not two separate concepts,
but a singular programme in the interest of a youth lead society. To simplify, taking note of

3
The Freedom Charter, Adopted at the Congress of the People, Kliptown, on 26 June 1955
the challenges that come about as a result of the universally accepted concept called the
missing middle, those that are in school/university/TVET/university of technology are placed
at advanced levels of “Palo” compared to those that ignore the importance of education.
School/education is a terrain on the plains of the battlefield the ANC YL; youth in general,
wages war towards the attainment of a National Democratic Society.

Considering the challenges of this missing middle, we acknowledge that not every
“educated young person” (formal education) may prove to be progressive and thus
unworthy to lead the revolution at this phase. Communities are saturated with a lot of
brilliant minds, dedicated servants and solution driven selfless youths that has never seen
lecture halls, these cadres too, by virtue of a track record of servitude towards communities,
are at advanced levels of “Palo”.

Motjha Palong brigades, understanding the critical role the education sector plays within
communities, must strive by all means to participate in, and most importantly transform
Student Governing Bodies as well as University Councils. The voice of vibrant young people
should at all times find expression in this sector.

Curriculum transformation needs to happen as soon as now. The current curriculum does
not prepare the school leavers for the world, i.e. material conditions faced by a majority of
the population. The curriculum should reflect our socio-economic position within the global
context. It, the curriculum, in line with the freedom charter, should be embracing the
diversity we enjoy within society. Learning outcomes must gravitate towards alleviating
societal ills, transforming sectors and most importantly empower learners/students to be
completely independent of creating career paths of their own.
Motjha Palong on Health
We place our unwavering support for the advancement of the National Health Insurance
(NHI). Accepting health as a basic need, as in the education sector, we believe in the de-
commercialising of health services within our country. NHI should be broadly rolled out with
immediate effect at all central hospitals.

The two tear health systems continue to highlight the deep inequality we face as a nation. A
little bit over a quarter of a century into the advent of democracy and it is in this sector that
the ills of the past come out more strongly.

Colonialism of a Special Type contained within itself contradictions that could not be
resolved through reform. It had to be destroyed. As such, the system we seek to create will
stand or fall on the basis of whether it is able to eliminate the main antagonisms of
colonialism.4

The democratic government, led by the ANC, has over the years continued with its
programme of resolving contradictions adopted from Colonialism of a Special Type within
the health sector through reform. The rot runs deeper into the wounds bandages seek to
cover.

Gains in this sector, by way of infrastructure development, have seen remote communities
enjoy the opportunity to access health services. We applaud the ANC in this regard. It is the
capacity, however, of these newly built facilities that leave a lot to be desired. Quality
primary health care should not be reserved for affluent suburbs and prominent townships
only.

The health department should take seriously the matter of retaining Doctors, particularly
those that have been supported by government through medical school. Doctors and nurses
must be equipped with instruments, equipment, drugs and infrastructure that may make
their work conditions more pleasurable and fulfilling.

Congress needs to discuss and formulate means around a ratio being met between people
within a ward/municipality and the number of clinics there should be. This ratio would go a
long way ensuring facilities are not overcrowded resulting in shabby service, perceived or
otherwise. Size and capacity of clinic would determine the number of nurses and doctors
needed per facility. It would not be enough, would rather be futile and counter-
revolutionary, to see primary health facilities cropping up everywhere and yet ill equipped
and under staffed. 24 hour services at clinics are long over-due, Congress MUST pronounce
itself clearly in this regard. Greater investment is needed to see this though.

4
African National Congress, Strategy & Tactics 2017. Paragraph 38
At the helm of each community clinic’s steering committee would be Motjha Palong
brigades. Progressive young nurses themselves should strive to lead the facilities they work
within. Young people, ANC Youth League members particularly, are presented with an
opportunity to totally eradicate the essence of apartheid commercialised health care.

Motjha Palong on the Economy

Our society is in deep economic crisis, this we recognise as the root cause for poverty,
inequality and unemployment. The crisis is a resilient one the world all over and systematic
restructuring thereof is of high priority.

The manner in which an economy of a period/epoch is organised further determines the

type of society that economy breeds i.e. feudal economies bred feudal laws, feudal
education systems, and feudal politics and to a point, we might argue, feudal religion. The
South African youth, in 2020, finds itself ruled over by a hegemonic capitalist economic
system. Our laws, policing, education, health services, religious beliefs, value systems,
politics, etc. are all governed by the relentless grip of capital. An economy, mind you, in the
hands of 10% of the population, mainly male and white, running 85% of its worth. This
economy does not serve the vast majority of our communities as it is not controlled by
those who may have these communities’ best interests.

Structurally the economy needs to be rebuilt. It is government’s duty to begin with the
organisations within its control to see out this structural reform. What do we mean? State
Owned Enterprises (SOEs) cannot behave as other private organisations where directors and
appointed executives continue to enrich themselves at the expense of the worker. All SOEs
need to be transformed into worker cooperatives. This is believed to be necessary as
workers of these former State Owned Enterprises may now have a real chance of self-
determining the destinies of the organisations for which they work for. Government has a
role to play when it comes to bailing out WORKERS in struggling industries like steel and to
an extent mining. What does this mean? Same would apply as with the SOEs, only this time
government helps by loaning the newly formed cooperative in order to buy out the greedy
capitalist regime and save livelihoods. Firms like General Motors and Mittal who have in the
past retrenched many workers should be seen by the democratic state as an opportunity to
restructure the economy by placing it in the hands of those that truly build it. Government
would invest in its own innovative people through gains from this type of restructuring as
these cooperatives would not be profit driven and should be able to repay the State in order
to start the process once more. This type of restructuring would be referred to as Socialism;
we see it as the promised National Democratic Society. This sort of restructuring goes to the
root of the problems facing our people as companies are run by those that produce its
worth and there is more democracy related to what would be done with the surplus
produced i.e. what societal programmes are to be perused related to education,
medication, security, etc., working hours and staffing would be in the democratic control of
workers as well as who would play what role in this new organisation.

South African can no longer refer to itself as a developmental state when it does little to
develop industries. The abovementioned restructure deals with the take-over, by workers,
of pre-existing firms, there is another plan to have new firms and/or industries open up. The
state needs to invest in industries. Government departments need to develop
entrepreneurs, particularly youth and cooperatives. Clothing and food must be produced by
communities within society. We, ANC Youth League members and Motjha Palong brigades,
need to agitate for the development of our own pharmaceuticals, our own tech companies,
own mega grocery stores, own motoring industries, aviation, etc. A self-imposed “tax” is
necessary in order to build things ourselves. Certain salary brackets to gives according to a
scale. The democratic state is a big partner in the development of a developmental National
Democratic State, but we cannot always wait with our hands reached out and not explore
ways to do it ourselves.

Many in the left may interpret this way of organising the economy as a Workerist
method/thought. Correctly pointed out by Professor Robert Paul Wolff, an economist and
literary critic of capitalism, he says:” It is not the aesthetic style of a period that determines
and marks its character; it’s the organisation of the economy in that period that determines
the nature of the period.” He emphasises our argument further:” It isn’t the politics or law
that brings about the change in the economy; it’s the change in the economy that brings
about the change in politics and the law”.

If indeed the people would run this economy, our justice system would not be biased,
education and health not be commercial and values determined by the majority. Economic
freedom would not be complete if the economy was not fully in the hands of those that
build it, young people in particular.

“You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness. In this
case, it comes from nonconformity, the courage to turn your back on the old formulas, the
courage to invent the future”.

Thomas Sankara

Motjha Palong on land redistribution & agrarian reform

Access to land is highly necessary in the development of a nation. Our slow growth, as
reflected by our GPD, may be interpreted as a reciprocal rate of land redistribution.
Conquest cannot validate the argument land was not stolen. Those that proudly speak for
this argument forget to mention the word VIOLENT as a prefix to conquest. Land has been
stolen and its rightful owners, the youth, must unite to have to brought back under their
control by any means necessary.

Land owned by government departments or municipalities must realise its productive

capabilities for the greater good of communities. It can no longer be that this land is left
vacant.

We wish to state categorically that there is no such a thing as unproductive land. Since well
South Africa does not host any active volcanoes, all land in our context is productive. Land
could be used for, but not limited to:

 Housing
 Establishment of economic hubs
 Building of hospitals and clinics
 Building of education sites
 Cultural and heritage sites
 Gaming and wild life preservation
 Tourist attractions
 Graveyards
 Etc.

We need innovative ways of looking at the land question beyond farming and agriculture.
Any piece of land has the potential of being highly productive if and when its potential is
correctly identified and harnessed.

We cannot talk about food security while that very security lies in the hands of a few. It
means we have entrusted a few people with this necessity. In this current arrangement we
must correctly and very quickly come to the realisation that there really is no food security
in South Africa. For there to be genuine food security there needs to be more people
involved in the value chain of production and distribution of our food. Youth are particularly
the demographic needed to modernise agriculture to be in line with international food
safety and health standards. Communities need to build these farms/agricultural centres
from the ground up as proposed with the self-imposed “tax”. We need to get into the
culture of building our own legacies using the very little that we have.

Motjha Palong on crime

Crime is an unnecessary yet very key hindrance to youth development in our country. Some
of the most violent crimes are carried out by young people on young people. It is a social
evil that is steeped in systematic inequalities in education, heath, wealth and general quality
of lives.

Gender based violence and child abuse has in recent years gone and took an exponential
growth. This is concerning to many youths and especially comrades of the ANC Youth
League. We need to better equip ourselves through street committees and CPFs that are
responsive to signs of this nasty occurrence. The “know your neighbourhood” campaign
would seek to, but not limited to, confront these types of crimes within our most immediate
environments in society.

Corruption, as a sin of incumbency discussed later, is another crime that is busy eating its
way into the fibre of society. It directly delays the development of the Republic and that of
the youth. Corruption should, in our opinion, be deemed a treasonous crime and all
convicted of it must serve a fitting sentence. Those who are alleged to have been involved in
corruption must be compelled by the ANC, and the ANC Youth League in particular, to step
aside (suspended) till the matter is brought to rest. The youth can no longer afford for there
to be, perceived or otherwise, lenience on corruption.

Murder, rape, hijackings and house breakings must be met with the force at which these
crimes are being carried out as of late. The South African Police Services need to attract
more young people with intimate knowledge of communities and innovative ways of
intelligence gathering whom are combat ready to once and for all rid South Africa off the tag
of being one of the most violent countries in the world.

The idolisation of gangsters and the culture of gangs is something within the reach of a
capable ANC Youth League to defeat. We need to constantly bring awareness and
programmes that are designed to address the essence of the problems brought about by
crime. Programming on our TV sets need to always reflect our lived experience, but there is
a thin line between that necessary need and the idolisation of the plight of our people.

Illegal drug trade thrives where there is no law and order, and the youth slowly perishes
under its grip. Most youths know exactly where these substances are being sold and by
whom, but this cancer has sunken so deep into our fibre we just see it as second nature and
people digging out a living. It may very well be that a number of household are built on the
trading of illegal drugs, this does not justify the long term effects of this culture.

CPFs, composed of young people, must get support from private sector and government for
them to function as prepared and professional servants of the community. They must be
armed with accredited training, drone technology, radio communication, patrol and
response vehicles/bikes/bicycles and whatever resources needed to aid their functionality.
It is time the youth make its communities safe, and we charge ourselves with that
responsibility.

Motjha Palong and the battle of ideas

The South African Communist Party correctly refers to the battle of ideas as: “both a
struggle over ideas themselves and a struggle for the progressive transformation of the
major institutional means of ideological production and dissemination”5. It is a widely
accepted fact that the youth, as a stratum in motion, do not produce the education they
consume and thus our outlook on various issues are predetermined and conditioned by a
more powerful older stratum of society. Our interpretations come as a lack of genuine
institutional development of black youths, and the media plays into this by further
regressing us into the conditioned beings we ought to be.

 Eldership:
The ANC and it’s consistency of electing generally older people is a cause for concern
within society. The senior citizens in the highest decision making structure between
National Conferences are far too many for a youthful constituents they serve. The
eldership is keen on holding on to power and would manipulate processes through
patronage and proximity to keep frustrating the youth and the general development
of communities. They have gone so far as to breed grouping such as RET forces and a
New Dawn clique that constantly seek to outdo and unseat each other in positions
they are long overdue to vacate (it should be noted that Radical Economic
Transformation is ANC policy with which we agree with, we mention it here as used
as a tool to factionalised the ANC). Challenges faced by the ANC are brought about
by, but not limited to, leaders who simply are not willing to come to the realisation
that they have absolutely nothing more to offer the organisation and by extension
society, theirs is to keep enlarging their pension packages and building elaborate
CVs.
 Sins of incumbency:
It is the above mentioned eldership that suffers from this particular challenge. The
youth is expected to turn the other cheek when senior citizens abuse offices and
recourses entrusted to them. We are expected to keep these older comrades, who
regularly act with impunity, in their comfortable well-paying jobs at the expense of

5 st
SACP: South African Road to Socialism, Chapter 9 1 paragraph
 upward mobility of communities all because they fought for our liberation. This
surely we can all agree does not justify the silly things we have come across since the
advent of democracy.
 White Monopoly Capital:
Single handily the most powerful obstacle for the black youth in particular and the
nation in general. Capital controls every sphere of the lives of South Africans, we
have seen at Marikana how they control policing through their proxies, we see how
the basic needs like education and health are commercialised by capital on a daily
basis, they even control the cultural and sporting fraternities as is the case with the
unparalleled funding and development of historically black codes and arts. Surely
they are not the only enemy of the youth, but they are the most overbearing of all
challenges faced by the entire society.
 Neo-Liberal onslaught on gains of democracy:
There are those in society that play on the preconditioned nature of our people to
automatically think ‘white people are always right and genuine’. This tendency, it
must be said, has entrenched itself in various communities and growing particularly
where white communities are larger in number as compared to the average
nationally. Their proposals may sound nice to the ear, and may even sound practical
at times; it is their regressive essence we stand against. They seek to only provide
mobility for only a few already comfortable individuals in society; the plans are not
at all mass based in the true sense of the word.
 Fascism coupled with pseudo revolutionist:
Like a loaded and cocked gun to the head of democracy and all its gains, this
tendency is another major hindrance for the full development of the republic. We
note the misplaced militancy espoused by sloganeering demagogues taking
advantage of our people’s (youth) yearning for a socio-economic revolution, deeply
desperate for self-determination and a level playing field. There is no track record,
none whatsoever, of good intentions related to youths. The basis of the name of one
of the organisations in this fold finds origin in stolen ANC Youth League policy, while
others exist solely to polarise on the base of class and racial antagonism, most
organisations in this fold coming to being as a reactionary response to what
individual leaders face legally, financially or otherwise.

We have ventured to identify above, the major anti Motjha tendencies within the current
context of South Africa. To identify and analyse them will be futile if we are not ready to go
toe to toe with the threat of upward mobility of the majority of youths in the Republic.
Tactics must be formulated and continuously sharpened to defeat these tendencies.

Media plays a big role in giving rise and sustaining these and more tendencies. The
transformation of newsrooms is a major step in the battle of ideas. What they report, how
they interpret situations and their questionable sources must be correctly identified as
sustaining the feeling of helplessness of youths in general.
The delay of 5G and generally slow progression towards 4IR must be scrutinised as further
hampering our siege in the battle of ideas. A Motjha Palong brigade should be able to fight
any tendency on online platforms as well as on the picket lines. Facebook, WhatsApp,
Instagram and Twitter will prove to play major roles in spreading the correct interpretation
of our programme; comrades must be mature enough to use these platforms responsibly in
order to enhance our footprint in the hearts of youths.

Motjha Palong as an International movement

As mentioned in the introduction, the call for Motjha Palong is following a just and
necessary International trajectory of youths mobilising themselves for socio-economic
development and mobility.

We support the just calls of the youth of Eswatini to democratise that nation’s political
system. The Monarch seems to have a youthful persona and as thus needs to reciprocate by
heeding the Motjha Palong call.

We call for Motjha Palong in Algeria, in Angola, in Benin, in Botswana in the land of Sankara
Burkina Faso, in Burundi, in Cameroon, in Cape Verde, in Central African Republic, in Chad,
in the Camoros, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in the Republic of the Congo, in
Djibouti, in Egypt, in Equatorial Guinea, in Eritrea, in Ethiopia, in Gabon, in Gambia, in
Ghana, in Guinea, in Guinea-Bissau, in Ivory Coast, in Kenya, in Lesotho, in Liberia, in Libya,
in Madagascar, in Malawi, in Mali, in Mauritania, in Mauritius, in Morocco for the eldership
to vacate and liberate Western Sahara and the Sahrawi people, in Mozambique, in Namibia,
in Niger, in Nigeria, in Rwanda, in Sao Tome and Principe, in Senegal, in Seychelles, in Sierra
Leone, in Somalia, in South Sudan, in Sudan, in Tanzania, in Togo, in Tunisia, in Uganda,
Zambia and in Zimbabwe

Motjha Palong must ring loudly in the ears of Zionist Israel, Motjha Palong by the peoples of,
youth in particular, Palestine.

Conclusion
The ideas contained in this document come as a necessary urgency for the ANC Youth
League to come face to face with the all ills faced by its direct constituency and society as a
whole. Not every aspect has been outlined and the discussion, it is hoped, would take place
in branches all over the country, as well as in PYA structures and fraternal progressive youth
organisations alike.

The time for the youth to rise is now and no later, it is our destinies we are charged in
shaping. Nothing about us should ever been done or said without us

#MotjhaPalong