THE IDEOLOGICAL – POLITICAL ROLE OF BRAHMANS IN LATER MEDIEVAL INDIA

Author(s): Rameshwar Prasad Bahuguna

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 2011, Vol. 72, PART-I (2011), pp.
353-359
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44146728

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Indian History Congress is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Proceedings of the Indian History Congress

This content downloaded from

116.193.135.68 on Mon, 07 Mar 2022 17:24:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE IDEOLOGICAL - POLITICAL ROLE
OF BRAHMANS IN LATER MEDIEVAL
INDIA

Rameshwar Prasad Bahuguna

The impact of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate and later that
of the Mughal Empire on the caste system and Brahmanical hegemony
has been explained by historians in somewhat ambiguous terms. While
S. Nurul Hasan clearly suggested that the domination of the higher
castes tended to disappear with the establishment of the Turkish rule
and later the Mughal Empire,1 D.D. Kosambi, Tara Chand and Satish
Chandra have been more cautious in this regard. After suggesting that
"Islam helped to show the hollowness of the system whose gods could
not protect their own temples", Kosambi pointed out that 'caste
remained inflexible wherever the classes - particularly ownership of
land - was not shaken up by the extensive raids and counter-raids."2
Tara Chand expressed the view that the rigid caste system" felt the
loosening effect of the spirit of the age".3 This "loosening effect",
according to Tara Chand, was the result of the decline in the status of
the Brahmans in the aftermath of the Turkish conquest.4 However,
elsewhere he has pointed out that the Mughal state clearly recognized
its duty towards the maintenance of caste rules.5 Perhaps the most
persuasive view of the collapse of "the Rajput-Brahman alliance" in
the period following the Turkish conquest of northern India has been
expressed by Satish Chandra, in his opinion, the Turkish conquest
brought the supremacy of this alliance to an end. The advent of Islam
with the Turkish conquest also caused a setback to the power and
prestige command by the Brahmans. Thus the way was paved for the
growth of non-conformist movements based on anti-Brahmanical
ideology. The Brahmans had always made the people believe that the
images and idols in the temples were not just the symbols of God but
were gods themselves who possessed divine power and who could be
influenced by them. The Turks deprived the Brahmans of their temple
wealth and state patronage.6 However, in the same contribution, Satish
Chandra makes us aware of the fact that despite the collapse of the
Rajput-Brahman alliance, the Brahmans continued to enjoy much
prestige and influence due to their ritual authority and because they
"could still use the forces of tradition and 'superstition"'.7 He also
underlines "the gradual recovery of self-confidence by the Brahmans"
by the end of the sixteenth century.8

This content downloaded from

116.193.135.68 on Mon, 07 Mar 2022 17:24:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
354 IHC : Proceedings, 72nd Session , 2011

It would be reasonable to argue that despite the emergence of many

new jatis and instances of mobility in the caste hierarchy, "the loosening
effects of the spirit of the age'' on the caste system should not be
exaggerated. The "adjustment and changes" in the caste system were
the consequences not of the policies followed by the Sultans but of the
socio-economic changes.9 Irfan Habib makes the important point that
the rulers of the Sultanate and Mughal periods found the caste system
useful for the purpose of maximizing the revenues and, therefore, they
"had every reason to protect it".10 Orthodox Muslim writers such as
Zia Barani also believed in a social system based on rigid hierarchy,
though they thought "in terms of classes, rather than of castes".11 The
caste system served the interests of any ruling class irrespective of its
faith and while the denunciation of the Brahmans as 'infidels',
polytheists and idol-worshippers was a characteristic feature of the
orthodox Muslim writings, "there is in the entire range of medieval
Islamic literature no word of criticism of the caste system, the theory
of pollution and the oppression of untouchables that marked medieval
Hinduism".12 The medieval Indo-Muslim regimes, especially the
Mughal state assimilated the values of Brahmanical ideology. Caste
was the ordering principle of social life and the medieval states sought
to keep it intact. It may be noted that the sant legends of the seventeenth
century clearly depict both the Hindu and Muslim rulers as the defenders
of caste hierarchy and Brahmanical privileges.13
The political, ideological and economic relationship between the
Brahmanical elite and medieval states needs detailed investigation. The
later medieval rulers offered various kinds of gifts (« dan ), land revenue
grants and other forms of charity to the Brahmanical and other religious
elites. From the rulers' point of view dan in the form of donations,
charity and land revenue grants made the religious elites into the willing
ideologues of the state. Mughal land revenue grantees included not
only ulema and sufis but also members of the Brahmanical elite, Shavite
Jogis, Vaishnavite and Shaivite temples in various parts of the Empire,
Jain temples and Zoroastrian divines. It may be argued that
incorporation of the Brahmanical and other non-Islamic religious elites
into the Mughal patronage system was an integral part of the broader
political process of the integration of various regional and local ruling
elites into the Mughal apparatus. The entry of Rajput chiefs into the
Mughal nobility was followed by gradual extension of Mughal
patronage to Brahmans and Brahmanical institutions.
Mughal emperors from Akbar to Aurangzeb gave grants of land
revenue to the Brahmans and other non-Muslim religious elites on a
regular basis.14 Aurangzeb repeatedly gave donations to Brahmans on

This content downloaded from

116.193.135.68 on Mon, 07 Mar 2022 17:24:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Medieval India 355

the ground that such grants would enabl

of mind to offer prayers for the continua
that is destined to last for all time".15 T
Empire and the Maratha state under Shi
the Brahmans. The elaborate system of d
role to play in cementing the ideologic
the rulers/ chiefs and the Brahmanical elite. The dan ceremonies at
regular intervals by the Rajput chiefs implied renewal of Brahmanical
sanction to their authority.
To the Brahmans, on the other hand, the dan ceremonies brought
wealth, prestige and power. The royal dan ceremonies were not simple
acts of charity but constituted a political relationship between the
Brahmans and their royal patrons. Various kinds of dans to the Brahmans
were considered necessary for the longetivity of the kingdom. The
bewildering range of these dans - bestowed upon Brahmans on various
ceremonial occasions by the rulers of Mewar, especially by Rana Raj
Singh (1652-1660) - are repeatedly mentioned in two Sanskrit
panegyries composed by a court poet, Ranchhod Bhatt.16 Some of them,
such as Tuladan, Ashwadan, Gaj ada n, Godan , Brahmadan, Mahayodan,
Gosahashradan, Kalplatadan, Hir any ashwadan and Ratnadan were
frequently conferred upon the Brahmans.
The dominant class of Brahmans of Bañaras had links with the
Mughal court and the Mughal ruling class. Bernier informs us that the
'chief of Pendets' was granted a pension of two thousand rupees from
the Mughal Emperor, Shahjahan. According to Bernier, Shahjahan's
gesture was partly aimed at 'gratifying' the Rajput chiefs. This eminent
Brahman priest from Bañaras was also seen in the company of Mughal
nobles in Delhi.17 Many members of the Brahmanical elite were
patronized by the Rajput chiefs due to their high religious and
intellectual status.

It has been pointed out that fifty thousand Brahmans who attended
the coronation ceremony of Shivaji in 1674 were generously treated
for four months. They included Ganga Bhatta of Bañaras who bestowed
Kshatriya status on Shivaji.18 Land grants known as Vritti were given
for various religious reasons in medieval Maratha country.19 During
Shivaji's reign, it was laid down as part of official policy that Brahmans
who recited Vedas and other religious specialists would be entitled to
various privileges including rent free land, grants of money and grains
to enable them to "pray for the Raja's welfare and live happily".20
The relationship between theßrahmanical elite and its patrons was
mutual. The Brahman ideologues glorified the noble birth and lineages
of their patrons. Along with the bards, they traced the ancestries of the

This content downloaded from

116.193.135.68 on Mon, 07 Mar 2022 17:24:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
356 IHC: Proceedings , 72nd Session, 2011

Rajput chiefs and other rulers to the solar and lunar dynasties described
in the P uranie literature.21 The Brahmans performed various royal
ceremonies and could accord Kshatriya status to a victorious warrior
of Shudra background. Shivaji's case is often cited in this regard. When
the 'organised priesthood' of medieval Maharashtra refused to conduct
the coronation rites of Shivaji in 1674, 22 he had seek the help of
Gagabhatta, a learned Maharashtrian Brahman, then resident in Bañaras.
He performed the coronation ceremony as the chief priest and crowned
Shivaji as a Kshatriya king whose genealogy was traced to the Sisodiya
rulers of Mewar and through them to the mythical solar dynasty. The
contemporary rulers were either equated with various Brahmanical
deities such as Vishnu, Rama and Krishna or were regarded as their
incarnations. By tracing the ancestries of the Rajput and other kings to
sun or moon and by regarding them as the incarnations of various gods,
the Brahmans and bards represented the political order as natural rather
than historical determined.

Since the bardic political perceptions were similar to those of the

Brahmans, some of them may be mentioned here. An eulogistic account
in Sanskrit of Raja Man Singh's victories over the various Mughal
enemies was composed by one Muraridas sometime between 1604 A.D.
and 1614 A.D.23 The author was not a Brahman himself but clearly
articulates the Brahmanical political position. After discussing various
Varna rules in the beginning of the work, he credits his patron Man
Singh with ending anarchy, re-establishing Dharma and the authority
of Brahmans. He justifies the necessity of the monarchical form of
government and regards the monarch as a divine being. Emperor Akbar
is looked upon as an incarnation of Vishnu.24 He further writes that
fear of the Emperor (i.e. Akbar) prevented people from violating the
norms of Varna-ashrama-dharma .25 Throughout the work, both Man
Singh and Akbar are represented as the restorers of Dharma in the
territories conquered by Man Singh for the Empire.
Dursa Adha was the most famous bard of the late 16th and early
17th century. Though a charan by caste, he articulates Brahmanical
political perceptions effectively in his verses. He had composed poems
in glorification of both Rana Pratap and Akbar. While he glorified the
Rana for his chivalry, sense of independence, for not bowing his head
before the Mughal emperor and for defending the ' Khatri Dharma '
(Kshatriya Dharma),26 the sheer power of Akbar became the basis of
his praise. Dursa Adha wondered whether Akbar was an incranation of
Arjun (the hero of the epic, Mahabharata) or that of Krishna and whether
he belonged to the lineage of Rama or that of Krishna.27 There is no
denying the fact that in situations of political-military conflict between

This content downloaded from

116.193.135.68 on Mon, 07 Mar 2022 17:24:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Medieval India 357

Rajputs and Muslims, the Brahmans and

patrons as 'Hindupati', 'Rao Hinduwan',
as Yavanas and mlechhas ,28 But, as we know from Muraridas's
representation of Raja Man Singh, Rajput chiefs who excelled in
military conflict as Mughal servants could also be praised as ideal
Rajputs and represented along with the Mughal emperor as defenders
of Dharma. Those kings and chiefs who undertook military campaigns
and were victorious, who plundered and destroyed cites and villages
during their campaigns and who left people homeless and terrified
were the contemporary heroes of the Brahmans and bards.29
The Brahmanical understanding of history was guided by their
perception of circular yugas and the concept of avatars (incarnations).30
Brahmanical heroes of the past were either Vedic and Puranic gods or
the mythical-historical figures famous for their dan- giving feats such
as Bali, Karna, Vikramaditya and Bhoj.31 Brahmanical history writing
was meant primarily for the consumption of the ruling elites.32
From the above discussion it is clear that although the mechanism
of legitimation was an important factor in creating the ties of solidarity
between the Brahmanical elite and the various contemporary states, it
would be wrong to see the relationship between the two being
determined solely by their respective needs for patronage and
legitimation. We have seen that the Brahmanical world-view fitted well
into the contemporary polities - Mughal or Rajput. The hierarchical
socio-political order that characterized the Mughal polity and society
could be easily internalized by the Brahmanical elite as a variant of its
own concept of caste-based social order.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 . S. Nurul Hasan, The Problem of Nationalities in Medieval India", in Kr

Shrimali, ed., Essays in Indian Art, Religion and Society, Indian History
Golden Jubilee Year Publication Series, Vol.1, Delhi: Munshiram Manoha
pp. 193-200, esp. p. 193. Reprinted in S. Nurul Hasan, Religion, State an
in Medieval India, ed. and introduced by Satish Chandra, Delhi: Oxford
Press, 2005.
2. D.D. Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History , Bom
Prakashan, 1956, revised second edition, 1975, p. 367.
3. Tara Chand, Material and Ideological Factors in Indian History , Uni
Allahabad, Allahabad, 1966, p. 91.
4. Ibid.

5. Tara Chand, State and Society in the Mughal Period, Patel Memori
Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 196

This content downloaded from

116.193.135.68 on Mon, 07 Mar 2022 17:24:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
358 IHC : Proceedings , 72nd Session , 2011
6. Satish Chandra, "Historical Background to the Rise of the Bhakti Movement in
Northern India", in idem Historiography , Religion and State in Medieval India ,
Delhi: Har-Anand Publications, 1996, pp. 11 8-1 22.
7. Ibid., p. 128.
8. Satish Chandra, "Interaction of Bhakti and Sufi Movements in South Asia", in
idem Historiography , Religion and State in Medieval India , p. 146.
9. Irfan Habib, "Caste in Indian History" in idem Essays in Indian History: Towards
a Marxist Perception , Delhi: Tulika, 1995, pp. 173-1 75.

10. Ibid., p. 173.

11. Ibid.

12. Irfan Habib, "Medieval Popular Monotheism and its Humanism: The Historica
Setting", Social Scientist , 238-39, March-April 1993, p. 80.
13. For the perceptions of medieval sants like Kabir towards the rulers of the time, se
Rameshwar Prasad Bahuguna, "Symbols of Resistance: non-Brahmanical Sants
as Religious Hoeroes in Late Medieval India", in Biswamoy Pati et al., eds.,
Negotiating India 's Past: Essays in Memory of Partha Sarathi Gupta , Delhi: Tulika
Books, 2003, pp. 222-53.
14. In his celebrated review of Irfan Habib's The Agrarian System of Mughal Indi
Tapan Raychaudhuri had suggested the likelihood of Hindu grantees enjoying the
same privileges as held by the Muslim madad-i-maash holders, his "The Agrarian
System of Mughal India: A Review Essays", Enquiry n.s.), Vol.II(i), p. 108. For a
brief account of the grants of land revenue to non-Muslim religious groups and
institutions, see John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire (The New Cambridge
History of India, Vol. 1.5), Cambridge, 1993, pp.37, 92-93. Among the specific
studies, for Mughal land revenue grants to the sect of Saivite Jogis in the Punjab,
see B.N. Goswamy and J.S. Grewal, The Mughals and the Jogis ofJakhhar , Simla,
Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1967; for Akbar's grants to the Vaishnavite
temples and their priests and devotees, see Tarapada Mukherjee and Irfan Habib,
"Akbar and the Temples of Mathura and its Environs", Proceedings of the Indian
History Congress , 1989; for Bañaras farmans, Jangambari documents and other
orders issued by Aurangzeb all of which relate to the donation or restoration of
land revenue grants to various Saivite, Vaishnavite and Jain temples and devotees
in different parts of the country, see B.N. Pande, Islam and Indian Culture: Khuda
Baksh Annual Lectures, 1985, Patna, 1 985, pp. 36-44. A large number of Brahmans
also enjoyed zamindari rights in the Mughal empire, as is evident from the
information given in the Ain-i Akbar i in the 'Caste' column of the tables of detailed
statistics relating to sarkars of various Mughal provinces, see "Account of the
Twelve Subhas", in Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, 2nd translated in English by H.S. Jarrett
and revised by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 2nd ed.,
1927-49, reprint. New Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1994, pp. 129-368 passim.
15. See the Bañaras farmans of Aurangzeb, translated in B.N. Pande, op. cit., p. 38
See also pp.40-41.
16. See Ranchhod Bhatt, Raj Prashasti Mahakavyam , edited by Motilal Menaria,
Udaipur, 1973, and Amarkavyam , edited by Shakti Kumar Sharma 'Shakunť and
Ajendrapraksh Bhatnagar, Udaipur, 1985. For the great variety of dans offered by
Raha Raj Singh, see Raj Prashasti ' Mahakavyam , canto 6, pp. 57-66; Amarkavyam ,
canto 20, pp. 281-299. For Abul Fazl's account of dans , see A 'in-i Akbari , vol III,
English trans., New Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1994, pp. 305-07.

This content downloaded from

116.193.135.68 on Mon, 07 Mar 2022 17:24:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Medieval India 359

17. Francois Bernier Travels in the Mugul Empire A.D. 1656-1668, edited and
translated by Archibald Constable, reprint, Delhi, 1972, p.34 1 .
18. A.R. Kulkarni, The Marathas (1 600- Ì 848), Delhi: Books and Books, 1996, p. 33.
19. A.R. Kulkarni, "The Indian Village with Special Reference to Medieval Deccan
(Maratha Country)", General President Address, Indian History Congress , 52nd
session, Delhi, 1992, reprint, p. 33.
20. A.R. Kulkarni, "Maratha Brahmans in the Age of Shivaji", in his Medieval
Maharashtra , Delhi: Books and Books, 1996, p. 164.
2 1 . For example, the first three cantos of Ranchhod Bhatt's Raj Prashasti ahakavyam
(pp. 1 -37) trace the genealogy of the Sisodiya Rajput rulers of Mewar to the Puranic
solar dynasty.

22. A.R. Kulkarni, "Maratha Brahmins in the Age of Shivaji", in his Medieval
Maharashtra, p. 167 .
23. Muraridas, Manprakash , ed. Kishanlal Dube, Jodhpur Rajasthan Oriental Research
Institute, 1991. For details about the author, his caste, year of composition, etc.,
see the Introduction by the editor, pp. 1-14.
24. Ibid., Patrank 1-96, pp. 1-16; Patrank 27A, Shloka 151, p. 43.
25. Ibid., Patrank 26B, Shloka 149, p. 42.
26. Bhupali Ram Sakariya, ed., Durasa Adha Granthavali, Udaipur: Sahitya Sansthan
(Rajasthan Vidyapeeth), 1983, pp. 158, 159, 160-61.
27. Rawat S aras wat, "Great Akbar Badshah ro Duraso Adho Kahai", in Dingat Geet ,
Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1986, p. 65. See also B.L. Bhadani, The Profil« of Akbar
in Contemporary Rajasthan Literature", Social Scientist , nos. 232-33, 1992, pp.46-
60.

28. See, for instance Raj Prashasti Mahakavyam , canto 7, shloka 10, p.69 and shloka
14, p. 70; canto 23, shloka 15, p. 245.
29. See canto 7, pp. 67-78 of the Raj Prashasti Mahakavyam for Ranchhod Bhatt's
celebration of Rana Raj Singh's military adventures. In Shloka 21 (p.73) of this
canto, he writes that the people of the conquered towns were so terrified by Raj
Singh's victories that even "deer had stopped eating out of fear". See also the
eighteenth canto of Amarkavyam.
30. See Abul F azi, A ' in-i-Akbari , vol. Ill, pp.308-3 1 9, and Dabistan-i-Mazahib , written
c. 1658, Nazar Ashraf, English tr. By Anthony Troyer and David Shea as Schools
of Religions in 3 vols. The sections dealing with the religious system of the Hindus
have been reproduced as Hinduism during the Mughal India of the seventeenth
Century, Patna: Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library Publication, 1993, pp. 46-
48.

31. Raj Prashasti Mahakavyam , canto 18, shloka 17, p. 194 and Amarkavyam , canto
19, shlokas 10-11, p. 277. Rana Raj Singh is favourably compared with these for
his great powers to bestow dans on the Brahmans.
32. That most of these Brahmanical notions of history prevailed throughout the
medieval centuries is clear from the fact that even as late as during the early
nineteenth century, Mrityunjay Vidyalankar, a Brahman Sanskrit teacher at the
Fort William College (Calcutta) wrote a history of India in Bengali in the
conventional mode. For this, see Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments ,
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. 77-84.

This content downloaded from

116.193.135.68 on Mon, 07 Mar 2022 17:24:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms