Fales - Babylonian Letter

The Context of Scripture
VOLUME 4
Supplements
Edited by
K. LAWSON YOUNGER JR.
LEIDEN | BOSTON
For use by the Author only | © 2017 Koninklijke Brill NV

CONTENTS
Preface ix
Abbreviations and Symbols x
List of Contributors xi
EGYPTIAN INSCRIPTIONS
HIEROGLYPHIC COMPOSITIONS 3
The Triple Topographical List of Thutmose III (4.1) 5
The “Sea Peoples” Records of Ramesses III (4.2) 11
The Levant Campaign of Shoshenq I (4.3) 14
The Kawa Stelae of Taharqa (Years 2–10, 689–680BCE) (4.4) 18
Kawa Stela IV, Year 6 (4.4A) 19
Kawa Stela V, Year 6 (4.4B) 20
Kawa Stela III, Years 2–8 (4.4C) 21
Stela VI, Years 8–10 (4.4D) 23
Kawa Stela VII, Year 10 (4.4E) 24
DEMOTIC COMPOSITIONS 25
The So-Called Demotic Chronicle (4.5) 27
EGYPTIAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 33
ANATOLIAN INSCRIPTIONS
HITTITE COMPOSITIONS 37
The Kumarbi Series of Myths (4.6) 39
The Song of Emergence (4.6A) 40
The Song of the God LAMMA (4.6B) 44
The Song of Silver (4.6C) 46
The Song of Ḫedammu (4.6D) 47
The Song of Ullikummi (CTH 345) (4.6E) 51
HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN COMPOSITIONS 59
KARKAMIŠ A11b+c (4.7) 61
KARKAMIŠ A6 (4.8) 62
KARKAMIŠ A15b (4.9) 63
TELL AHMAR 6 (QUBBAH STELE) (4.10) 63
ALEPPO 6 (4.11) 64
MEHARDE (4.12) 65
SHEIZAR (4.13) 66
HAMA 4 (4.14) 66
ÇINEKÖY (4.15) 67
ANATOLIAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 69
WEST SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS
PHOENICIAN COMPOSITIONS 75
The Phoenician Inscription of Çineköy (4.16) 77
HEBREW COMPOSITIONS 79
Barley Order (4.17) 81
Samaria Ostraca (4.18) 81
Samaria Ostracon 1 (4.18A) 83
Samaria Ostracon 2 (4.18B) 83
Samaria Ostracon 3 (4.18C) 83
Samaria Ostracon 4 (4.18D) 83
Samaria Ostracon 8 (4.18E) 83
Samaria Ostracon 10 (4.18F) 83
Samaria Ostracon 12 (4.18G) 84

vi Context of Scripture, IV
Samaria Ostracon 14 (4.18H) 84

Samaria Ostracon 16 (4.18I) 84
Samaria Ostracon 18 (4.18J) 84
Samaria Ostracon 19 (4.18K) 84
Samaria Ostracon 23 (4.18L) 84
Samaria Ostracon 28 (4.18M) 84
Samaria Ostracon 44 (4.18N) 85
Samaria Ostracon 53 (4.18O) 85
MOABITE COMPOSITIONS 87
The El-Kerak/Kemoshyat Inscription (4.19) 89
The New Moabite Royal Inscription (4.20) 89
The Incense Altar from Khirbet El-Mudiyineh (4.21) 90
Marzeaḥ Papyrus (4.22) 91
ARAMAIC COMPOSITIONS 93
The KTMW Inscription (4.23) 95
Samʾalian Funerary Stele: Ördekburnu (4.24) 96
Ninurta-bēlu-uṣur (4.25) 97
The Akkadian Text (4.25A) 98
The Aramaic Text (4.25B) 98
The Luwian Text (4.25C) 98
Tell Shiukh Fawqani (4.26A) 99
Tell Shiukh Fawqani (4.26B) 100
Tell Aḥmar (4.27) 102
Tell Šeḫ Ḥamad (4.28A) 103
Tell Šeḫ Ḥamad (4.28B) 103
Assur Ostracon (4.29) 104
Aramaic Inscription of the Xanthos Trilingual Stele (4.30) 107
WEST SEMITIC BIBLIOGRAPHY 109
AKKADIAN INSCRIPTIONS
NUZI TEXTS 117

Texts from Nuzi (4.31) 119
Letter From The King of Mittani to Itḫi-Teššub, King of Arrapḫe (HSS IX 1: “Sauštatar Letter”)
(4.31A) 120
Ḫašiya Donates Real Estate to Prince Šilwe-Teššub (HSS IX 35) (4.31B) 121
Royal Order Concerning Ilku Done in The Royal City (HSS XIV 9) (4.31C) 122
Judicial Resolution of Dispute Over Dimtu of Kizzuk (JEN 321) (4.31D) 123
Declaration of No Contest by Holders of Title Alienated Through Real-Estate Adoption (JEN 160)
(4.31E) 125
Conviction of Oxherd on Account of Ox That Gored Its Fellow Ox (JEN IV 341) (4.31F) 126
Expropriation of Materials and Ilku Labor, Breaking and Entering, Failure to Perform Upon Fee
Payment (4.31G) 127
Procuring Sex and Denying It (AASOR 16, 4) (4.31H) 128
Royal Order Charging Local Authorities with Responsibility for Territory and Population
(HSS XV 1) (4.31I) 128
RITUAL FOR THE CULT IMAGE 131
The Mesopotamian “Washing of the Mouth” (mīs pī) or “Opening of the Mouth” ( pīt pī) Ritual
(4.32A–C) 133
Nineveh Ritual Tablet (4.32A) 135
The Babylonian Version of the “Opening of the Mouth” Ritual (BM 45749) (4.32B) 140
Important Incantations (4.32C) 143
NEO-ASSYRIAN TREATIES 145
Treaty of Šamši-Adad V with Marduk-zakir-šumi, King of Babylon (4.33) 147
Treaty of Aššur-Nerari V with Matiʾ-ilu, King of Arpad (4.34) 149
Esarhaddon’s Treaty with Baal, King of Tyre (4.35) 153
Esarhaddon’s Succession Treaty (4.36) 155
The Zakutu Treaty (4.37) 166
Oath of Loyalty to Esarhaddon (4.38) 168

vii
LATE NEO-ASSYRIAN ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS 171

Esarhaddon’s Thompson Prism (Nineveh A) (4.39) 173
Esarhaddon’s Heidel Prism (Nineveh B) (4.40) 179
Aššurbanipal’s Rassam Prism (A) (4.41) 182
A NEO-ASSYRIAN LETTER TO THE GOD 197
The Letter to the God Aššur Recounting Sargon’s Eighth Campaign (714BCE) (4.42) 199
NEO-ASSYRIAN LETTERS 217
Two Letters Related to Assyrian Acts of “Psychological Warfare” 219
A Letter from the Reign of Tiglath-Pileser III (4.43) 219
Letter from the Reign of Assurbanipal (4.44) 220
A Princely Letter 222
Letter from Ululayu (Shalmaneser V) to His Father Tiglath-Pileser III (4.45) 222
MARI INSCRIPTIONS 225
Letter to the God Nergal (ARM 1.3) (4.46) 227
Message from Addu for Zimri-Lim (FM 7.38) (4.47) 227
Report on Ḫapīrū-Activities in the Balih Region (ARM 2.131) (4.48) 228
Request for Information About the Conflict with Sumu-Epuh (ARM 5.17) (4.49) 229
Report on a Skirmish in the Beqaʿ Valley (A.3552) (4.50) 230
Epic of Zimri-Lim (A. 3152+M.5665+) (4.51) 231
Oath for an Official During the Reign of Zimri-Lim (M.6060) (4.52) 234
Update from the Court of Yarim-Lim of Aleppo (A.2988+) (4.53) 235
Request for Permission to Raid the Flocks of Ishme-Dagan (FM 8.43) (4.54) 236
Advice for the King on How to Deal with Personnel (ARM 26.5) (4.55) 237
Advice for the King on International Politics and the Mobile Pastoralists (A.1098) (4.56) 238
Report on Zalmaqum and the Šepâtum in the Upper Habur (FM 6.5) (4.57) 239
Request for Zimri-Lim to Reciprocate Support (ARM 28.77) (4.58) 240
Information for Zimri-Lim Regarding Diplomacy and International Politics (FM 2.117) (4.59) 241
Counsel for Zimri-Lim About Preparations for Campaign (FM 2.116) (4.60) 242
Shimatum Informed Zimri-Lim About Her Husband’s Political Activities (ARM 10.5) (4.61) 244
Important Information About Bunu-Eshtar Relayed to the Palace (A.1215) (4.62) 244
Update for the King About Events During the War with Eshnunna (A.1610+) (4.63) 246
A Brief Report to the Queen (ARM 10.157) (4.64) 246
Long Report on the Crisis Among the Kings in the Upper Jezirah (A.1025) (4.65) 247
Account of Prophetic Responses to The Conflict with Eshnunna (ARM 26.199) (4.66) 249
Report on the Upper Jezirah in the Aftermath of the War with Eshnunna (ARM 2.130) (4.67) 250
Rationale for Not Going to Mari (ARM 28.51) (4.68) 251
Complaint to Zimri-Lim About Ibal-Addu (ARM 28.115) (4.69) 251
Report on Ruse Involving the King of Gutium (M.11495) (4.70) 252
Account of Unrest at Talhayum (M.6009) (4.71) 253
Advice for Zimri-Lim on How to Respond to Atamrum (A.2730) (4.72) 253
Reply to Zimri-Lim’s Concerns About the War with Elam (A.3080) (4.73) 254
Report to Zimri-Lim on Reactions to the War with Elam (M.13014) (4.74) 255
Update on a Land-Dispute in the Upper Jezirah (ARM 28.95) (4.75) 256
Report on Politics in the Upper Jezirah (ARM 28.44) (4.76) 257
TEXTS FROM ANCIENT CANAAN 259
Administrative Document From Hebron (4.77) 261
Cylinder Letter from Tagi to Labaya (Beth Shean 2) (4.78) 261
Taanach Tablets (4.79A–D) 262
Taanach Tablet 1 (4.79A) 262
Taanach Tablet 2 (4.79B) 262
Taanach Tablet 5 (4.79C) 263
Taanach Tablet 6 (4.79D) 263
The El-Amarna Letters (4.80–86) 264
Pharaoh to Kadashman-Enlil (EA 1) (4.80) 264
Rib-Adda to the Pharaoh of Egypt (Amenhotep III) (EA 74) (4.81) 265
Letter from the General to Rib-Adda of Byblos Concerning the Recovery of Lost Asses (EA 96)
(4.82) 266
Threatening Letter from the Pharaoh to Aziru (EA 162) (4.83) 267
Letter of Mayarzana of Hasi to the Pharaoh About Amanhatpe’s Conquests of Towns in the Region

viii Context of Scripture, IV
(EA 185) (4.84) 269

Labaya of Shechem Writes the Pharaoh to Explain His Loyalty (EA 252) (4.85) 270
Tell El-Hesi Letter (EA 333) (4.86) 271
Cuneiform Texts from Hazor 8, 10, 12, 18 (4.87A–D) 271
Hazor 8 (4.87A) 271
Hazor 10 (4.87B) 272
Hazor 12 (4.87C) 272
Hazor 18 (4.87D) 273
MEDICAL TEXTS 275
The Practice of Medicine 277
Beginnings of Pharmacology (4.88A) 277
“Natural” Causes: Sick Liver (4.88B) 281
“Natural” Causes: Jaundice (4.88C) 283
“Natural” Causes: Cough (4.88D) 284
“Natural” Causes: Fever; Headache; Skin Lesions; Ears; Eyes (4.88E*) 285
“Supernatural” Causes: The Moon God Sîn: Herpes (4.88F) 288
“Supernatural” Causes: The Moon God Sîn: Leprosy (4.88G) 291
“Supernatural” Causes: The Demoness Lamaštu: Diagnostic and Pharmacological Text Excerpts
(4.88H) 293
“Supernatural” Causes: The Demoness Lamaštu: Fever (4.88I) 295
“Supernatural” Causes: Lamaštu and Witchcraft: Rituals of the End of the Month Abu (4.88J) 297
“Supernatural” Causes: Witchcraft: Hypothyroidism (4.88K) 305
“Supernatural” Causes: “Cutting Of The Breath”: Ritual Messages; Sour Milk (4.88L) 306
“Supernatural” Causes: “Cutting Of The Breath”: Star-Borne Poisons (4.88M) 309
Medical Text Commentaries (4.88N) 310
BABYLONIAN LETTER 313
A Ninth-Century Letter from the Middle Euphrates to Central Syria (4.89) 315
AKKADIAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 317
SUMERIAN INSCRIPTIONS
Kar 4: The Creation of Humanity (4.90) 333

Enki and the World Order (4.91) 340
SUMERIAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 352
INDICES
Scripture 357
General 361

BABYLONIAN LETTER

A NINTH-CENTURY LETTER FROM THE MIDDLE
EUPHRATES TO CENTRAL SYRIA (4.89)
F. M. Fales
(Obverse) (8) was (available) for me to see, I wrote and

(1)1 Say to Rudamu2: (9) dispatched to you the (following) tablet:
(2) thus (speaks) Marduk-apla-uṣur, your brother.3 (10) “Yo[u ........................]
(3) Good health to you! (11) with m[e ........................]”
(4) Also (say) to my brother thus: (Lines 12–16) lost5
(5) I have received the tablet which
(Reverse)
(6) you sent to me with
(l′6) […]Adad-nadin-[zeri].7
(7) Bel-išdiya-kīni.4 Even before your tablet
(2′) a man who … s his god,8 has been pocketing9
1 The present letter (Hama 6 A 334) was published in copy, photograph, transliteration and translation by Parpola 1990; the version given here
follows this reliable editio princeps closely, save for minor details. The relevant tablet (4.9× 7.8 cms) was retrieved in 1936 during the Danish
excavations at the present-day site of Ḥamā on the Orontes river in central Syria, the ancient city of Ḫamat; it is presently kept in the Danish
National Museum at Copenhagen. It comes from Building III of the ancient acropolis (nowadays a citadel for mainly military purposes), which
also yielded other cuneiform texts of magical, divinatory, and medical content; since all these texts were found near the main entrance of the
building, it is believed that an attempt to save them was effected in 720BCE, when Ḫamat was about to fall to Sargon II of Assyria (Parpola
1990:257). The tablet was written by an “experienced scribe” in a writing close to 8th-century Neo-Babylonian cursive, and exhibits both
Middle Babylonian (MB) and Neo-Babylonian (NB) language features (ibid., and p. 263).
2 Obv. Line 1. The opening formula of the salutatio, urging the tablet to “speak” to the addressee, is typical of Babylonian epistolography. The
name of the addressee, Rudamu, is a variant writing of the Luvian name Uratami(š), attested in five nearly duplicate inscriptions in hieroglyphic
Luvian script on basalt blocks discovered in the acropolis of Ḫamat. The texts (HAMA 1–3, 6–7) indicate that Uratami(š), king of the city,
was the son of Urḫilina, who is to be identified with Irḫulena/i, king of Ḫamat, leader of a vast alliance of North Syrian, Phoenician, and
Transjordanian states, also including Ahab of Israel and an Arab contingent of camel troops, in the pitched battle at Qarqar on the Orontes
against the invading Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (853BCE; cf. Yamada 2000:169 ff.). Urḫilina kept on waging war against the Assyrians
for several years (ca. 849–845BC: cf. PNA, 564a–b); accordingly, Uratami(š) may be dated a generation later, ca. 840–820BC (Hawkins
2000:402–403). The fact that the present tablet was also retrieved at Ḥamā makes the identification of the Luvian king Uratami(š) with our
addressee Rudamu unequivocal; the implications of Reverse, lines 7′ and 12′ further indicate his royal status, while the parity of rank between
the correspondents is implied by the appellative “brother” bestowed by the sender in a socio-political sense (Parpola 1990:260).
3 Line 2. Marduk-apla-uṣur. Cf. PNA, 711a for a man of this name, mentioned as ruler of the Middle-Euphrates state of Suḫu in the Black
Obelisk of Shalmaneser III. Simply named by the Assyrians the “man from Suḫu” (cf. Rev. line 1′ below), he is said to have paid the Assyrians
a tribute of silver, gold, gold buckets, ivory, spears(?), byssos, bright-colored garments, and linen (RIMA 3:150 A.0.102.90). Were this Marduk-
apla-uṣur to be identified with the sender of the present letter – as is quite probable –, his chronological position would by and large tally with
that of Rudamu, i.e after 840BCE (see above, and cf. Parpola 1990:261). The polity of Suḫu – stretching in this period along the Euphrates from
Rapiqu to the borders of Ḫindanu (i.e for a length of approx. 250km) – had the city of Anat (in the present-day river island of Qal‘at ‘Āna
in SW Iraq) as one of its main towns and sometimes as its capital (cf. Brinkman 1968:183ff.): here, a British expedition carried out salvage
excavations in 1981–1982 retrieving Neo-Assyrian antiquities as well as from other periods (Northedge et al. 1988).
4 Line7. A Babylonian name (“Bel, establish my foundation!”). Cf. PNA, 318a, for a man from Babylon with this same name in the time of
Sargon II. In our case, it should refer to a messenger of Marduk-apla-uṣur who had borne back to Anat a previous letter from Rudamu: Parpola
1990:261 reconstructs in some detail a theoretical chain of letters on the basis of the mention of other epistolary texts in Obv. 5 and Obv. 8,
reaching the conclusion that “the two rulers maintained a lively (almost hectic) correspondence at the time concerned.”
5 The sole legible traces here are [… n]a-a-a at the end of line 14 which according to Parpola might be restored as [URU Ḫi-in-da-n]a-a-a,
“Ḫindanaean,” with reference to the polity lying just to the northwest of Suḫu on the Middle Euphrates.
6 A further line on the bottom edge of the tablet and the first one on the Reverse are also lost.
7 Rev. line 1′. Adad-nadin-[zeri]. This individual is attested as “governor of Suḫu and Mari,” and as direct ancestor of Šamaš-reša-uṣur and
his son Ninurta-kudurri-uṣur, who have left us numerous official inscriptions as independent governors of Suḫu in the early 8th century (see
Ismail et al. 1983:19 f.; RIMB 2:282–285, texts S.0.1001.2–3, and ibid., 295, 315, texts S.0.1002.1, 90 and COS 2:279, for their genealogy, and
cf. PNA, 711a). The rivalry of Marduk-apla-uṣur with Adad-nadin-zeri indicated here and in the next line might be somehow reflected in the
somewhat vaguer titulary attributed to the former by the Assyrians (see ad Obv. l. 2, above). Probably a subdivision of the territory of Suḫu
between two competing rulers was underway at the time of this letter (with Adad-nadin-zeri possibly controlling the N/NW areas of Suḫu
through which caravan traffic between Ḫamat and Anat necessarily flowed); however, their differences could also have concerned alternative
political stances held vis-à-vis the advance of Assyrian arms in the Euphrates river basin. On the other hand, it may be noticed from Rev. line 4′,
below that the two rulers were still entertaining correspondence, i.e. they continued to be somehow “on speaking terms.”
8 Line 2′. The text has LÚ ka-ME DINGIR-šú, for which Parpola (1990:262) finds no single satisfactory reading/interpretation. In any case,
the expression had a clearly derogatory meaning, implying some sort of impious action/behavior on Adad-nadin-zeri’s part (with political
connotations).
9 Line 2′: the text has i-ta-kal, lit. “eating up,” with a possible meaning in the sphere of economy (“taking for himself/pocketing,” etc.),
although also “consuming” should not be ruled out. The exact context of the action is difficult to make out, although it is sufficiently clear that
Marduk-apla-uṣur and Rudamu had common interest in some “goods” (udē, see next footnote), perhaps issuing from a regular caravan trade
across the Syrian desert. Adad-nadin-zeri may have requisitioned some caravans of both parties as they were going through his particular
territory (se note on Rev. line 1′, above, and cf, Parpola 1990:263).

316 Context of Scripture, IV
(3′) [our] goods;10 and l have (9′) about my goods and get (them) back.
(4′) written to him. (Now) you, (10′) Now,13 may your messenger
(5′) protest11 about your goods (11′) come quickly!
(6′) and get (them) back!12 (12′) May Anat and
(7′) He cannot withhold (them) from you. (13′) and [sic]14 Ḫamat
(8′) I will (then) also protest (14′) be strong,15 strong!16
10 Line 3′. Here, and in lines 5′ and 9′, the term udē, relatively frequent in MB and NB as a comprehensive term for miscellaneous (and
usually precious) goods is used: cf. CAD U/W 24b. As already noted by Parpola (1990:263, n. 26), the Suḫeans were not above intercepting
passing foreign caravans themselves: cf. now RIMB 2:300, text no. S.0.1002.3, for the proud and detailed report by the later “governor”
Ninurta-kudurri-uṣur of having intercepted a caravan train from Tema and Saba’ (i.e. resp. from the productive and trading centers of northern
and southern Arabia, headed for Mesopotamia), whose leaders “had never come to me, and had never travelled to meet me” – i.e. possibly
had not paid the required taxes for passage –, and of having captured the 100-man personnel, together with 200 camels and a vast booty of
blue-purple wool, iron, and precious stones (COS 2:281–282).
11 Line 5′. Here, and in line 8′, are particular MB-NB forms (with e-vowel coloring) of the verb tamû, lit., “to swear, to take an oath,” in legal
contexts, often with the meaning of making a claim on stolen property: cf. CAD T 160a–165a. Parpola’s translation is followed (see also CAD
T 24b).
12 Line 6′. Here, as in line 9′, below, the scribe employed the verb našû, in the particular meaning of “taking back” something.
13 Line 10′. enna is a typically NB lexical item for “now”; cf. Parpola 1990:263.
14 Line 13′. The sign ù (“and”), already present in the previous line, is erroneously repeated here.
15 Line 14′. The text of this line has lu KALAG(erasure). MEŠ dan-nu. In both cases, the adjective dannu, “strong” is meant, but the slightly
erased logograms (as visible from the photograph and Parpola’s hand-copy on p. 259) refer to a plural form (consistent with the previous
mention of both Anat and Ḫamat), whereas the syllabic dan-nu is in the singular – unless it should be taken as a form of scribal “gloss” to make
the logograms understandable to the addressee.
16 Summing up, the historical interest of this isolated letter is that it sheds light on the long-range political and commercial relations
between the state of Suḫu on the Middle Euphrates, of Babylonian heritage and culture, with the Luvian-ruled state of Ḫamat on the middle
course of the Orontes (see the map in Parpola 1990:260). Whether this alliance was solely based on commercial interests, or it also had as
its backdrop a geopolitical affinity concerning the need to counter Assyrian military and territorial expansion under the repeated thrusts of
Shalmaneser III, is difficult to say with certainty. What is relatively clear, on the other hand, is that the two correspondents, Marduk-apla-uṣur
and Rudamu/Uratamis, seem to have envisaged no difficulty in maintaining regular (and perhaps even intense) relations, despite the 400km.
distance between their homelands and the extreme harshness of the rocky Syrian desert in between – while, to the contrary, this arid and
forbidding environment (probably also patrolled by camel-riding Arabs) seems to have been by and large “off limits” for the Assyrian armies,
forced to cross westward from Mesopotamia to Syria along much more northernly itineraries in the grassy steppelands. Finally, this letter
might go some way in clarifying the background of the dynastic change which occurred in Ḫamat some decades later (ca. 800BCE), where an
Aramaean named Zakkur rose to the throne. In the opening of his monumental Aramaic inscription (KAI 202, line 2), this king states clearly
’š ‘nh ’nh, a clause which was traditionally understood as “a humble/devout man am I,” but which more recently has been re-interpreted as
“a man of ‘Anah am I” (Millard 1990). While we are still in the dark concerning the concrete circumstances which brought (the ultimately
pro-Assyrian) Zakkur to seize the throne of Ḫamat from the previous Luvian dynasty, starting out from his birthplace Anat/‘Anah, the present
letter clearly demonstrates that these two locations on opposite edges of the Shamīya desert had already been in close and intense contact for
some decades.
REFERENCES
Brinkman 1968; Hawkins 2000; Ismail, Roaf, and Black 1983:191–194; Millard 1990:47–52; Northedge et al. 1988; Parpola 1990:257–265;
Yamada 2000.

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ANBAR, M.
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ANBAR, M., and N. NA’AMAN
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ARKHIPOV, I.
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The Context of Scripture

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WEST SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS

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Samaria Ostracon 14 (4.18H) 84

NUZI TEXTS 117

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LATE NEO-ASSYRIAN ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS 171

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(EA 185) (4.84) 269

Kar 4: The Creation of Humanity (4.90) 333

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(Obverse) (8) was (available) for me to see, I wrote and

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