Challenges and Workarounds in Researching Indigenous and Metis Genealogy in Canada

Challenges and Workarounds in Researching
Indigenous and Métis Genealogy in Canada
By Trish Hurtubise ©
for Indigenetics Advisory Society
trish@indigenetics.org
The Indigenetics Advisory Society would like to acknowledge that this publication was
composed on the unceded traditional territories of the Sylix, Nlaka’pamux, Okanagan, and
Métis peoples, by a member of the Couchiching First Nation.
3/17/2022
Challenges and Workarounds in Researching Indigenous and Metís Genealogy in Canada – T. Hurtubise 2022
This guide book has been created by the writer as a gift to fellow
genealogy and family history researchers. It is hoped that the
information contained herein can serve as an inspirational starting point
in family research.
Donations to the Indigenetics Advisory Society are welcomed as they
will fund and enable future publications and initiatives such as this one,
so please consider supporting our not-for-profit cause.
The Indigenetics Advisory Society

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© All rights reserved. This guide book or parts thereof may not be reproduced in any form
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part of this publication can be reprinted for profitable usage.
Page 1
Introduction
Pursuing Indigenous and Métis
An Aboriginal person is identified in
genealogical research has become more and more
accordance to the Constitution Act
popular in recent days as individuals attempt to of 1982, Part II, Section 35(2), as
reconnect with their cultural identity, ancestry, and “The Indian, Inuit and Métis Peoples
of Canada”.
background using the modern day resources which
are currently available online to the greater public. While the preferred terminology is to
use “Indigenous”, other terms will be
Some of these individuals are pursuing their family
used in this guide in legal context of
histories in the hopes of proving or disproving the its usage within the record sources
understanding, which has been passed down for discussed within.
several generations, that they may, or may not, A more extensive glossary of some
have Canadian Indigenous ancestry. For whichever of the terms used in this guide can
chosen reasons compel a researcher into exploring be found in Appendix A.
the journey of their family’s past, it suffices to say that Indigenous and Métis family histories are
wrought with complexities that are relatively unique to the Canadian genealogical research
process in particular. This guide will hopefully shed light on some of these obstructions as well
as their potential workaround solutions1.
As the borders of Canada are quite vast, they seem to encompass more than 630 First
Nation Communities, 50 Nations and 50 different Indigenous languages. 2 In addition to the
federally recognized Indigenous communities, Canada is also compromised of a multitude of
various chartered Métis communities, regions, and individuals. This guide suggests that the
cultural diversity of these several different Nations should be taken into account when actively
performing research, to honour and acknowledge the sacred traditions and practices inherent to
the specific communities which are being studied. While this may not always be possible, nor
practical to apply, it is imperative to, at the very least, be humble and respectful in your pursuit
of information.
1
While each family and individual is unique to every search, personal family research experiences will sometimes be utilized to
support the examples included herein.
2
“Indigenous people and communities.” Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada, Government of Canada, 11
June 2021, www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1100100013785/1529102490303.
Page 2
Four of the main distinctive areas which are particularly challenging to researchers, when
performing an Indigenous and Métis genealogical search involve; names and identity issues,
documentation variances, family dynamics, and social and political issues. It is of note that some
of the specific issues outlined within this guide will overlap in terms of categories.
Page 3
Names and Identity Issues

Phonetic translations often varied from document to document, as well as between the
different transcribers who were responsible for recording such details. For example, one of the
writer’s second great grandmother’s name was pronounced Kay-Chee-Ah-Sam-Ohk, although the
“Chee” portion sounded more like a combination of “Zjee”. Now, attempt to envision a non-
Indigenous speaking Indian Agent and other record takers trying to transcribe this in the same
uniform fashion from a treaty paylist to a school record, to a census document, to inter-
departmental correspondence, as it became nearly impossible to have a consistent spelling for her
name each time.
A way to approach this challenge is to research the phonetics of that particular tribe or
region and then attempt to say the name out loud to familiarize yourself with the individual’s
pronunciation. This way, when you are accessing different sources, you will better your chances
of recognizing them within countless pages of other Indigenous names. It is also beneficial to be
able to recognize their main family members, as well as proximal dates and locations to locate
and verify said individual.
Language equivalents. In some instances, a person’s name might be documented in
several different forms according to literal translations. For example, the surnames Duck
(English), Shesheep (Anishinaabemowin) and Canard (French) could be used on the same
individual, as they essentially translate to the same word.
If you are having a difficult time locating a person between one year to the next, or
amongst corresponding documents, where you generally were expecting them to be found,
consider looking into what their name may have translated into between the Indigenous, English
and French translation of names, and then look for those variations as well.
Families who were closely associated with one another would also sometimes share a
common theme of Anglicized surnames, such as; Duck, Loon, Mallard, etc. Each of these names
essentially represents a sort of waterfowl and could sometimes be associated with the
descendants of one primary family.
Adopted names. There is no formal existence of any sort of documentation to link an
individual or family’s Traditional name to the Anglicized names which were expected from them
by the Indian Act Naming Policies.
Page 4
“The federal government’s Indian Act policies for Indians or First Nation(s) people during the
nineteenth century were primarily concerned with assimilation. One aspect of the assimilation
process was the renaming of the entire First Nation population, partly to extinguish traditional
ties and partly because Euro-Canadians found many of the names confusing, difficult to
pronounce and went against assimilation objectives – it was feared that leaving them with their
traditional names would take away the motivation to assimilate.”3
It is also interesting to note that Indigenous individuals in Canada only started to have
patrilineal surnames applied since the late 1800s to the early 1900s. While some families were
able to choose their own newly assumed surnames, the Indian Agents were also known to
arbitrarily assign both first and last names to other band members at their own discretion. The
Indian Agent’s naming practices oftentimes were confusingly repetitive and occasionally
influenced by religious and biblical figures. A hypothetical example of this would be when an
Indian Agent would assign the name “Moses Joseph” to one individual then travel to a
neighboring community and name another completely unrelated person “John Joseph”. This
practice could, and has, confused subsequent family researchers into believing that a certain
family was associated to one another, when in fact they were not related at all.
Some Indian Agents were also known to assign their own surname to individuals, once
again, despite having no familial relation to the Indigenous individual who received it.
Some of the Indigenous families would assume surnames that were phonetically similar
between their Indigenous name and something which sounded phonetically similar in an
Anglicized version.
An example of this involves one of the writer’s direct ancestors, who was also one of the
signatory Chiefs for the Treaty #3 regions. Table 1, on the next page, demonstrates how the same
individual’s name can vary between different sources over time, concerning the naming issues
shared here. Chief Mikiseesis (? – 1888) was also known as “Little Eagle” and there were
countless variations in the spelling of his name and how he was identified. One branch of his
descendants adopted the name “McGinnis” as it sounded phonetically similar to their namesake.
3
“The Indian Act Naming Policies.” Indigenous Corporate Training Inc., 11 March 2014, www.ictinc.ca/indian-act-naming-
policies.
Page 5
ME-PIE-SIES (1873 Treaty Three text4)

Little Eagle (1875 Government Report5) – Little Eagle is the English translation of his name.
Mickisunse (1881 Canada Census6)
Mikesees (1889 Government Correspondence)

Mikiseesis (Little Eagle) – (Treaty #3 Metis7)
McGinnis (the surname adopted by some of his descendants)
Table 1
When you are attempting to track the progression of the different name variations which
may have potentially been used by an individual, there are a few strategies that might be useful
in this aspect. While each of these is generally quite effective, it must be cautioned that they also
involve a considerable dedication of time and patience in the researching and repetitive access
of, and going back and forth, between records. So, if you are willing and able to set aside some
time with a web browser, this will not be just a fact-finding mission, but a potentially intriguing
learning opportunity as well. Some of the remarks found in those documents can shed light on
the overall lifestyles of those being studied, albeit with a perspective presented by the colonial
attitudes of its authors.
Government Archives
Before and after the various tribes signed into what is presently known as the eleven
“treaties” with the Queen and the subsequent Canadian government, there was a substantial
amount of documentation regarding the interactions between Indigenous peoples and the
Crown’s representation.
Unfortunately, a substantial portion of these publicly available documentations 8 are
flagrantly subjective and are heavily weighted by the pen of non-Indigenous hands and their
prejudicial description of the individuals, communities, and events involved at that time,
4
“Treaty 3 between Her Majesty the Queen and the Saulteaux Tribe of the Ojibbeway Indians at the Northwest Angle on the
Lake of the Woods with Adhesions.” Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada, Government of Canada, 30
August 2013, www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1100100028675/1581294028469
5
“ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR FOR THE YEAR ENDED 30TH JUNE, 1875.” Government
of Canada – Library and Archives. https://recherche-collection-search.bac-
lac.gc.ca/eng/home/record?app=indaffannrep&IdNumber=673&new=-8585557029956161171
6
Mickisunse. 1881 Census of Canada [database on-line]; Birth place: Northwest Territories Residence date: 1881 Residence
place: Manitoba Extension, Manitoba, Canada, http://search.ancestry.ca/cgi-
bin/sse.dll?db=1881canada&h=809991&ti=5543&indiv=try&gss=pt
7
Treaty #3 Metis | PDF | Indigenous Peoples of North America | Canadian Folklore
8
https://www.bac-lac.gc.ca/eng/Pages/home.aspx
Page 6
Exploring these letters between the Indigenous leaders, the Indian Agents and the
associated government departments can be potentially unsettling to nearly every researcher, but
it is in these page images where references can sometimes be gleamed from the earliest
introductions to our ancestors. In these archives, certain leaders or Indigenous public figures are
sometimes referred to by their Traditional name, or other notable descriptive characteristics.
Oftentimes, these references to particular individuals are often followed then in further
documented interactions.
Page 7
Treaty Paylists
Treaty Paylists were utilized annually by Indian Agents to create a sort of Band
membership “roll call” or enumeration list to identify the families and individuals who were
deemed to be “Registered Indians”. The word “Paylist” has been used because each numbered
family or individual was, and continues to be, entitled to a yearly annuity ranging between four
to five Canadian dollars.
Those who were identified on the
earliest Paylists are essentially what could be
considered the most accurate and
comprehensive roster of Canada’s
Indigenous peoples (somewhat like census
records) at that time.
Indian Affairs, Annuity Paylists (Online)
Before this era, a family’s
 https://heritage.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.la
c_mikan_133552 association to one another was tracked and
 15 Reels recorded by a designated Elder by way of
 Approximately 1,550+ images per reel
clan systems, the sharing of oral histories,
 Encompasses between 1871 – 1909.
However, not all years are available for every scroll records and occasionally, but not
Reserve. Some start dates are determined
by when that area entered into treaty with the nearly as often, through images such as
Crown.
petroglyphs. Many tribes had different
 Some of the earlier reserves amalgamated
with others or were disbanded entirely. versions of these systems as a way to help in
 Some reserves also went through name
changes between the Anglicized version and ascertaining the relationship between
that of their preferred identification.
families and potential marriages. These
 It is beneficial to know the assigned number
to the reserve in which the Paylist you are Traditional practices became temporarily
searching. (https://fnp-ppn.aadnc-
aandc.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/SearchRV.aspx?lang=eng) obscured upon the introduction and
 Be sure to also check the pages following the
enumeration pages for that region, as well as
imposition of the European practices of
at the end of the Paylist year, as they
sometimes contain notes regarding
familial identification.
individuals, families, orphans, and Stragglers
who were not found on the actual Paylist
The first versions of Paylists often
Sheet.
assigned a Paylist number or “Band
Appendix B is a listing of starting points Membership Number” to the head of each
on where to search each year for a
particular Treaty region. registered family unit. As a new child was
born into this family, they were simply
Page 8
added under the head of this family’s membership number

until they either died, became of age, transferred to a Why Are Paylists Such a
Reliable Source of Information?
different band, or “commuted” their treaty rights and were
In the late nineteenth century, a $4-5
no longer recognized as a Registered Indian by the annuity, which was paid to each
government. registered band member, was a
significant amount of money.
When an individual reached the age of adulthood, Consider a family of six individuals:
6 x $5 = $30
they were then given their Band Membership Number, in With inflation, that would equal
approximately $700CDN in 2022.
sequential order from the last recognized adult, with Money obviously meant that a family
could buy provisions and such, so
which their children would eventually be encompassed. ensuring that every person in a
Married women were most often absorbed into the Band household was accounted for, meant
that the head of a family would want
Membership of that of their spouses, unless of course, all eligible people in their home to be
accounted for on the treaty Paylists.
they married someone who was considered non-Native or
The interesting thing to consider today is
not registered . . . then they lost their treaty recognition that registered band members are still
entitled to the $4 or $5 annuity, without
altogether. This is discussed further in-depth as a Social consideration for inflation since such time.
and Political Issue regarding “Bill C-31”.

At this stage in time, the band membership number of an individual was far more
convenient to use by government record keepers, versus the use of member’s actual names.
Therefore, much of the correspondence which Indian Agents would send back and forth to
Ottawa would refer to subjects by their band membership number and not by variations of their
names.
Indian Affairs, Annuity Paylists – 7135, lac_reel_c7135, C7135, 133552, 135604, RG10, Library and Archives Canada / Bibliothèque et Archives
Canada, English, https://heritage.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.lac_reel_c7135, image 478
Page 9
Tracing Backwards – A Fictional Example

When researching a particular individual, it will be incredibly helpful if you have access to their
name, registered reserve, and/or band membership number. Once you locate the person or family
on the most recent publicly available Band Paylist, you will be able to identify their family status
as of that year, along with any other relevant information recorded from the previous year.
1909 – Cold Zone Reserve TREATY X

OTHER
ANNUITY DEATHS BIRTHS
RELATIONS
BAND
NAMES REMARKS
NO.
Men Women Boys Girls Male Female Men Women Boys Girls Boys Girls
Dau married son of

347 Josiah Greenleaf 1 1 3 2 1 1
#38
Table 2
What we can tell from Table 2 is that in 1909, Josiah Greenleaf was Band member
number 347 on the Cold Zone Reserve, within the Treaty Z Territory. Josiah’s household
includes himself, his partner, three sons, and two daughters. Since the last Treaty Paylist
recording, from a year prior in 1908, Josiah had two additional daughters, whereas one passed
away and according to the Remarks, another married whoever was the son of #38. Josiah and
his partner also appear to have added a son since 1908.
Looking into the 1921 Canadian Census for the area in which Josiah Greenleaf and his
family lived, it shows that his wife’s name was Nancy and she was the same age as he was. In
their household is a 12-year-old son, David Greenleaf. From this information, we can deduce
that the child is recognized as being born in the 1909 Paylist as being “David”.
It truly is unfortunate that quite often the children who were born and passed before the
age of being enrolled in a Residential / Industrial school or listed on census records were unlikely
identified by name on any sort of government documentation. The hypothetical example of
Josiah Greenleaf having a daughter who died in the year since 1908 reveals how so many
children lived and passed as simply as a “boy” or “girl” to the record keepers, when they
undoubtedly had a personal name given to them by their families.
These instances also pertained to the older unnamed wives and mothers who were in
these families. Unless they married after the initial Paylist recording, which family they were
Page 10
born into and who they transferred out of, is not readily accessible for researchers to track. Ways
to try and circumvent these instances are by cross-referencing known details with:
 future census records
 birth/death/marriage records of their children where parents are identified
 baptismal documents
 oral family histories
 Government archives (“Josiah Greenleaf has married BrightSnow’s daughter”)

OTHER
RELATIONS
BAND
NAMES REMARKS
NO.
Son of #38, md dau

529 Alfred Bear 1 1 2 2
of #347
Table 3
In Table 3, we can see by the remarks left in Josiah Greenleaf’s record that one of his
daughters married Alfred Bear, in approximately 1908, and they had what appear to be twin
daughters. According to the remarks in Alfred’s line, he is the son of #38.
Once again, using this information to cross-reference with later census records,
researchers can sometimes identify who each unnamed person is. In this hypothetical example,
the 1921 census record for the Cold Zone Indian Reservation lists Alfred’s wife as being named
“Sarah Bear” and they have twin 12-year-old daughters, as suspected, named Theresa and
Agnes Bear. They also have since had two additional sons, one being “Josiah Bear”.

OTHER
RELATIONS
BAND
NAMES REMARKS
NO.
Chief, son md dau of

38 Old Makwa 1 1 1
#347, woman died
Table 4
In Table 4, also from the 1909 Cold Zone Reserve Paylist, you can see that Alfred Bear’s
father #38 is listed as “Old Makwa”, with Makwa meaning “bear” in the Anishinaabemowin
language of that region. You can also assume that Old Makwa was likely living with two
partners and one had passed since the year prior.
Page 11

OTHER
RELATIONS
BAND
NAMES REMARKS
NO.
Dau married son of

38 Makwa 1 2 1 1
#507, son of #72
Son now #507, md
72 Sam Dancing 1 1 1
dau of #38
Dau pupil #51 paid
347 Josiah Greenleaf 1 1 3 3
at Stickymud IRS
Son of #72, md dau
507 Norman Dancing 1 1
of #38
Table 5
Now we turn to the 1908 Paylist for Cold Zone Reserve, and with what we already know, we can
further identify several different events and family transitions.
#38) One of Old Makwa’s daughters had apparently married #507, who is the son of
#72. Looking up member #507, we learn that he is Norman Dancing. We also see that
Old Makwa has one son, who is presumably the Alfred Bear that eventually married after
this Paylist. We can also see that another unnamed son has died since the year prior.
#72) Sam Dancing has a wife and daughter, and one son has aged out, subsequently
acquiring his own Band Number of #507. This son has also married a daughter of #38
Old Makwa. From these numbers, we see this son to be Norman Dancing.
#347) Josiah Greenleaf has a wife, three sons, and three daughters, with one additional
daughter being recognized as Pupil #51 at “Stickymud IRS” (Indian Residential School).
Base on the year after (1909), we can assume that this student is now Alfred Bear’s wife,
Sarah Greenleaf.
Page 12
Now, here are some useful suggestions to follow if you were researching your grandfather,
“Josiah Bear”.
Old Makwa
#38 ? Josiah Greenleaf
#347 ?
Alfred Bear Sarah Greenleaf
#529 dau of #347
Josiah Bear
b. 1915
Who are Josiah Bear’s Grandmothers?
 Based on Josiah’s parents being born around 1890, you can try reviewing the Paylists for
the years prior, to see if Alfred and Sarah’s own parent’s marriage is documented in the
Remarks and if their parents are identified in the same manner in which you just traced
them.
 In the 1909 Paylist, one of Band member #38 Old Makwa’s spouses appear to have
passed away in 1908/09. This individual may or may not be the mother of Alfred Bear.
At this point, cemetery records, along with death registrations could be searched for a
possible name. Her details could serve as somewhat of a path to including or excluding
her as Alfred’s parent.
Page 13
Family Dynamics
Indigenous families in Canada are especially known to be historically endogamous.
“Endogamy is the practice of marrying within the same ethnic, cultural, social, religious, or
tribal group.”9
This has occurred within Indigenous populations due to several social and survival variables,
especially the restricted contact with other groups or societies due to their migration patterns in
the earlier centuries. Since the creation of “Reservations” through the introduction of the Indian
Act, many family units have further been compelled to have families within the constraints of
their geographical areas.
It is imperative to note, however, that endogamy is not to be confused with incest. Rather,
many Indigenous individuals will notice that one or more of the coupled ancestors in their family
trees will reappear one or more times, without any close relations having children together. The
Ashkenazi Jews are another cultural example of being affected by endogamy.
Encountering endogamy in your research can be simultaneously confusing, as well as
frustrating, but it does not become too troublesome until the research begins to incorporate
genetic genealogy and DNA matches.
Indigenous and Métis families are known to be extremely tight-knit in their interactions with
one another and it is customary that children are often raised communally amongst cousins,
siblings, etc. When one or both parents of a child pass away, children have often been simply
“absorbed” into the family of an aunt, uncle, grandparent, or other close relation and quickly
adopted in a Traditional sense. In the past, Traditional adoptions would happen without any sort
of official legal process, instead by way of sacred gestures and/or ceremonies. Sometimes in
documentation searches, the biological parents of a Traditionally adopted individual might be
difficult to identify.
Marriage unions between Indigenous women and the fur traders led to the emergence of the
“Métis”. Fur traders would marry by custom (à la faҫon du pays) and these unions were not
officially recorded by the churches or government until 1821. It was not uncommon, therefore,
for a fur trader to have a wife and family that was officially recognized back in Europe, while
9
Endogamy – ISOGG Wiki
(https://isogg.org/wiki/Endogamy#:~:text=Endogamy%20is%20the%20practice%20of,social%2C%20religious%20or%20tribal
%20group.)
Page 14
assuming a “country wife” whilst in Canada 10. These men would sometimes return to Europe, on
their own, casting aside the country wife and any children, compelling her to return to her family
unit or to be “assumed” by another fur trader. Sometimes these company men would also return
to Europe with one or more children from their Indigenous wives, especially if the mother died.
Documentation of these instances are few and far between, and any documentation which may
refer to such individual cases are challenging to locate. References to such could be found in
company biographical sheets11 and journals, correspondence archives, Métis Scrip applications12,
and published memoirs.
Chiefs and Elders of high esteem were known to have multiple wives (polygamy)13, thus
multiple children with different mothers. Occasionally, this may have involved an individual
who ultimately married sisters.
Particularly, in the case of genetic research, another challenge is when a husband/wife or
partner passes away leaving children behind, and the surviving partner goes on to have even
more children with a sibling of the one who passed. The descendants of these children would
have variances in genetic matches, which could be misleading to present-day researchers.
In the case of Métis Scrip applications, the head of a family had to fill out forms that
identified all of their children born (who were then dead or alive) before a certain date. The more
children there were, or the larger the family was, meant that they would receive more land or
money in exchange for the scrip. In some cases, this led to some children being listed at least two
or more times by other family members claiming them as their own. Hence, when attempting to
locate and identify the children listed on Métis Scrip applications, anomalies need to be cross-
referenced with other family member’s applications at different times. The repetition of children
could be by each parent (though, no longer together), a grandparent, a sibling, a step-parent, a
guardian, etc.
Indigenous and Métis families would often cross border travel between Canada and the
United States, and this was especially common for those who lived in closer proximity to such
boundaries. The Jay Treaty14 of 1794 enabled Indigenous people to travel freely between the
10
Van Kirk, Sylvia. “Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-trade Society, 1670-1870”, University of Oklahoma Press, 1983.
11
https://www.gov.mb.ca/chc/archives/hbca/biographical/index.html
12
https://www.bac-lac.gc.ca/eng/discover/aboriginal-heritage/metis/metis-scrip-records/Pages/introduction.aspx
13
Bernard Hoffman, The Historical Ethnography of the Micmac of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (California:
University of California, 1946), p285.
14
https://sencanada.ca/content/sen/committee/421/APPA/Reports/APPA-JayTreatyReport_e.pdf
Page 15
borders, especially to access family and to hunt and trade with other tribes. Extended absences in
the documentation would occur when families would be on one side or the other of the border for
several years. While the Dominion of Canada had established Treaty Paylists, the American
counterparts had their own version with “The Dawes Rolls”. Both sides of these governments
tried to be as vigilant as possible in preventing the double recording (thus double annuity
payments) and tried to somewhat communicate with one another as to who belonged to who, and
where, on their records. These discrepancies can also be confusing to a genealogist. Therefore, it
is beneficial for researchers to consider the possibilities of cross-border migrations and to further
extend their research to consulting the American counterpart sources of document archives.
Page 16
Documentation Variances
There is a distinct lack of documentation as the vast majority of official recording of
Indigenous peoples did not commence until the mid to late nineteenth century through Treaty
Paylists and Métis Scrips. Before this period in time, recognition of Indigenous individuals was
limited to identifying only those who played a memorable role in Colonial history (military
leaders, exploration guides, spouses of leaders, etc.). In some cases the partner of a fur trade
company man will often be referred to as Indian Woman, half-breed, Mary / Sarah (no other
identifiers), widow of, daughter of, or Salteaux (their tribe), etc., yet nothing of substance to
assist in linking her to her own family.
Since marriages or partnerships were not customarily recorded until approximately 1821, the
paper trail to trace these unions is almost non-existent. One of the potential sources to identify
parents before this time could potentially be located in reviewing the Métis Scrip Application
interview questions. In these documents, family connections, including parents and grandparents
of applicants, are sometimes listed.
Gail Morin is also a prolific researcher into Métis families, who has published several books
and volumes on her research into several of the earliest recognized Métis families.
DN Sprague has also assembled and published a compilation of Métis family data into a
book titled “The Genealogy of the First Metis Nation” (1983).
In pre-colonization times, much of an Indigenous person’s vital events were “orally
recorded”, as were many of the histories and backgrounds of their families and communities. So
unlike the documentation and life event recordings of so many other countries and nations today,
there exists a huge void of detail and identification of our Indigenous individuals and families,
while more emphasis had been put on oral legends and storytelling.
Access to any or all available records can range anywhere from going online to see scanned
copies, scanning through thousands of non-indexed documents available online, having to mail
away for physical copies, paying into certain databases for particular records, requesting inter-
loan library access to microfiches, having to formally request access to restricted records,
physically attending to publicly held libraries and archives, to being denied access due to policy
restrictions.
Page 17
Once again, the correspondence and records found in government archives which were
penned by Indian Agents, Religious officials, chief factors, etc were often highly subjective and
disparaging to the Indigenous individual. While plenty of information can be acquired from such
sources, much discretion must be used in separating the facts and opinions from those of the
writer. Cautionary: Delving into these records can also be incredibly disheartening to the
present day reader and could be emotionally triggering.
When establishing a person’s age, it was often done through estimation until the introduction
of Paylists. After such time, new births, deaths, and marriages were commonly recorded and
tracked from year to year allowing greater accuracy. Before such time, individuals would
estimate their ages by keeping track of “moons” or by world events, such as wars, the appearance
of comets or natural disasters, etc.
Some access to full documentation, particularly records held by the Catholic church, are
actively being petitioned for release to researching authorities at the time of this writing 15.
It is also worth noting that, unfortunately, through the years, much documentation regarding
family events or individual details has been forever lost to repository/building fires, natural
disasters, improper storage methods and/or all-out censorship or resistance of record keepers.
Unfortunately, these aspects will be impossible to recover.
15
https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/residential-school-records-indigenous-1.6083493
Page 18
Social and Political Issues

Industrial / Residential Schools (Institutions) are a contentious aspect in modern-day
discussions. The historical existence of these institutions affect today’s genealogical research due
to accessibility, or lack thereof. There are some resources available to study the attendance of
schools, as well as the students who were enrolled; however, it is difficult to easily access much
of this at this present time.
Those who are researching the children who attended these institutions can try locating
their details via the numerous online databases (indexed and un-indexed) which are gradually
being made public to researchers today. Some of these databases can be found online through the
University of British Columbia Library16, and The Children Remembered – Residential School
Archives Project17, to name a couple.
One of the more obscure methods for locating information involves scouring through the
digital images found online at the Library and Archives Canada 18 online databases. I have found
it particularly helping by using the term “pupil” when searching this source for Residential
School attendees’ information.
The discoveries of countless unmarked graves, across Canada, on the property of these
institutions also imply the intentional concealment of student deaths which were undocumented
and underreported to the government as well as the student’s family and community. Many of
these losses will go forever unexplained and subsequently leave gaps in future and present-day
family stories.
The 60’s Scoop went on for several decades between the mid-1950s to 1980s. It is estimated
that a total of 20,000 Indigenous children were separated from their families and were
subsequently adopted into non-Indigenous families all over the world. It is only recently that
these children, now adults, are doing what they can to reconnect with their biological families in
Indigenous communities across Canada. There are also some cases where these individuals are
reconnecting and discovering that details regarding their names, birth families, location of home
reserves, or the circumstances of their adoption have been falsified. These discrepancies in their
adoption files make it nearly impossible to identify their true origins without DNA testing.
16
https://irshdc.ubc.ca/records/about-the-records/record-partners/
17
https://thechildrenremembered.ca/
18
https://www.bac-lac.gc.ca/eng/Pages/home.aspx
Page 19
Disenfranchisement was an event where an Indigenous person’s status of being a

“Registered Indian” was surrendered or revoked. Sometimes, an individual would surrender such
recognition to attain rights that were withheld from them by the government, such as voting,
owning property or joining the military. Until 1985, when the Indian Act was amended with
“Bill C-31”, Indigenous women who married non-Indigenous men were automatically removed
from treaty status rights. Bill C-31 reinstated many of those who wished to re-obtain their status.
Individuals who were disenfranchised sometimes were able to re-register under extremely
narrow parameters or guidelines, but until then, beyond the government archival mentions of
their initial disenfranchisement or commutations, much of the documentation concerning their
eventual vital events would be found in the mainstream genealogical search sources.
Insensitivity. When a search is being made using government or newspaper archives for any
mentions of Indigenous peoples or events in their communities, searchers must open their minds
to using search keywords that might be extremely offensive, derogatory, and politically
insensitive by today’s standards. It even pains the writer to include this segment within the guide.
Writers from just a few decades ago and back thought nothing of using the terms which we have
worked so hard to move away from. Unfortunately, by tapping into the darkness of these words,
mentions of some of our Indigenous and Métis ancestors can be found on such images. It would
seem, looking back from today, that being “politically correct” or “politically sensitive” did not
apply to subjects whom they considered to merely be “squaws”, “half breeds”, or “redskins”.
Page 20
Closing
Many of the examples and instances of Indigenous and Métis research challenges found in
this guide are essentially condensed descriptions, with the assumption that readers already have
somewhat of a pre-existing fundamental understanding of genealogical research.
In the months to come, a more comprehensive and detailed workbook will follow. The
upcoming workbook will delve deeper into many of the other highly relevant topics involving
Canadian Indigenous and Métis research, Indigenous genetic genealogy, ethical considerations,
along with detailed directories and supplemental resources and suggested activities which will
hopefully broaden the user’s proficiency in this unique field of study.
Page 21
Appendix A - Glossary
à la faҫon du pays – refers to the practice of common-law marriage between European fur traders and
Indigenous or Métis women in the North American fur trade.
Anglicized Name – to alter to a characteristic English form, sound or spelling.
Anishinaabemowin – the Indigenous language of Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) peoples.
Annuity – a series of token payments made annually by the Crown, typically in the summer months, to
eligible Registered Indians.
Band – a body of Indians for whose collective use and benefit lands have been set apart or money is held
by the Crown, or who have been declared to be a band for the purpose of the Indian Act.
Bill C-31 – an amendment from 1985 that reinstated Indian Status to women who had lost it through
marriage to men without status.
Clan system –used to designate social groups whose members trace descent from either male or female
ancestors. For the Indigenous people in Canada, the term has been used most often to designate groups
based on unilineal descent. This means that a person belongs to the clan of either parent.
Crown, the – in monarchy, the Crown is the legal embodiment of executive, legislative, and judicial
governance in the monarchy of each commonwealth realm.
Dawes Rolls – lists of people accepted between 1898 and 1914 by the Dawes Commission, in the United
States, as members of these five Indian tribes: Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw and Seminole.
Elder – individuals who are recognized because they have earned the respect of their community through
wisdom, harmony and balance of their actions in their teachings.19
Endogamy – the custom of marrying only within the limits of a local community, clan, or tribe.
Indian Act – a Canadian act of Parliament that concerns registered Indians, their bands, and the system of
Indian reserves.
Indian Agent – the Canadian government’s representatives on First Nations reserves from the 1830s to
1960s.
Indigenous – an umbrella term for First Nations (status and non-status), Metís and Inuit.
Jay Treaty, The – signed in 1974 by representatives of United States and Britain. The treaty is a product
of trade and border negotiations. It is known for the provision that allows Indigenous people from Canada
to live and work freely in the United States.
Metís – people of mixed European and Indigenous ancestry, one of the three recognized Aboriginal
peoples in Canada.
Metís Scrip – a certificate redeemable in land, issued by the federal government to Métis families
between 1885 and the late 1920s. Scrip was intended to compensate the Métis for the loss of their
Aboriginal rights and to deal with the grievances leading to the uprisings of 1869-70 and 1885.
Paylist – a list of members of a particular band, used to record yearly payments of treaty annuities.
Petroglyphs – images created on rock surfaces.
19
https://www.ictinc.ca/blog/indigenous-elder-definition
Page 22
Polygamy – the practice of having more than one wife or husband at the same time.
Registered Indian – a person’s legal status as an Indian, and specifically his or her status as defined by
the Indian Act.
Reservation/Reserve – a tract of land that has been set aside by the government for the use of registered
bands.
Straggler(s) – these were registered band members who were enumerated to paylists off their designated
reserve or were recognized as being treaty Indians without an officially associated band.
Traditional – sacred practices and beliefs inherent to the Indigenous and Métis peoples. Traditional
practices pre-date colonialism and sometimes conflict with European ideology.
Traditional Name – the name given to an Indigenous person by way of birth, ceremony and/or
namesake. The Traditional name has sacred meaning and is in the ancestral language of the individual and
their family.
Treaty (or Indian Treaty) – an agreement signed between an Indian group (or groups) and the Crown,
through their representatives.
Tribe(s) – refers to groups of Indigenous peoples who share common cultural beliefs, practices and
languages which are distinct from one another.
Page 23
Appendix B – Guide Table to Locating Paylist Years

https://heritage.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.lac_mikan_133552
Reel Treaties Index Page Reel Treaties Index Page
Images Year Image No.
Images Year Image No.
No. Covered No. Covered
1875-76 7 1874-78 7
1877 369 1879 422
1878 537 1880 665
C-7145 1650 4, 6 and 7
1879 711 1881 878
C-7175 1566 1, 2, 3 and 5 1880 871 1882 1135
1881 1036 1883* 1411
1882 1199 1883* 7
1883 1371 1884 44
1884* 1528 C-7146 1591 4, 6 and 7 1885 325
1884* 6 1886 717
1885 173 1887* 1221
1886 402 1887* 7
1887 637 1888 131
C-7136 1572 1, 2, 3 and 5 C-7147 1591 4, 6 and 7
1888 878 1889 609
1889 1072 1890 1080
1890 1290 1891 7
1891* 1488 1892 463
C-7148 1612 4, 6 and 7
1891* 6 1893 905
1892 140 1894* 1332
1893 357 1894* 7
1894 579 1895 211
C-7137 1539 1, 2, 3 and 5 C-7149 1608 4, 6 and 7
1895 809 1896 691
1896 1059 1897 1152
1897 1299 4, 6 and 7 1898 8
1898* 1535 1899 459
C-7150 1591
1898* 6 4, 6, 7 and 8 1900 928
1899 242 1901* 1491
1900 504 1901* 7
C-7138 1561 1, 2, 3 and 5 1901 768 C-7151 1566 4, 6, 7 and 8 1902 467
1902 902 1903 1011
1903 1271 1904 7
4, 6, 7 and 8
1904* 1508 C-7152 1594 1905 587
1904* 6 4, 6, 7, 8 and 10 1906* 1160
1905 175 1906* 6
1906 428 1907 154
C-7153 1607 4, 6, 7, 8 and 10
C-7139 1573 1, 2, 3 and 5 1907 660 1908 727
1908 890 1909* 1355
1909 1134 Reel T-7139 includes various un-indexed correspondence
1910* 1413 and listings, totaling 682 pages. Many of these are illegible.
*denotes partial years, split between reels
Page 24

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Challenges and Workarounds in Researching

Indigenous and Métis Genealogy in Canada

The Indigenetics Advisory Society

Names and Identity Issues

ME-PIE-SIES (1873 Treaty Three text4)

Mikesees (1889 Government Correspondence)

added under the head of this family’s membership number

and Political Issue regarding “Bill C-31”.

Tracing Backwards – A Fictional Example

1909 – Cold Zone Reserve TREATY X

Dau married son of

1909 – Cold Zone Reserve TREATY X

Son of #38, md dau

1909 – Cold Zone Reserve TREATY X

Chief, son md dau of

1908 – Cold Zone Reserve TREATY X

Dau married son of

Who are Josiah Bear’s Grandmothers?

Social and Political Issues

Disenfranchisement was an event where an Indigenous person’s status of being a

Appendix B – Guide Table to Locating Paylist Years

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