PA Filipino Nationalism: Decelerators.—Louis L. Snyder defines nationalism as . + a condition of mind, feeling, or sentiment of a group of people living in a well-defined geographical area, speaking a common language, possessing a literature in which the aspirations of the nation have been expressed, being attached to common traditions, and, in some cases, having a common religion, , , The ideas of nationalism, a product of the French Revolu- tion in the eighteenth century, filtered through the Philippines cnly in the nineteenth century. Indeed, there was no national feeling during the precolonial times. Although united as one in a geographical unit called Las Islas Filipinas during the Spanish rule, the people called Filipinos applied only to the Spaniards born in the Philippines (insulares), and the indigenes were dero- gatorily called indios (like the Amerindians of the Americas), The indios were not united in words and in deeds, as the Spanish church and state officials, mainly the friars, divided and ruled the natives. Thus, the “‘indios” became a “Filipino” only during the the last years of the Spanish regime in the late 1890s. The divide et impera (divide and rule) colonial policy not only quelled the revolts of Filipinos by Filipinos themselves, but also by foreign mercenaries like the Macabebes (who belonged to Yaqu’ Aztec tribe), the merdekas from Maluku, or the Japan- ese. In this connection may also be mentioned the superior military technology and strategy utilized by the conquistadores, such as the use of Mexican horses, better firing projectile weapons Such as culverins, cannons, muskets or guns vis-a-vis the primitive and simpler native weaponry of rocks, bamboo caltrops, pit and Spear traps, spears, /antakas (rentakas) and non-firing side-arms Scanned with CamScanner-eqL[pINO PEOPLE 116 pistory OF THE FIL me tion of the Filipino of boloes, kampilans, and krises- ans and state officials who chiefly class with the Spanish CWT’ 9 tne failure of revolts. granted them special benefits also at .g who know military strategy With disunity, absence of rood leaders WT of the use of pape- and tactics, a network of spies, enforel tO" 4 cartas de radio letas de permiso (official travel Perm ee movement of natives (safe-conduct passes) which controlled fr: h priests who meddled and, of course, the presence of the Span's ae tile in the uprising, all che Filipino efforts prove aa Filipino Nationalism: Accelerators.—The filtering faces of progressive political ideologies and the transfer of tec! ino logy to the Philippines through liberal-minded men from ‘urope and America, along with disenchantment with Madre Espana, catalyzed Filipino nationalism in the nineteenth century. Tired of being “only an individual . .. and not 2 member of a nation,” the Filipino, particularly the sovial elites, finally woke up to the realization that he must change. Change finally came about, stimulated by the opening of the Philippines to world commerce, with the attendant rise of the clase media, Various factors such as the impact of European liberalism and the administration of Carlos Maria de la Torre, racial discrimination, the effects of the “regular conflicts, and the Cavi i tributed to the birth of Filipino nationalign ee ea Mh cant A. The Philippines in World Comm ‘ c Je Manila proper and the suburban areas “feveloped eat te08 d leaps ant bounds with the official and to intemational trade in 1884, resulting ene Of the her port States since 1817, 3 i ; France ermany sia and the United nting Hamburg and Bi in 1808, Following. Saibade cra Britain in 1844. ‘and i . , ; Sual (Pangasinan), Hoilo ang 7cPO%4 the provineist porte of 0 ; “ere also opened in 1855; Cebu i bi With the opening of fpllowed by Tope: export crops such as rice, ergPO'S ensued gtd Leyte in 1873. Filipino and Chinese mestige’ P22 tobacen t@" demands for 1810, the total value of prise, °O°iAl elites p02, 24 indigo, where which increased to P9.91 4 14PPine expons Prfited highly. In "218,000, in Lebe, Pas OCnY P4,795,000 90,000, in 1870; Scanned with CamScannerFROM “INDig» To: O' “FILIPINO” and P33,149,984, by 1g94 tan > ~ On the one h; i were we 5 oe ao a eh Bee 28.000; P6,959,000, in 856: pa 500,000, in improvement 2852, im 1894. wns proves that there wag an imp Peat the balance of tage since 1810, when Manila was still closed to World trade. ver, in aie of oe, noe omic pri i 4 a tee econo Pe rgetity, ilver dollar (peso) was devalued in 1875. , the prams rs Worth 81.030 (U.S) $1,056, in 1886, $1.043 in 1870, plummeting to o ; ilipp}; mly $.971 when the Philippine Revolution broke, amin 875 and §.531, 1839, although postage stamy some fifteen years later, Travelers in the 1880s in Manila made reservations at the Hotel de Oriente in Binondo, the first of its kind in the Spanish colony. Of two storeys, with 83 rooms, it kept a stable good for 25 horses. Fonda de Lala (Fonda Francesa) owned by Lala Ari, an Anglo-Indian, also in Binondo, however, was considered the best hotel, good for 35 guests “with board and lodging including ice”. Banking facilities were transacted at the Banco Espafol-Fili- pino de Isabel Il, the first Philippine bank which issued the first paper money in 1852, and two other British-owned banks. Savings of Manilans were kept in the Monte de Piedad 30 years later. i i in 1846. By then, the The first daily newspaper appeared in Chinese at Calle Rosario (now Quintin Paredes Street) were peddling illegal foreign-made pornographic pictures, even as smuggling of smut literature was banned as early as 1857. i d in any of these establishments: Men of leisure usually relaxes De claudn the tate'1 Beas i e-lane Manila Jockey Clu! in horseracing at the one er Sebastian Church to Quiapo, (transferred later to Santa Mesa) and bullfighting in Paco (relocated later to esa) amriminating tastes had at least four choices os efecto. Filipino in Calle Echagtie (now Carlos Paeteaters: the ettne Circo de Bilibid; the Teatro Zorilla on ilanca) in Quiaper avenue); and the Teatro de Col. In thes Calle Iris (now Jar zarzuelas were staged by Filipino an Spank sh Playhouses, popula’ 70°"cjassical operas performed by fam Playwrights as_ wel time. During this period, Andres a ists of the visting Buropesn, ar entador (prompter), set up the Teatro ‘onifacio, - also Po: Reina Regente Street where he and his brothers, i i ege! ‘tree de Porvenir on Reina Scanned with CamScanner0 PEOPLE cted in the moro-moro, e Salén de Pertierra films at the price of ntavos for benches 118 HISTORY OF THE FILIPIN' io Sakay a Procopio and Ciriaco, and Macar! ¢ time at thi Movies were shown for the firs hort French at the Escolta in 1897, featuring sho 730 50 centavos for a cushioned seal (lunetas). B. Rise of the Clase Media—As a result of * sede class nomic transformation in the life of the Filipino, a midle cls (clase media) of Asian and Eurasian m emerged from the . 4 edia Philippine social pyramid. ‘The clase media | . economie boom derived from expanded agriculture and com merce embarked on by the rising native entrepreneurs. They formed the town principalia, an elite social group compose of former gobernadorcillos and minor native bureaucrats own- ing at least P50,00 in land taxes, decorated personnel, and school- masters, Personal possessions, as it were in the nineteenth century, as well as education, became indicators of social status in a com- munity. The size, construction materials and location of one’s house in the town’s calle real (main street) improved one’s status, Of course, evidences of wealth and prestige, as ownership of livestock, sugarmills, imported furniture and tableware, and use of honorary titles “Don” and “Doha”, enhanced the social stand- 014 1894 the volume were up to 129,019 pote’ ap t479.00; in The vse of u Is worth P33,863.00. a anizntion or Ma clase media Was highly visible j . . maeguzaion of Manila society. "Intranet in the residential Spanish enclave in the wre ® the politicoreye; © {ne tum of the Iberian nity seont PPiNCS. Within the CiOu® Center of the 5 aomnity seen in the J, lands the Walls was the largest drivers could live with mMeRt domestn the Spaniards and Miguel, part of Quiapo in tp confines of the theit carriage second concentration of gp e late eighteenth walled city. San tycoons, and was considereq thes an entury, was the Other Philippines at the time, Samp; salon St fas] T European business >» With tionable district in the elegant stonehouses Scanned with CamScannerFROM “INDIO To “FILIPINO” and a town of noted printers population. . Outside of the walls 19 equally contained a large elite ie In the 1870s, Binondo e © business sector in the province of Manila, where Don Santiago de los Santos ('Capitén Tiago”) of Rizal’s Noli me tangere resided. Quiapo, known for its Black Nazarene, was the residence of Filipino government clerks, artists and merchants. Tondo, then described as “all slums” was the major residential area of the Filipino clase pobre: the lower working class engaged in tobacco and cigar-making, fishing, and gardening for Manila’s local consumption. The Parian de los Sangleyes outside the Intramuros was reserved only for the un- converted Chinese and was relocated at least ten times at different periods and sites between 1581 and 1790, which included Meisic, a corrupted form of may insik. Binondo, on the north side of the Pasig served as the second Chinese “ghetto” of the Catholic Chinese and the mestizo de sangleyes. was the biggest, as it C. European Liberalism and Carlos Maria de la Torre.—We can not discount that not only men, but also ideas filtered to the Philippines with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. Thus, she travel between Spain and the islands was made shorter, safer. nd speedier. It not only “dispelled to some extent the atmos shere of the middle ages” in which the Filipinos “were wrapped, _ according to Pardo de Tavera, pat moe wens cere began to penetrate the minds of the natives. > may : the Filipino migration abroad, the arrival of Spaniards in Manila whose point-of-view had been changed by rhe teachings of fhe French Revolution of “Liberty, Equality and tern y" Vout democratic influences which emanated from the United States all contributed to erase from the minds of oot eS th r pemnicious and falée ideas regarding human rights whic up fo that time had dominated most of those educated in the old methods.’ * litical term “liberal” was first viednterestingly enone ‘efored £0 the Spanish rebels of 1820. Tn the | a ines, the ideas of liberalism may be traced to the Second: wa tertiary education made available 0 the ipinos, in 1868” For instance, the bulk of the curriculum in a college in the 1870s followed by one taking up courses in law, medicine, Scanned with CamScanner: PINO PEOPLE 120 HISTORY OF THE FILIPINO Pe s, where Filipinos and theology consisted of liberal arts guties of the govern. were taught the rights of citizens and * Reason left indelible ment. Two philosophers of the Aes the nineteenth century: marks on the Filipino intelligent © Locke in his Two John Locke and Jean Jacques Rouss au tne social contract Treatises on Government (1689) posited th al contrat exercise absolute powers, is between the king, who did not ute P n subjects, means that if the king failed te do! Peepers not ights, his subjects ha respond to natural rights, his subject ple in The Bovial Con. i d the same princi 1 a Ol him. Rousseau re-echoe a government did not satisfy its tract (1762), agreeing that if fines, aay nae all the reason to alter the government to whatever they thought best. The “Glorious September Revolution” of 1868 in Spain meant a new order with the arrival of the liberal Governor De la Torre, succeeding Manuel Maldonado. In fact, the motto “Los hijos de los leones son también leones’’ (“Lion cubs are also lions’) was spread far and wide by the partisans and sympathizers of the Spanish Republicans in the Philippines. However, De la Torre proved to be very unpopular with the Manila Spaniards and, of course, with the Spanish regular clergy, who overtly demonstrated their aversion for him. im De la Torre dispensed with his alabarderos (halbeldiers), fe governor's security guards since 1590, and went unescorted. He even used an ordinary straw hat, abrogated flogging for Fi ‘lie pino Senate in the iran forces, and supplanted the penalty, ‘ad, with a month in jail. He abolish i i Proclaimed freedom of speech. To top it oP raven ee ae extent of meeting the peasant rebel leader, Gasimire Gmeine in the Imus hacienda, He shocked ard: eens, t i i led a group of Filipino elites in a toast fo oa S when he However, it was quite ironi i . ‘ic that in spi avert bere reforms, Carlos Maria de lane oor all these alleged Panish governors, covertly gave confidentict Tasted i Previous ions a few months after his arrival, to j b inter: Europe and Hongkong of prominent ‘lignes pail coming from including Fr. Jose Burgos, H, secret investigations to “prog De la Torre was responsible for gh je - student leader of the Juventud a and i camino, who with Paciano Rizal anno" Liberal, Felipe Buem. Scanned with CamScannerstudent protest “FILIPINO” 121 the stuc St movement at th; , demanding reforms in the School admins Of Santo Tomas on period. “Although ti Philippines various races," commented Pardo de ‘Tavera, “nevertheless hone eB teenth cent ‘ . superiority over the Filipinos, an: ntury the Spaniards claimed id ir chil ” elucidates further by saying that So taught their children.” He The townspeople were obliged to remove their hats when a Spaniard passed, and this was especially the case if he occupied some official position; if the Spaniard happened to be a priest; in addition to the removal of the hat the native was obliged to kiss his hand. No Indian [i.e., Filipino] was allowed to sit at the same table with a Spaniard, even though the Spaniard was a guest in the Indian’s house. The Spaniards addressed the Filipinos [i.e., Spaniards born in the Philippines] by the pronoun “thou”, and although many of the Spaniards married pure blood native women, the wives were always looked down on in society as belonging to an inferior class. The intensity of animosities between the Filipinos and Span- jards, especially the friars, reached the highest point with the Reform Movement, when anti-Filipino writers like Fr. Miguel Lucio y Bustamante, Francisco Cafamaque, Pablo Feced, and Wenceslao E, Retana, wrote vitriolic literature denigrating the Filipinos, Filipinos were maligned and degraded as nelihe merchant nor an industrial, neither a farmer nor a philosop! jer or that it was “logical that the Indians, in their immense mejority, should receive, from friars and seculars, the epithet of chongos. The most virulent attack on the Filipino race same from - Franciscan Fr. Miguel Lacie ¥ eset thatthe Flip. coul Mecunat (Manila, 1885) WO ge or be civilized. With utmost beet team the Span Spaniards from the Filipino by biases, he differentiated the § Spaniard, and the ses, i ill always be a Spaniard, faving that: “The Spanier vn The monkey will always be a fo will always dress him with shirt and trousers, and will Monkey however you '@ not human”. In fact, the Filipino, he merase S monkey tied to his carabao: “The Tagalog, that is, , Mus! Scanned with CamScannerPEOPLE 122 nisToRY OF 7) pao, frequently, be- the Filipino, who separates from his and King.” Francisco comes bad and ingrate before his Go eoretary of State, in Cafiamaque, several times Spain’s YW ‘i hated the laziness his works like Las Islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1 ioguiaD”) was a and incapacity of Filipinos. Pablo Leonie ovnown in his journalist noted for his open hatred for Fi ag 3g), describing the Filipinas; esbozos y pinceladas (Manila, H a ing Fr. Gaspar de San rural folks as ‘‘carabao herd” and even oetod created the indios i ini id that Agustin, an Augustinian, who said # nae “need together with the rattan,” meaning that the Filipinos beatings and the rattan,” HE FILIPINO Secularization of the parishes cts. B, Regular Secular Contiranafer of ministries established or was nothing more than the transfe1 a run by the regular clergy to the seculars, By the midst of the nineteenth century, secularization was transmuted into a political and separatist movement which exploded in the Filipinization of the church, and culminated in the separation of the church from Rome during the Philippine Revolution. As early as 1583, Philip II proclaimed that parish adminis- tration pertained to the seculars. If there was enough supply of competent secular clergy, preference should be given to them in theestablishment of missions. In 1753, Ferdinand VI pro- claimed that there were enough competent seculars to supplant the regulars in parish functions so that they could replace them immediately upon vacancy. This was duly amended four years after. Unfortunately, the cedulas of 1758 were not implemented for indeed, Ferdinand VI did not actually intend to secularize th parishes, but to put the regular clergy instead und farize the visitation and royal patronage. under diocesan A ae parishes took place during the tenuse oo wmzation of the Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina (1767-87), A*Chbishop Basilio According to Fr. Jose Burgos in his “Mamify, nacién espaiiola” (1864), it was the t is “Manifiesto que a la noble the infamous use of undervaluing thew ""°, “have been utilizing Filipino Clergy s g the capacity : the Telonds eye aes, to make, themselves and fitness of the Tina as wine eectibed Archbishop Sanches tual curates in Rufina as “wise and very worthy? opea7cho de Santa Justa y sect Filipino of his idiosyneracies, his charac i ter. is ‘4 ” On ter,” i “by reason writer, is “good” only as a suber; oan to 2 Blase en studies of Dr. Luciano PR. Santee’: However, the scholarly Odi y notions perpetuated by both foreign’o, prove ‘otherwise the ilipino writers about Scanned with CamScannerFROM “INDIO” To, “FILIPINO” 123 the capacity of the “indigo” ..« “ a Priests. He finall fore "he Lee tive Filipino, or Indi Prled smc be fore we », Proving, for example saree cohbceel indio Priest was B.D. Francisco B, alot ( Fe the first known “first group” (1698-1706) 0; ‘ ) of the so-called aoe Th f native cl earlier in seventeenth century, there were alroiy ‘Euraaan a indio priests, like Don A, tin T; BD. Miguel Jeronimo of Pampange a - Cagayan (1621) and With the Jesuit expulsion in 1768, it i bh oo ny the seculars in Manila. cate end view In , the Augustinians, who ib i y Governor Simon de Anda of seventoon eared pana which were given to Filipino seculars, filed a complaint before the Spanish crown. Anda was ordered in the same year to restore said Pampanga parishes, even as the King secularized the parishes with the proviso that one or two of the more affluent parishes in each province should remain with the regulars, What the secular clergy believed to have been outright u- surpation of the newly-established curacies of Santa Rosa (La- guna) by the Dominicans and Imus (Cavite) and Las Pifias (Manila) by the Recollects ignited further the age-old secular-regular conflicts, By 1803, the three naiaed Tagalog parishes were given back promptly to the seculars, even as the governor-general as vice-regal patron, declined to follow the ecclesiastical cabildo’s vetition to the crown that the parishes continue under the regular clergy’s control. In 1822, Malate, formerly under the Augustinian domain, was transferred to a secular priest. With the Latin American revolutions for indepenilence, Spain witnessed a complete alteration of her secularization policy by 1826 when all the parishes sequestered from the friars in the eighteenth century were restored to them. There was seemingly ho antagonism raised against the decree of 1826, but this was hot the case when the March 9, 1849 edict gave seven new curacies in Cavi inicans. Two Filipino priests, in Cavite to the Recollects and Dominicans n sts, Fr. Pedro ‘Pelaez jn Manila, and Fr. Mariano Gomez in Cavite, stood as the trailblazers in the nationalist movement among the Native clergy. e height of injustice was the 1861 :t of the secular-run parishes to the Minaanao curacies granted to — ‘Yo the Filipino clergy th decrees which relinquished mos Recollects, as reparation Tor the Scanned with CamScannerYY OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE + his meant additional re. the Jesuits, who returned in 1850. et of parishes under Fil duction to the already dwindling MUN? Unis was a deliberate ino seculars. In the eyes O° and thwart the develop. Spanish government ploy © dishearie® stor, only 181 out ment of the native clergy. Exactly a In fact, secular-regular of 792 curacies were Fiipino-controlied. 1 ne abbing conflicts arose in the Antipolo and San Rave iti lo cases, left vacant by their secular priests w’ ¢ only as “la perla famous for its brown virgin, was considered nok Only 1 Dut de los Curatos", but also a “one of the sichest [nae the Archipelago,” as it was, and still is, one lay- time Pilgrimage sites, when “so numerous and valuable . . . gifts [were] offered in the masses” by her devotees. San Rafael in Bulacan, claimed by the Recollects, was part of a hacienda origin. ally owned in the eighteenth century by San Juan de Dios. It was then peopled only by some 80 Filipinos as cowtenders and farmers but by 1870, when claimed by the Augustinians, its income had been increased by 13,000 parishioners. During this time, there were 792 curacies, 181 held by the seculars, and 611 by the regulars. 124 HISTOR So embittered were the Filipino seculars as a consequence of the prejudicial and unilateral provisions of the 1849 and 1861 decrees that Archbishop Gregorio Meliton Martinez of Manila was compelled to write an exposé to Marshal Francisco Serrano. regent of Spain in 1870, “to maintain the tranquility of his quently disturbed as a result of the ', SOl beloved Spain, eoner or later, may Less than two years later, " , the Cavi . ploded, as if the Archbishop had prop Mutiny of 1872 ex- Priests were truly “political dynamite, "4 it. Indeed, the F. La Algarada Cavites, : out during th a, 1872-7) . ally, said po . nears of Rafael de Tequisre ve Mutiny broke a sword in the other” git Bove with gro nad dramatic- Spaniards, some 200 Filipin ozed by di cross on one hand in the arsenal of the artitles, "Oldiers, join owe against the i Mery co) Ys at Fort San Felipe, mutinied in tne Oy TaMedin ouard of Janu; 7 ary 1872. In Scanned with CamScanner; FROM “INDIO” To “FILIPINO” 12s tamed” whee a piadtid himselt was “blinded and badly instantaneously. whi of gunpowder exploded, killing him le trapped ings mander was also killed, and hie ween the fort The fort com. since the mid-eighteenth century, These were abruptly abrogated by the new governor (Izquierdo). Unpaid wages and the unjust payment to the tobacco planters for harvests in Cavite in 1870- 1871 added to the already sizzling feeling of ciscontent. In fact, this revolt was believed by one contemporary Spanish writer to have stemmed from the workers’ strike (huelga) of the Cavite Arsenal, the first ever recorded in the Philippines, and probably one of the earliest in the Far East. Some scholars even attri- buted the mutiny to racial discrimination between the Filipino non-commissioned soldiers and those of the new peninsular Spanish armed forces, for the latter received higher ranks, pay, and even enjoyed better food rations following the new Izquierdo policy. Although the revolt was localized, the Spanish authorities viewed the event as an overturning of the colonial rule in the Islands, even considering it as part of a greater national move- ment to liberate the Philippines from Spain. Fr. Mariano Gomez of Bacoor, Cavite, Fr. Jose Burgos and Fr. dacinto Zaaora of the Manila Cathedral, were unjustly accused as agitators of the anti-Spanish movement. However, until the time they were executed by the garrote vil, Archbishop Meliton Martinez refused to defrock Gomburza, as per Izquierdo’s original instruction, although the triumvirate were threatened with excommunication by the same archbishop in his pastoral letter. Archbishop Mar- tinez even ordered the tolling of the bells of Manila churches asa funeral dirge for the souls of the departed priests. Their corpses were clandestinely transported to the Paco cemetery in Manila and there dumped into a common grave in an unnar! Which up to now has not been successfully located. Scanned with CamScannerPEOPLE THE FILIPINO ff the Cavite revolt, HISTORY OF significance o: 126 Rizal no less observed the when he wrote in 1889, that ; possible to stimulate another revolt like that of 5 of many educated se of it, cut off the head blood spilled, fresher and more shoots will rophe of 1872, there were Jess thoughtful nnocent victims; but now the young ladies declaring Repe.t the sacrifice and the . it may be Cavite and then, becau! persons, but from the sprout. Before the catasti people, less anti-friars; they sacrificed i you have the young, the women, and themselves in favor of the same cause. executioners will be sealing their own fate. ie ease Scanned with CamScannerment Development el the Reform Mave he niet Gomer, Burgos and ZEMOM way y pecauie tawakened the Fillpings tem ane ievepired Future Fitipiing, following the ee cutlon mf ty. The execution of Fathert waterthed event in Philippine hatory te the eva of the Spanish cotonial sys! rrdoepe luithoriuta. Thee pear 7 scam ieur oe and the suppression of the first batch af Fliping reformiats were fallowed by a new group af manredo conan Nlereels 4, del Pilar, Geneline Lopes Jaena and Jose |. Mranwhile, Spain was becoming unstable. From 1634 to 12 2 had four consmulons, 28 patlianients, and 529 ministers. From thes te SE, ft underwent a reeshition, a republic, and a monarch rettoration, Thi aituation i reflected In the Philippines as the coursry was governed by 17 powernar generals from 1879 fo 1896, There was no representation in the Spanish Cortes with few exceptions only Mimo patito were open to Pilipino: deupice many af them had enough qualifications. The adiilshtrtion of juatle war defecthr aredipratt and bribeny influenced the courts an judires were dishonest, tacking It quaMication, and uitterupuloun. Litirations were alee and expemiive. A Tilipire tad practically ne chance af winning a case aganat 0 Spaniard becauce of the cost and racial prejudice, There wat ato the strong influence of the fries wha dominated the colonia! aeeee tt rts had the paver to remove or indtall afficlals, aie fia ‘to seek redress in the eolorilal g riteen to the mountains 10 become ¢ on many of them to mort ccomidered ay bandits or Hulanes, The atiuises ea private merchants and midi local effielats ad Derren wl j thew roshice or drove them out from thee at aTPAe Fura fo of he. to te the mountains here they forme one forced many of the led by leaders bebeved to huge perature eeendent comers! _Lnyte, they were Lincwen ma (he Diot-Bios Powers, ir Samar and While In Nogros they we Scanned with CamScannerThe Propaganda Movement As the abuses of the colonizers remained unabated, Filipino reformists demanded reforms from the Spaniards. At this time they were not demanding independence or separation from Spain but reforms. One of the vocal leaders of the reform movement was the lawyer, mason, and pamphleteer Marcelo H. del Pilar who was also the brother of Fr. Toribio del Pilar who was exiled to Guam in 1872. Imbued with a desire to uplift the welfare of his countrymen, he went around preaching the value of work and self-dignity in public places like the cockpits and the tiendas or village stores. In 1888, he led nosiest rallies for reforms with his supporters crying Viva La Reina, Viva El Ejercito, Fuera Los Frailes! (Long live the Queen, long live the army, out with the friars!) He ridiculed the friars with his pamphlets especially with Caiigat Cayo which was a response to the Caiingat Cayo by Fr. Jose Rodriguez who attacked Rizal’s novel Noli Me Tangere. Del Pilar’s radical activities were NO longer tolerated by the Spaniards that he was forced to flee to Spain and join other reformists who were already there. In Spain, he took over the — of La Solidaridad which was first edited by Graciano Lopez Jaena. The threat ive Spaniards forced them to leave the of reprisals from conservative 5P country. Another importa! nt leader of the reform movement who. begal The Phi Scanned with CamScannerhis campaign in the Philippines was Graciano Lopez Jaena Who Satirized the friars and officials whom he considered abusive ang Corrupt. In his work entitled Fray Botod he pilloried the immorality ay, abuse of power by the friars that they ordered him ohh Lopeg Jaena left for Spain in 1880 where he enrolled in a met ical course at the University of Valencia. As a student he became involved 'M Politica, activities by giving speeches denouncing the friars in the Philippine. and campaighing for reforms in the Philippines. The reformists were joined by other Filipinos who came to Spain to study. Among them was Jose Rizal who arrived in 1882. Others Were Jose Alejandrino, Edilberto Evangelista, Galicano Apacible, Antonio and Juan Luna, Felix Resurreccion Hidalgo, Eduardo de Lete, Mariano Ponce, and others. Aside from this group which was composed of young students, there were others who were in Europe even earlier than Marcelo H. del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena. These were Antonio Ma. Regidor and Joaquin Pardo de Tavera who were not allowed to return to the Philippines after their deportation following the events of 1872. Realizing the need for a publication to promote Filipino interests, Lopez Jaena with the financial help of Pablo Rianzares established the newspaper La Solidaridad in 1889. The newspaper became the organ of the reformists in Spain. imas-alang and Laong Laan; Marcelo H. del Pilar as Plaridel; Antonio Luna, Taga-ilog; Mariano Ponce, Kalipulako, Naning and Tikbalang. Other reformists were Jose Ma. Panganiban, Isabelo de los Reyes, Pedro Serrano Laktaw, Jose Alejandrino Laktaw, and others. . The main demands of the reformists were the following: equality of the Filipinos before the law; assimilation of the Philippines as 2 regular province of Spain; restoration of the Philippine representation in the Cortes; Filipinization of the Philippine churches and the granting of individual liberties such as freedom of speech, of the press, of association and redress of grievances. Others like del Pilar and Lopez Jaena demanded the expulsion of the friars whom they accused of fomenting religious fanaticism and obstructing the progress of the Filipinos. Aside from a political agerd® Jose Rizal advocated a nationalist Fecovery by rejecting the wholesale “acceptance of foreign culture and the rediscovery of the greatness 150 Chapter 5. Nationalism’and Reform Scanned with CamScannerthe Filpino hen While in Europe he formed a group called the rei but encouraged the Filipinos not to be ashamed of the as a way of destroyin, one them to strive for intellectual prominence He praised Juan L ig the myth of racial superiority of the Caucasians. tigi una and Felix Resurreccion Hidalgo for winning prestigious awards in Painting and even praised the efforts of a group of women in Malolos who over: i iti i ‘Cal school of Spanish. me friar opposition to establish a Rizal hoped to awaken ‘ionalis i _ the national f the Filipinos by writing two novels, rangerganeitiinaste which attacked all aspects of Spanish rule in the Phil ippines. The friars immediately banned the importation and reading of these two books. Rizal also took time to annotate the book by Dr. Antonio Morga, a 17% century Spanish official to correct he prevailing anti-Filipino bias. The reform movement was supported by foreigners like Dr. “Miguel Morayta, the former Spanish minister and professor and the Austrian ethnologist Ferdinand Blumentritt. On December 31, 1888, an organization called “La Solidaridad” was born. It was i Jose Rizal who was in England at that time became its honorary president. This organization gave birth to LaSolidaridad, the newspaper. Other reformists headed by Miguel MoraytaformedtheAsociacion Hispano-Filipino in Madrid on January 12, 1889. The Asociacion drew up petitions instituting reforms. It succeeded in having passed a law making the teaching of Spanish compulsory in the Philippines and laws improving the judiciary. The organization, however, died out because of lack of funds and the change of government in Spain. Other reforms obtained were the abolition of the tobacco monopoly in 1882; the tax olishing the tribute and its replacement by the cedula | reform of 1886 creating the office of civil d reducing the alcalde mayor to the category of judges Sf frst instance; the Eyal Decree of 1887 extending the Spanish Code to the Philippines; the Becerra Law of 1889 establishing the city governments of Cebu, Hloilo, Jaro, Batangas, Legazpi, Nueva Caceres, howe 4 Law of 1893 introducing autonomy to the and Vigan; and the Maur tr eforms did not address the demands ici ents. ' Othe Pippo reformists and their calls remained unheeded becau Spain’s preoccupation in other matters. Teform of 1884 abolishing or poll tax; the provincia ncn None Scanned with CamScannerThe Role of Freemasonry Many of the Filipino refo! of seeking help among Spanis! wh, themselves. Among the leading sO masons in the Philippines ‘e as the most senior. There were ai led early as In Spain, Lopez Jaena founded he lodge “Grientat ce which was recognized by the Spanish loc er the Solidaridad wh in April 1889. Del Pilar for his part orga acible, and Baldor” in i ice Romees eee nso a ° on orders from cal Pilar ilippin 1 ornded the lodge Nilad on January 6, 1892 went to the Philippines and foul the dignified and prosperous country The Filipino masons advocated blish i sonic lodges were established by with good government. More Ma Whom were Reg! 1893; they allowed the entry of women among i Villaruel, Josefa Rizal, Marinao Dizon, Sixta Fajardo, Purificacion Leyva, and others, Meanwhile, dissension was beginning to manifest itself among the reformists in Spain. Del Pilar and Lopez Jaena believed that their Spanish brethren were too slow and too conservative. Among the Filipinos the reformists broke into camps. Lopez Jaena soon left the movement followed by Rizal: The remaining reformists remained weak and divided. Funds were running out and the newspaper La Solidaridad had to Having no means to support himself, ‘ontinued to write until he was struck down by “tuberculosis. In desperation he sent a message to Teodoro Plata who was his cousin, instructing him to form an organization that would fight for independence. Del Pilar died on July 4, 1896 in Barcelona. Though he died a frustrated man, the ‘the Katipunan which was founded by Teodoro Plata, Andres Bonifacio, ~ Valentin Diaz, and others in 1892. Spain, on the other hand, was saddled with its own domestic problems. A new revolution had broken out in Cuba, while in the Philippines the oppressive conditions continued as the reforms won by the reformists were too few and: too late. The country was entering a revolutionary phase as there were some groups which were formed to overthrow colonial rule, he vet joined t Sa Wa mists joe no happened to bé tHason? fh liberals who La Liga Filipina Rizal tried to move his campaign for reforms i ines ere he believed that the struggle Should be. Actu eis co, ally he had already Scanned with CamScannersealed his fate as his enemies had knew that he would be risking hi which before leaving Hong Kon him where they wanted. Because Rizal is life by returning to the Philippines, ig in 1892, i ve . In one of these letters, Rizal ala matters death, if one does for what one loves, for native Jani cing held dear!” Rizal arrived in Manila on June 26, 1892. He had an audience with Governor, General Eulogio Despujol to seek the latter’s Permission to establish a Filipino colony in Borneo. His request to establish such a colony was denied. Despujol reasoned that the colony would deprive the country of valuable workers. ; On July 3, 1892, at the house of Doroteo Onjunco at Ilaya Street, Tondo, Rizal founded the La Liga Filipina. The Liga picked up where the La Propaganda left off. It was established simultaneously with the Masonry and contributed funds to support the reformists in Spain. By 892, it went out of existence. Rizal’s Liga had a constitution written by him with the following 1, unity of the archipelago into a compact, vigorous and homogenous body; 2. mutual protection against all cases of pressing necessity; 3. defense against violence and injustice; 4. encouragement of education, agriculture and commerce; and 5. study and application of reforms. It had a motto in Latin NS (DESIST The organization had governing bodies consisting of a Supreme Council, a popular council, anda provincial council. The members, who should be Filipinos, were to pay 10 centavos as monthly dues. Each member was free to choose a symbolic name. Its officers were Ambrosio Salvador, president; Agustin de la Rosa, fiscal; Bonifacio Arevalo, treasurer; and Deodato Arellano, secretary. Its members were Andres Bonifacio, Jose A. Dizon, Moises Salvador, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Mamerto" Natividad, Timoteo Paez, Domingo Franco, Numeriano Adriano, Arcadio del Rosario, Timoteo Lanuza, and Doroteo Onjunco. The funds of the organization were to be basen for protecting the rights of th Poor against the powerful. It aimed to pital to any ett Scanned with CamScannergriculture, introduce machines and who may need it for industry or a nts to be run by ishme' industry, and to establish stores and establishm Filipinos. eGaEbe. gave - Rizal was also accused of having subversive publications in his baggage from Hong Kong. On the following day He was exiled to Dapitan on orders of Governor General Eulogio Despujol. The arrest of Rizal effectively - signified the end of the Propaganda movement. Though the Liga lingered for a while, it was not able to make substantial progress. It had a new hierarchy consisting of Domingo Franco as its president; Deodato Arellano, secretary-treasurer; Isidoro Francisco, fiscal; Juan Zulueta and Timoteo Paez as members of the Supreme Council. Later Apolinario Mabini became its secretary. The Liga lasted for a few months but soon some members who became tired of paying their dues ceased to become active. The poor members led by Andres Bonifacio felt that the campaign for reforms was going nowhere. Later i i ios (Body of the Committed) which was composed of middle class members. It too lived for a few months and eventually became inactive. TEE a i Scanned with CamScanner- Side Story How Some Copies of the Noli Me Tangere Reached the Philippines On December 25, 1948 the Philippines Free Press published a story on how Jose Rizal’s first novel, the Noli Me Tangere was smuggled into ° the Philippines. Then in his eighties, iego, a native of Santa Cruz, Marinduque narrated how he met Jose Rizal sometime I February 1888 ~ ent ae time he was a cabin boy on the ship Don Juan which regularly plied the Manila Hong rere route. Rego was then 19 or 20 years old. Narrating his story 7 Send 7 He nee Riego Jr., the older man declared that he clearly © Scanned with CamScanneregan rather casually. At three hi Rizal boarded the ship. The meeting b rSipich lifted anchor at five the afternoon Rizal boarded the vesse! Started sailing for Hong Kong. As the Don Juan cruised out 0 ship's deck with a piece of rattan i at his trousers. He was scanning the | ; passengers. Finally his eyes became fixed on Riego- He nodded a signal to follow him and ina secluded part of the ship Rizal said, “I am lookin, for a Tagalog and from your looks, | know that you are one. Frankly | may be soon needing your help that is, if you are not afrai to do some hazardous tasks.” Riego said that he would do anything for him. The answer greatly pleased Rizal and he said that his task has somethin to do with the enlightenment of the masses. He said that he would discuss the matter in his cabin at seven in the evening. f Manila Bay, Rizal walked on the ch he kept beating unconscious, faces of the crew and his fellow Exactly at that time Riego met Rizal in his cabin. He talked lengthily about the plight of the Filipinos who were virtually blind to the oppression of the Spaniards. He also talked about his sudden departure for Hong Kong. Rizal said that the Dominican, Augustinian, and Recollect friars invited him to dinner and proposed to finance his further studies abroad and that he could draw P500 from any bank abroad. He said that he could go anywhere even without their money. Rizal then discussed Riego’s mission. He said that some books and pamphlets would be arriving in Hong Kong from Berlin. When these materials arrive, Rizal told Riego to go to Don Jose Basa’s house. Riego was to take the books to his ship and distribute them in Manila. Rizal instructed Riego that upon arriving in Manila he would hire a carretela and load the books under the vehicle’s seat. After traveling some distance, he would leave the carretela on the pretext that he left something on the ship. “Now do not 0 back to the carretela for the books. When the cochero gets weary waiting for you to return, he will most likely open Riego’s baggage and find out that it contained books written by Rizal. He would Perhaps take to reading them and his friends will hear of them and ask for some copie: if i Sal cident the distribution is on. pies and as if by ac The Don Juan docked in Hong Kony izal i n 8 after four days and Rizal introduced him to Dr. Jose Basa. Before parting with Rizal, he shook hand and said, “You Probably do not realize what a great service ill be doing for our country and People.” Scanned with CamScanner~ > hho her ee i er rh rr i vr Band four months the books arrived in four sacks. He took the Sine i “em under his bunk beneath his soiled shirts. Upon arriving in Manila Riego walked to Binondo and hired a carretela. He goaded one sack and Placed it under the seat. He then instructed the cochero to take him to Calle Camba. Along the way he told the cochero that he left something on the ship and told him to wait for him. He did the same with the second and third sacks with the carretela from Santa Ana and Sampaloc districts. The contents of the fourth sack were distributed to Filipino students and mestizo friars. Upon returning to Hong Kong Riego reported to Basa that the smuggling was carried out successfully. Basa gave him two more sacks of books. He also gave him a package containing a necktie Rizal bought for him. Upon returning to Manila, Riego distributed the books to students and Filipino priests; the rest were distributed through the carretela method. Sometime later Riego was summoned by the captain of the Don Juan who introduced him to a man who shook his hand. The captain gave Riego a day off and the man took him to Calle Gertrudes where he was treated to a sumptuous dinner. The man turned out to be Paciano Rizal. Jose told him that he was the one responsible for the infiltration of the Noli to the Philippines. Source: Riego, Perfecto Rufino. As told to Domingo Riego Jr. “I Smuggled Rizal’s Noli into the Philippines.” Philippines Free Press. December 25, 1948: (PP: 9,44-45-)