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REFRAMING THE QUO VADIS OF REGIONAL

PEACEBULIDING INTIATIVES AND PASTORAL
ACCUMULATIONS

ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY, CENTER FOR AFRICAN AND ASIAN STUDIES

 I. INTRODUCTION

Pastoralism, livestock marketing, cross-border livestock marketing related

conflicts, “clannism” and customary institutions are not new notions to discuss
separately. However trying to triangulate them and to look their Quo Vadis in
the Horn of Africa geo-politics is probably a new insight. In addition to this,
discussing the notion of pastoralist’s mobility with colonially delimitated inter-
state boundaries seems problematic. On top of this, to scrutinize the livelihood
and accumulation of pastoralists without livestock mobility, clan system and
the role of customary institutions is mostly a minimalist approach with a
foreign and alien theoretical framework. Similarly, to study the case of a single
pastoralist group in the Horn of Africa and trying to neglect the other pastoral
groups similar challenges, specifically the Ethiopian pastoralists and their
influence in the region’s peace and security seems contradicting with the
notion of sustainable peace-building initiatives.

Although many researchers and research organizations have tried to address

the issue of pastoralism, ‘clannism’, cross-border livestock marketing, and
peace-building processes in the Horn of Africa in various ways, their major
focus inclined towards development related discourses. Thus, most of the
scholars and their affiliated institutions were highly interested with the notion
of pastoralism, pastoral development, and a strategy for pastoral development
since they are a "recent" areas in development discourse. The pastoral
accumulation debate is all the more interesting since it is unheard of until early
2003 (Melaku, 2003: 1). That in itself is reason for opposition, as the dominant
discourse on development has always misinformed the mainstream
development discourse. Obviously, it just does not exist in the literature. It has
never been written about pastoralists by Adam Smith, Carl Marx, Amartya Sen
or other contemporary proponents of neoliberal economics. It isn't found in
any of the major economic theories' holy books and classics.

Pastoralism, on the other hand, has always existed. Although the dominant
discourse, the sacred scriptures, simply did not acknowledge it, or even
consider it worthy of consideration, pastoralism, on the other hand, was
condemned and it was doomed to extinction. Who cares about its cross-border
livestock market, how it survived the inter-state difficulties and conflicts, or

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how viable it might become for regional stability? Who cares about the
concept of “pastoralists’ accumulation” then? How can a system on the verge
of extinction possibly be a source of wealth and peace? It is this concept that
makes any discussion of ‘pastoralist accumulation’ and the notion of
pastoralism for peace-building too difficult in the Horn of Africa.

However, it is the strongest argument of this project that regional peace-

building and pastoralists’ accumulation are viable and likely to be more
practical and contributively to the regional economy than other traditional
sectors provided if it is given equal attention and the required infra-policy
related assistance. Pastoralism, which is more threatened than ever, demands
support, especially at the macro level, where a favourable policy environment
backed by tangible government measures have critical linkages both to
regional stability and pastoral accumulation. Pastoralism, in other words,
requires the same level of governments attention and assistance in the Horn of
Africa that both the farming and urban communities receive for several
decades.

Even though comparing and contrasting pastoralists with peasants is not the
main aim of this project proposal, in traditional formations the processes of
pastoralists’ wealth accumulation and peace-building begin with livelihood
diversification. Off course, as many readers can guess, diversification of
livelihoods is the buzzword these days. However, without a comprehensive
approach and the essential support mechanisms in place, livelihood
diversification and peace-building processes will be impossible. Assuring
ownership of the most essential component in the means of production, such
as animals in the case of pastoralists and land in the case of peasants, is the
most critical factors in permitting livelihood diversification and peace-building
mechanisms. Pastoralists in the Horn of Africa are in a much better position
than peasants because their cattle are still in their possession (rather than
being nationalized) and their land is not privatized, but communal/clan
ownerships have not yet been restored.

Second, pastoralist life has been severely endangered without an alternative

after more than a century of systematic marginalization by central
governments, which has been aided by World Bank and African Development
Bank modernization initiatives (Fratkin, 2001; USAID, 2012; Egemi, 2012).
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Pastoralists were forced to adapt their way of life, so modern institutions of
governance and social infra-structure, as well as other industries such as
commercial farms and wildlife parks were alien to them (Salih, 2001; FAO,
2018). In terms of employment and social services, these institutions did not
aid pastoral communities. Pastoralism, despite being challenged by modernity,
has survived as a result of this isolation through its customary institutions to
resolve intra-conflicts and inter-state disputes (Omiti & Irungu, 2002; Egemi,
2012).

It is critical to emphasize that pastoralists are not opposed to change and

‘modernization’ (Yurco, 2011). They are simply opposing a change that has
been forced to be installed upon them. Aside from that, pastoral society, like
other communities, is dynamic and changes from time to time. The conundrum
in thinking about social change in pastoralism is recognizing the pace of this
organic development and adopting a policy that is both acceptable to the
community and practical enough to yield economic surplus. The
acknowledgement of this fact, as well as a strategy that is embraced by the
community, is vital in generating livelihood diversification which results a
sustainable peace-building process in the region.

Individual members of a pastoral community has a will of transition to another

form of living and/or production system if they have some form of confidence
and trust in the existing macro-economic policy, or if they have a form of social
contract, if you will, in the process of livelihood diversification and peace-
building initiatives. To put it in another way, a pastoralist with a huge herd of
cattle must tell herself or himself, "Yes, now I can switch to a different trade."
This trust is critical to the process of diversifying one's sources of income.
However, the majority of the pastoralist clans and the clan elders/elites
through their customary institutions never decide to shift from pastoralism to
another production system (Swallow, 1994).

It is undeniable that the process of pastoral accumulation, which must begin

with the diversification of sources of income, requires a favourable policy
environment (AFSA, May 2017). To put it in another words, the process of
transition revolves around freedom and democracy. Because one of Horn of
Africa's major problems is the disconnection between policy rhetoric and
implementation on the ground. Good governance, which is essential for
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pastoral accumulation and peace-building, necessitates the establishment of
good governance institutions. With a devout wish on the side of policy-makers,
effective governance is impossible. This is a massive endeavour in and of itself,
which cannot be completed in the time frame required by the accumulation
process. It is precisely this inherent government weakness that necessitates
rapprochement, mutual acknowledgment, and reliance between governments
and pastoralists (Mussa, M., Teka, H., & Aliye, 2017). The key to other chronic
difficulties that affect the peace-building and accumulation process as well as
social progress in general, especially conflict resolution process, is such a
modus-Vivendi and modus-Operandi between the two.

From John Rawls to Amartya Sen, many political economists strongly believe
that, without freedom and democracy's institutions peace-building and wealth
accumulation, which lead to social progress and the eradication of poverty and
famine are not attainable. Given the low level of human capability in pastoral
regions and the current federal forms of ‘states’ in the Horn of Africa, it is
indeed necessary to support the institutions of governance with experts from
other regions, or to change the ethnic criteria for placement of officials and
professionals entirely among the pastoralists. In fact, because pastoral areas
have been neglected for decades, they are the most marginalized,
impoverished, and vulnerable to natural disasters and instability. Because
there is so much to be done in pastoral regions, they must be staffed with the
greatest personnel the region has to offer. It seems ironical to recall the profile
of Pastoralist Area political leaders’ educational status; for instance, the former
Somali Regional State President - Abdi Ele, was a grade eight student, and the
current Regional State President of Afar has only finished grade five, [according
to the Reporter Newspaper of June 22, 2003.]

II. BACKGROUND OF THE PROJECT

In the Horn of Africa, pastoralists' most basic requirement has always been a
market for their livestock. They are forced to sell their cattle at market sights
far away from their homes because their demand for a market has been
ignored, and they have even resorted to cross-border trade (CBT) with other
countries. They continue to seek a market that is good to them since this
method of livestock trade has never been helpful to them. When natural
disasters such as protracted droughts wipe off cattle, the lack of a market and

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other trade mechanisms linked with it, such as processing dry meat (for the
local market) and modern meat processing (for export), have a crippling effect.
This is a big loss in terms of money and property (i.e. pastoral accumulations).

The importance of an effective livestock selling mechanism for pastoral

communities cannot be overstated. However, why is livestock marketing so
important in the Horn of Africa? Generally, it is essential for four reasons: it’s a
(1) pastoral food security in normal times, (2) a safe haven during droughts, (3)
pastoral means of accumulation, and above all (4) a means to secure peace
and stability among pastoralists.

1. Pastoralists lead their lives by trading with other communities, swapping

their cattle for grain and other necessities. Pastoral communities will feel
comfortable and stable if they gain income that allows them to cope with the
changing environment, given the dynamic nature of pastoral activity in the face
of an ever changing environment. To cope with the transition, parents must
send their children to school and have access to contemporary medical
services. In the end, this will mean that their children's lifestyles will change
future of the pastoralists. They must have equal rights to farmers and urban
communities, who are given all the support the government can summon in
terms of allowing them access to the market. Pastoralists, like anyone else who
are willing to sell whatever surplus they have, require a market mechanism to
live a reasonable existence in the region.

2. Pastoral livestock will be at risk of extinction during protracted periods of

drought. The Borana pastoralist group lost nearly all of their cattle during the
1997 and 2016/7 droughts. The Somali and Afar pastoralist groups are highly
suffering from intra-conflicts and from draught related consequences until
recently. The concerns at these moments were not to save the cattle, as that
was too late, but to save even a handful of them for future breeding.
Pastoralists' main concern is how to dispose of their animals in the event of
such tragedies. A few non-governmental organizations tried an initiative to
process dried meat in exchange for money from pastoralists. In times of crisis,
establishing a market mechanism for pastoral animals is also beneficial. This
will also discourage pastoralists from overstocking and encourage them to try
another trade.

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3. For pastoralists, the most crucial requirement of a functional livestock
system is the process of diversification of sources of income that leads to
accumulation. There are a variety of factors that may encourage pastoralists to
diversify their businesses, including the threat that pastoral life faces as a
result of external dynamics and the dynamics of change within the industry. If
excellent governance is institutionalized and imbued with a pedagogic goal, as
we shall discuss later, pastoral confidence and trust will build, which is an ideal
factor for considering a career change. Traditional communities' mentalities
are difficult to modify from afar. Pastoralists want to know that institutions of
the government are working for them, their children, and the community. And,
in a country where governance has been linked with an alien and unpopular
administration, there is a great deal expected of the government in terms of
policy and concrete action to demonstrate that it is committed to the
community.

4. Pastoralists lead their lives mostly around the states’ international

boundaries in the Horn of Africa. As a result they developed a sense of
marginalization and rejection by the central governments and the ‘modern
institutions’. Thus, they prefer to trust and rely on their clan system and
customary institutions. As Eliot (2001: 10) depicts, pastoralists have paid
enormous price during civil war and political unrest in the Horn of Africa.
Ethnic warfare has not evaded East Africa, albeit it has not reached the high
levels as it’s seen in Rwanda, Sudan, and Somalia since the beginning of the
millennium. Nonetheless, both during the colonial periods and current
administrations, pastoralists have mismanaged the dry areas of northern
Kenya, and Uganda, as well as southern Ethiopia and Sudan, and pastoralist
peoples have a long history of attacks and counter-raids against one another. It
is obvious to recall how both the Gabra and Boran moved south-wards from
Ethiopia in 1914-15 to avoid Ethiopia’s central government officials and their
administrations authority; while Somalis were partitioned into five nations
(Kenya, British Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, French Djibouti, and Ethiopia). In
other words, they became victims of colonial period boundaries and
segregations. This observation equally applies to the Afars that were dispersed
into three nations (Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Eritrea); whereas Nuers were divided
into two nations (Ethiopia and Sudan). Pastoralists from Sudan, including as
the Karimojong, Turkana, and Teso tribes, moved southwards into Uganda and
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Kenya, where they clashed with each other and their neighbours until recently.
As a result, they lose both their pastoral accumulations and their peaceful
livelihoods.

In the pastoral accumulation process, an effective and, if possible, efficient

livestock marketing mechanism is necessary. The presence of such a
mechanism will encourage pastoralists to diversify their sources of income
and, over time, begin to accumulate in a different trade. Pastoral
accumulation, according to this project proposal, has a better probability of
success than other subsistence economies since pastoralism has some
customary power and benefits in building peace among the Horn of Africa
countries. What are these benefits?

First and foremost, Horn of Africa’s pastoralism boasts/claims the most

livestock per capita in the world (Melaku, 2003; Samuel, 2017). It has three-
fourth (3/4) of Africa’s pastoral livelihood. (Currently, nearly 17 million people
are leading their livelihoods’ mainly on as pastoralist. Many clans socio-
economic exixtance is predominately related with pastoralism.) Regardless, it
makes no difference to the conversation whether the region is first or second.
What matters is that this is horn of Africa's wealth, for which it is well
renowned. This is a tremendous resource that must be valued and put to good
use. "Possessing a copper in hand is akin to having gold," says an Amharic
proverb. Horn of Africa’s livestock is the region's precious gold. It is only
natural that the region does its utmost to make use of this wealth. Developing
an accumulating strategy based on wealth availability is, once again, a logical
course. On the contrary, this regional gold is one of the sources for protracted
regional conflicts both at the intra-state and inter-state levels (Markakis, 2004:
26-29)

In comparison to crop cultivation-based accumulation, pastoral accumulation

necessitates significantly less capital input. Pastoralists only need to bring their
animals to the markets, and the governments only need to set up a market
system. Pastoral livestock production is far less insecure than peasant livestock
production, especially when the government provides the necessary help in
terms of water collecting.

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A substantial natural resource exists to promote pastoral accumulation if
appropriately strategized. Many of the region's largest rivers run through
pastoral territories, providing a vast natural resource to supplement and
sustain the livestock trade. States in the Horn of Africa might gain a lot of
money if the governments succeed in exporting cattle, thanks to the increasing
demand for organic meat in industrialized countries.

If the governments invest in meat processing plants and other livestock-related

plants, such as leather, it can increase the rate at which pastoral cattle enter
the market, increasing the community's financial capacity and allowing them to
diversify their livelihoods, send their children to school, and have access to
modern medicine. Thus, through time the sources livestock related conflicts
and regional pastoral instabilities will deteriorate. As a result, donors become
more interested in pastoral development after witnessing the insecure
character of peasant agriculture in the Horn region. If the governments
develop a suitable pastoral development policy (may be through their inter-
governmental organization – IGAD), it may be able to secure donor funds
(IGAD LPI, 2008).

Indeed, what we've just outlined is impossible to achieve without the

governments’ and inter-government’s active and intentional participation.
There are critical areas where the governments can intervene to ensure the
success of pastoral efforts to diversify and accumulate livelihoods. When it
comes to expecting the regional governments to do what they need to do, this
project will help them to reframe the strategic policy related output by paying
a holistic big picture in the region.

III. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Cross-border Livestock Marketing (CBLM) has increased throughout the Horn
of Africa since the 1990s as a result of regional integration efforts and inter-
state trade negotiations among COMESA member countries (Yang and Gupta
2007; FAO 2003). Intra-regional trade is predicted to bring significant economic
and social benefits for a variety of demographic groups, including women, poor
smallholder farmers, and dry-land pastoralists. These organizations are a
powerful driving force in the production, consumption, and cross-border
livestock marketing (CBLM) of local commodities (Tran-Nguyen A-N and

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Zampetti 2004; Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah 1997). In addition to this, CBLM as
a method pastoral accumulation has used by people to diversifying their
income and coping with poverty (Muzvidziwa, 2007:3). Generally, many socio-
economic factors force people to seek alternative sources of income. One of
these alternative livelihood pursuits is cross-border livestock trading, which
allows them to provide a decent existence for their households and extended
families (their clans). Because of unemployment, poor economic conditions,
and wealth accumulations and due to poverty, people engage in cross-border
commercial activities (Chani, 2008:25; Jawando, Adeyemi, & OguntolaLaguda,
2012:29; Kachere, 2011:10).

Despite this, experts disagree over the long-term future of cross-border

livestock marketing (CBLM) activities versus the informal cross-border trading
(ICBT) activities (namely the ‘contraband’). According to Little (2007), generally
speaking, ICBT should be encouraged since it is a natural market response to
regional pricing discrepancies and inefficient export laws in regions like the
Horn of Africa. Furthermore, when domestic production and markets fail to
meet food demand, ICBT serves as a source of regional food security. Similarly,
Abdurhman (2014) argues that the Ethiopian government's limitations on
cross-border commerce along the Ethio-Somali, Ethio-Kenya, Ethio-Sudan,
Ethio- Djibouti, and Ethio-Eritrea borders which may benefit only the major
livestock traders in Ethiopia and that harms the livelihoods of herders and
small traders. Although Abdurhman’s examination of cross-border trade (CBT)
focuses along the Ethiopian-Somali border, he tried to point out the
occurrence of the problem throughout the Horn of Africa.

Lesser and Moisé-Leeman (2009), on the other hand, argued that, despite its
short-term importance for poverty alleviation, the widespread practice of
informal cross-border trade (ICBT) in Sub-Saharan Africa is likely to have
negative economic and developmental effects by further marginalizing Sub-
Saharan African economies. First, informal cross-border trade (ICBT) creates
unfair competition for formal traders, reduces incentives to invest in the
formal economy, and reduces business opportunities in regional and global
markets, all of which hurt the private sector (and overall economic)
development prospects in Sub-Saharan Africa in general and specifically in the
Horn of Africa.

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The size and price of cross-border livestock exports are estimated differently
depending on the source that readers refer to. Annual cross-border livestock
exports from Ethiopia to Djibouti, Somaliland, Somalia, and Kenya, for
example, are estimated to be 350,000 cattle, 1,100,000 small ruminants, and
125,000 camels, valued at between US$250 million and US$300 million
respectively (SPSLMM, 2009). The majority of these cross-border cattle trades
were destined for Somaliland and came entirely from Ethiopia's Somali Region.
In comparison to the Borans, the region is likewise a key cattle supplier to
Djibouti, while contributing less to cross-border trade into Kenya (Yacob and
Catley, 2010).

According to (Vector O. 2010), the ICBLT's missed data resulted in the

formation of incorrect policy, which could have a long-term disastrous effect
both on the sector's economic contribution and the regional peace-building
process. Unfortunately, the Ethiopian government views the informal cross-
border cattle trade as an illegal activity that jeopardizes national development
goals, despite pastoralists' perceptions that this trade is their primary source of
income and survival (Desta et al., 2011). Similarly, the case seems
approximately similar with Kenya and Uganda (Barrett, 2004; Mkutu, 2016). As
a result, more research is needed to ensure that this activity's perception is
accurate and how to tackle livestock marketing related problems in the region.

Despite the fact that many research and policy discussions focused on the
economic relevance of cross-border livestock marketing (CBLM) in the region,
several studies and policy debates challenged that conclusion, as noted
repeatedly. Cross-border market suppliers (producers) employ a variety of
marketing channels, both formal and informal, to impact their household
income. However, no policy discussions or studies have been done to
determine their significance in the Horn of Africa. Furthermore, the region
governments’ have tried to adopt many measures to encourage the
legalization of informal cross-border livestock trades across the borders which
generally failed to take into account pastoralists' perceptions of cross-border
market involvement, and cross-border livestock markets specifically. On the
other hand, many pastoralists’ in the region believe that ICBT and/or CBLM are
the only options to raise their household income. One of the limitations in
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earlier studies is the paucity of empirical evidence on pastoral household
income and its relationship to cross-border livestock marketing. In general,
these findings point to the need for more cross-border livestock marketing and
clans’ pastoral accumulations in order to develop strong policy implications for
the impact of cross-border livestock trade on the region's economy goals and
poverty alleviation in general, as well as pastoralist clans contribution to
peace-building processes through their customary institutions.

IV. OBJECTIVES OF THE PROJECT

4.1. General Objective

This project intends to investigate the triangular relationship among cross-

border livestock marketing related conflicts, the relevance of clan systems (in
this paper ‘clannism’ and the role of customary institutions to sustainably
protect both pastoral accumulations and peace-building processes in the Horn
o Africa.

4.2. Objectives specific

Thus, this projected research tries to address the following specific objectives.
The study is planning:

1. To determine how pastoralists in the Study Specific Area see/perceive cross-

border livestock marketing (CBLM) and its related conflicts.

2. To investigate the Study Specific Area's cross-border livestock marketing

(CBLM) route and the recurring conflict spaces/borders.

3. To look at the relationship between cross-border livestock trade activities,

clan leaders participation and the role of customary institutions in the research
region.

4. To document the major problems the pastoralists are facing while they are
trying to accumulate wealth through livestock marketing.

5. To scrutinize the overall implication of both the formal and informal cross-
border livestock marketing activities in the Horn of Africa and its regional
consequences.

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6. To develop a peace-building initiative framework that may support the inter-
governmental organizations like IGAD and donors who are rigorously working
on the regional integration process.

V. RESEARCH QUESTIONS
This project keenly focuses on the following research questions:

► How do pastoralists perceive cross-border livestock marketing

(CBLM) in the Horn of Africa?

► What mechanisms do pastoralists use to resolve CBLM related

conflicts in the Study Areas?

► How do pastoralists’ accumulate their livestock diversification

during the political, environmental, economical and social disastrous
times/situations?

► What are the roles and contributions of the clan systems

(clannisms), clan leaders, and the customary institutions during the CBLM
related conflicts in the Horn of Africa?

► How do governments, inter-governmental organizations, donors and

non-governmental organization representatives who follow and work projects
with pastoralists in the Horn of Africa intervene during the CBLM related
conflicts?

► How is the nexus between formal and informal CBLM in the region
and its overall spill over implication in destabilizing the regions’ inter-state
relations?

► In the specific research region, what are the main cross-border

livestock marketing (CBLM) channels?

► To what extent is cross-border livestock marketing (CBLM) associated

with regional peace-building initiatives and pastoralist accumulations?

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 VI. METHODOLOGY:
Primarily an in-depth theoretical study on the triangular relationship of CBLM,
‘Clannism’ and Customary Institutions will be undertaken based on materials
drawn from social anthropology, political science, regional studies,
development studies, folklore, linguistics, and the other social sciences.
Additionally since the research project is interdisciplinary in nature, we will
employ a variety of research methods, whose application refers to different
disciplines. We will use interdisciplinary standard methods used in social
science research. The researchers involved in each sub-unit will also engage in
extensive investigation of oral traditions to further the amount of information
available on each phase of the research. This will assist in gathering
information not usually available to the public. Furthermore, focus discussion
groups will be used to explore pastoralists’ perceptions about CBLM in general
and formal/informal cross-border livestock marketing activities in particular.
The type of people included in each focus group discussion will vary from sub-
unit to sub-unit. In depth-interviews will supplement and enhance the
comprehensive information concerning each issues studied.

The notion of CBLM is an issue which demands cooperation among different

institutions and inter-state pastoral Bureaus. Hence, the project will invite the
participation of different institutions especially IGAD, Customs Authorities,
Cross-border authorities, and policy-making actors in or near the communities
that will be studied, governmental institutions like different ministries and
their respective regional and zonal/county Bureaus, too.

The method to be adopted by each segment of the research will be described

in the research papers to be produced.

VII. ANTICIPATED OUTCOMES

The expected outcomes of the proposed research in the first twelve months
can be subsumed mainly in the following three areas:

Training and building research capacity of 6 students, (i. e. 3 PhD and 3 M.A.
level students from the disciplines involved and related fields. The students will
produce 3 PhD theses and 3 M.A. theses on this projected thematic area.
Furthermore, these students’ must publish at least 5 articles in scientific
journals and 6 or more peer reviewed book chapters. The project will publish a

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peer reviewed book on CBLM related conflicts and the role of customary
institutions to peace-building initiatives. Besides, creation of awareness and
knowledge sharing through seminars, workshops, conferences and various
possible media forums about CBLM related conflicts and their consequences in
the Horn of Africa is the major target.

It is believed that, the outcomes will provide new insights into the most critical
problems of CBLM related conflicts/issues to African/Pastoralism researchers
and multiple users on wider scale. The outputs will contribute substantially to
the existing theories and methods of academic research in the study of
folklore, language, social anthropology, international relations, area studies
and pastoral economists, particularly, in African settings. A good knowledge of
CBLM and comparative research on the level of similarities and differences of
CBT and ICBT can define a range of acceptable policy alternatives and provide
basic information for administrators/inter-state politicians to devise and
benefit from correct policies.

The research outputs can serve as instruments for the achievement of effective
and sustained peace-building, enhancement of pastoralist values, customary
institutions and political stability in the Horn of Africa. We hope that they will
make positive impacts for academic and pedagogical purposes, peace-building
initiatives, democratic representations and political stability in the region.
Good governance, institutional policy and design, economic growth/pastoralist
accumulations, clans’ well-being, and general cross-regional predictions about
its effects can benefit from the outcome of the research.

VIII. EVALUATION AND QUALITY ASSURANCE 

The research project will use different strategies to assure the quality of its
progress and result. The whole project will be led by a Lead Investigator who is
responsible to coordinate the research endeavours in each researcher. Under
him are the five researchers who, apart from the research activity they carry
on, supervise members of their research assistants, develop timelines that
fragment each researcher’s activity in time frame and hence any missing or
delaying activities can be traced and followed, submit a quarterly written
report to the Lead Investigator. Furthermore, the Co-Investigators will call
frequent meetings (at least once every month) to share ideas on the
progresses made by each researcher and the challenges they face.
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 Collaborative Group Research members will also be asked to submit regular
written reports which help for documenting the results of their respective
research activities.

During the course of the project, one validation and one international
conference will be organized to demonstrate the quality of research in each
research area. The validation workshops will serve as impetus to the
participating researchers and the University’s Authorities to evaluate
progresses made and results achieved. The international conferences will offer
worldwide scholars and concerned bodies the opportunity to raise questions
and forward their comments to the researchers.

IX. PROPOSED BUDGET

Proposed Budget (USD)
1st four 2nd four
Item Activities months months Total

1 Establishment and Preliminary Field Visit 5,000 ---- 5,000

2 Personnel I PhD Researchers Stipend (6) 6,000 6,600 13,200

Personnel II (research assistants, drivers, field

3 assistants, secretary, coordinates…) 2,500 2,500 5,000

Equipment/Supplies (computers, recorders,

4 cameras, software…) 8,000 ---- 8,000

Travel (national/international); researchers and

students to attend conferences, workshops,
5 trainings 4,000   4,000 10,000

Organizing workshops, seminars, conferences,

6 trainings 10,000 10,000 20,000

Publications (Proceedings, monographs, books,

7 journal articles…) 1,200 1,600 3,500

Total 36,700 24,700 61,400

Local Public Orgs. and NGOs Contribution 2,300 2,300 4,600

Total 39,000 27,000 66,000

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 X. PROPOSED TIME-TABLE
Proposed Budget (USD)

Item Activities Within 8 Months Comments

1 Establishment and Preliminary Field Visit Oct. 2022 – Nov. ‘22

2 Personnel I PhD Researchers Stipend (6) Nov. 2022 - April ‘23

Personnel II (research assistants, drivers,

3 field assistants, secretary, coordinates…) Nov. 2022 – Jan. ‘23

Equipment/Supplies (computers,
4 recorders, cameras, software…) Nov. 2022

Travel (national/international);
researchers and students to attend
5 conferences, workshops, trainings April 2023

Organizing workshops, seminars,

6 conferences, trainings March & April 2023

Publications (Proceedings, monographs,

7 books, journal articles…) March & April 2023

Searching for funding agencies and

8 Organizations Oct. 2022 – Jan. ‘23

Preparing and final editing of the

9 published articles April 2023.

XI. EXISTING AND PLANNED COLLABORATIONS

This research proposal has been developed by the collaboration of six scholars
of Addis Ababa University and other Ethiopian and Somaliland Universities
who are experts in the different fields of the social sciences and humanities.
These are Dr. Samuel Tefera Alemu ( who is the Lead Investigator, Areal

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Studies - Ethnographic Studies, Asst. Prof. at CAAS, AAU), Mr. Solomon
Tessema, (PhD. Candidate at Center for African and Asian Studies (CAAS
- AAU), Streaming ‘Culture, Media and Art’), Mr. Fisha Moreda (Area
Studies), Mr. Bisrat T/Silassie Yazew ( Multicultural and Multilingual
Studies and Culture Media and Art at CAAS, AAU), Mr. Mohamed Abdi
Mahamoud (Rural Development Studies Lecturer at Jigjiga University)
and Dr. Semira….. (XXX, University of Hargesa). This collaboration will
continue during the process of the project because these researchers are
currently working on their PhD thesis in the specific Study Areas at AAU. In
fact when the project starts to materialize we will include historians,
sociologists and others who could be relevant to the work.

Different universities in Horn of Africa, particularly those in areas where the

researches will be conducted will also be part of the project. Regional
governments in Horn, particularly, departments that are responsible for
pastoralists’ affairs, cultures, educations and the like will be partners of the
project. Hence we plan to carry out the research by involving both
international, (i.e. scholars that are working in the CBLM in the Horn of Africa
and their institutions will participate in the sense of collaboration and sharing
the tasks.

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