Redemption of Umayyad Memory by The Abbāsids

The Redemption of Umayyad Memory by the ʿAbbāsids
Author(s): Tayeb El-Hibri

Source: Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 61, No. 4 (Oct., 2002), pp. 241-265
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
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THE REDEMPTIONOF UMAYYAD MEMORYBY THE CABBASIDS*
TAYEBEL-HIBRI,University of Massachusetts, Amherst
If an Umawiwere not prudentin using wealth and havingforbearance, he would not resemble
his forebears. And if a Hishimi were not generous and magnanimous,he would not be like his
forebears. And, verily you shall never find the Hdshimi lacking in eloquence, generosity, and
courage.
Muciwiya b. Abi Sufydn
I. INTRODUCTION
DYNASTIES that supplanttheir predecessors in a violent takeover are generally ex-

pected to present history in a way unfavorable to those who lost. The CAbbdsiddynasty,
which came to dominate the caliphate after it overthrew the Umayyads in A.H. 132/A.D.
750, was no exception. Their victory combined with their religious pretensions, and their
claim for inheriting the rights of succession of the Hdshimite family, led narratorsto cast
them as saviors from Umayyad rule for the community.
The resulting anti-Umayyad voice in the sources takes on a variety of forms. The most
prominentof these is the dramaticdepiction of the victory that CAbdallahb. CAll(d. 147/
765) achieved over the Umayyads at the Battle of al-Zdb, which was supposedly followed
by the routing of all members of the family at Nahr Abi Futrus. Other negative images
include the anecdotes about the vanity and decadence of some Umayyad caliphs, such as
Yazid b. Muc'wiya b. Abi Sufydn (d. 64/683), Yazid b. CAbdal-Malik (d. 104/724), and
al-Walid b. Yazid (d. 126/744), which go a long way toward discrediting the whole dy-
nasty. Furthermore,there are anti-Umayyadstatementsthat can be found even in Qur~anic
exegetical texts, where it is sometimes said that the term al-shajara al-malciina was meant
to be a reference to the Umayyad family.2
* An earlier version of this

paper was presented at al-sakhdi wa al-shajaca (You will never gain/find
the Columbia University Arabic Seminar on 18 Sep- eloquence, generosity, and courage with a Hishim-
tember 1997. I am grateful to the seminar participants ite). More likely, the original text is to be read: wa Id
for their various observationsin the discussion that fol- yacdumukamin al-Hashimiyyi... (as translatedabove).
lowed. I would also like to thank Professor Wadad For a reading corroborating such an emendation, see
Kadi of the University of Chicago for valuable com- Ahmad b. Ya.hy al-Balidhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf (BanU
ments on an earlier draft of this article. CAbdShams), ed. I. CAbb~s,Bibliotheca Islamica, 28d
1 Abl JacfarMuhammadb. Jarir al-Tabari,Ta'rikh (Wiesbaden, 1979), vol. 1, pt. 4, p. 108. Balidhuri's
al-Rusul wa'l-Mulaik,ed. M. J. de Goeje et al., 3d ser. version reads: wa lan tucdam min al-Hiishimiyyi las-
(Leiden, 1879-1901), II, p. 208. Both the Leiden and nan aw sakhdaanaw shajactan.
Cairo editions here misread this statement as fol- 2 The complete verse in Surat al-Isrd' reads: "And
lows: wa li yaqdumukamin al-Hashimiyyi al-lisdn wa when We said to thee: 'Surely thy Lord encompasses
men', and We made the vision that We showed thee
and the tree cursed in the Koran to be only a trial for
[JNES 61 no. 4 (2002)] men; and We frighten them, but it only increases them
@ 2002 by The University of Chicago. in great insolence" (. .. wa majacalnd al-ru~yd allati
All rights reserved. araynaka illa fitnatan wa al-shajarata al-malciinataft
0022-2968/2002/6104-0001$10.00. l-qur'dn...) (Qur'an 17:60). See A. J. Arberry,trans.,
241

242 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
This reality of anti-Umayyad bias in the sources has long challenged the efforts of
scholars trying to form an objective picture of Umayyad rule.3 The tendentious and pro-
Hashimite nature of various texts has led many readers to view Umayyad and CAbbdsid
history as one of simple distinction between good and evil families and rulers. The present
study aims to show, however, that the meanings evident in the depiction of the Umayyads
are more complex than this simple division and that while the Umayyads can appear in-
ferior in religious terms, their story and place in history was not meant to serve simply as
an object of damnationor to illustrate a lack of virtue. In this article, I shall investigate a
number of little-studied accounts that evoke a more nuanced representationof the Umay-
yads and that cast them in a neutral or even favorable light. In view of the fact that the
final shaping of these historical narratives took place during the cAbbasid period, it is
probably surprisingthat such a pro-Umayyad historical voice could have originated amid
CAbbasidhostility and leads us to ask what role, if any, the CAbbasidsthemselves played
in nurturingthis image or how they stood to benefit from it. This study proposes that a
moralizing undercurrentgoverns much of the representationof the Umayyads, especially
the portrayalof Mucawiya, and that a certain genre of competitive dialogues, those set be-
tween Mucawiya and CAbdallahb. CAbbas,served to communicate a variety of political
and moral purposes, some to the advantageof the Umayyads but most to confirm the cen-
trality of the CAbbasidargumentand position at the expense of the CAlidright to the suc-
cession and leadership of the Hashimite family.
II. THE NATURE OF THE NON-HOSTILE EVIDENCE: ETHICAL AND RELIGIOUS MOTIVES
Historians have traditionallytended to accept the existence of some degree of "anoma-

lous" favorable representationof the Umayyads in the sources. The pious and virtuous
image of Umar b. CAbdal-CAziz(d. 101/720) is a well-known exception, while Mucawiya,
despite his detrimentalrole in the firstfitna, continues to hold the keys for some important
virtues-patience, forbearance(hilm), generosity, and political wisdom, to name but a few.
Beyond these individual exceptions, the readercan even glean a degree of admirationfor
the way the Umayyads directed government and maintained the empire. The cAbbasids,
although sworn enemies of the Umayyads, seem willing on occasion to recognize the skill
of the Umayyads and possibly their superiority in some areas. As one source tells it, on
The Koran Interpreted (London, 1955), vol. 1, p. 309. 1992), vol. 8, p. 103. More overwhelming Sunni in-
There are interpretations that say the ru-yi was that terpretations say the Prophet's vision referred to the
the Prophet saw the Bang Umayya jumping on his pul- nocturnaljourney, the aborted pilgrimage to Mecca at
pit [like monkeys] and that he had hated that image al-Hudaybiyya, or the events of the Ridda. As for the
and that the "accursed tree" is the Banu Umayya "accursed tree," this is identified simply as shajarat
(Tabari, Ta'rikh,III, p. 2170) (in al-Mamiin's edict). al-zaqqiim, perhapsin interface with the tree of Adam
Tafsir works include such hadiths with caution and and Eve. In a more neutral vein, the verse of Siirat
modification. Qurtubi includes them, but his hadiths al-Qadr,which reads laylatu al-qadri khayrunmin alfi
make the references to the Marwdnids and exclude shahr, is interpreted as a reference to the thousand
cUthman, Mucawiya, and CUmarb. CAbdal-CAziz.See months that the Umayyad reign comprised. Tabariin-
Abi CAbdallahMuhammadb. Ahmad al-Qurtubi, al- cludes this in his tafsir of this verse and also includes
Jnmic li-Ahkam al-Qur-dn (Beirut, 1993), vol. 5, pp. an explicit reference to the Umayyads as the subject
183-85, and vol. 10, p. 90. Tabari does not include of an unpleasant ruyvd. See Tabari, Jamic al-Baydn,
these anti-Umayyad hadiths in his tafsir of this verse vol. 12, p. 653, and Qurtubi,al-Jamic, vol. 10, p. 90.
but has versions that say: "The Prophet saw 'banii 3 For a summary of secondary literature on the
fuldn' on the minbar and that he did not like it." See Umayyads, see G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of
Tabari,Jimic al-Baydnft Ta'wilAy (Beirut, Islam (Carbondale,Illinois, 1987), pp. 1-18.
al-Qurmdn

THE REDEMPTION
OF UMAYYAD
MEMORYBY THECABBASIDS 243
one of his visits to Jerusalem, the caliph al-Mahdi (d. 169/795) was strolling through the
streets with his vizier Abi CUbaydallahal-Katib, when he confided to the latter: "Indeed,
we will never be able to surpass Banu Umayya in three areas."When asked what these
were, the caliph said, "Theirconstructionof the GreatMosque of Damascus, their success
in co-opting the sympathy of the mawali, and the fact that they produced CUmarb. CAbd
al-CAziz."As the caliph entered the Dome of the Rock, he told his companion, "And this
verily is a fourth one!"4
The caliph's statement shows that the Umayyads personified a certain "virtue"that the
messianic dynasty was seen as unable to provide. In this case, we find that the CAbbasid
caliph is used as the voice to deliver such a message. But sometimes it is others who tell
the caliphs or lead them toward discovering the comparative virtues of the Umayyads.
When the CAbbasidcaliph al-Mansiir (d. 158/775) summoned a former prot6g6 of the
Umayyads to ask him about their strategies in certain matters, the man reportedly re-
sponded by prefacing his words about the caliph Hisham b. CAbdal-Malik (d. 125/743)
with the flatteringphrase:"He, may God be pleased with him, did this,"and "He, may God
have mercy on him, did that. .. ."This, not surprisingly,provokedthe ire of al-Manstirwho
interruptedhis guest, telling him: "You wretchedman, you use my hospitality, and still ex-
press pity on my enemies!" Unwilling to defame his former patrons just to please the
political authorities, the man responded: "How could I say otherwise, when I am deeply
indebted to the bounty of your enemy. Indeed, he so completely showered me with his
favors that I was saved from ever asking either an Arab or a non-Arabfor any kind of help.
Is it not incumbent upon me to remember such a man with kind thoughts and to praise
him?" Upon hearing this conscientious reply, the caliph, we are told, recognized the hon-
esty and virtuous loyalty of this man and conceded the proper conduct of the Umayyads.
"Indeed,you are truly the descendantof a free woman, and the progeny of the munificent,"
the caliph said, ordering him a gift. The man said: "I accept your gift, O Commanderof
the Faithful, not from need, but to give myself the honor of gaining your protection and
patronage,"and then he left. The story concludes with the caliph saying to his advisors:
"Verily, it is towards such people that good deeds should be directed. Would that we had
in our camp someone like him."5Al-Mans~r is specifically chosen to enter this dialogue
with the memory of Hisham because both were viewed as architects of state power, and,
in fact, al-Manstiris shown admiringHishim alone among the Umayyad caliphs.6
However wrong their political camp may seem, the Umayyads are depicted as acting in
a wise social manner toward their followers. As rulers, they are shown looking after the
4 Abi
CAbdallahMuhammadb. Shihab al-Din to the caliph Abu'l-CAbbas,the latter reportedly asked
Ahmadb. CAlial-Suyiiti,Ithif al-Akhissdbi-Fadd'il those in his company: "Does anyone recognize this
al-Masjid al-Aqsd, ed. Ahmad RamadanAhmad face?" When a certain Sacid b. CAmrb. Jacda,former
(Cairo,1984),vol. 2, p. 160. proteg6 of the Umayyads, said: "This is the head of
5 CAlib. al-Husaynal-MasCudi, Muriijal-Dhahab, Marwan b. Muhammad,our late caliph," many in that
ed. Ch. Pellat(Beirut,1973), vol. 4, p. 134; Tabari, assembly reportedlygrew angry, but the new CAbbasid
Ta'rikh,III,p. 412;Ibrahimb. Muhammad al-Bayhaqi, caliph intervened and told them: "The man only meant
al-Mahasinwa'l-Masdwi' (Beirut,n.d.),p. 114.A sim- to remain faithful" (mi arada al-shaykh bi-hadha al-
ilaranecdotecenteringon thecaliphAbu'l-CAbbas and qawl illa al-wafa'). Ahmad b. Abi Yacqubal-Yacqubi,
a commander remainingfaithfulto the memoryof the Ta'rikh(Beirut, 1960), vol. 2, p. 346.
UmayyadcaliphMarwinis providedby Bayhaqi,al- 6 Taqiyy al-Din al-Maqrizi, Kitab al-Nizde wa'l-
Mahdsinwa'l-Masiwi,p. 114.Alongsimilarlines,one Takhdsumfitm bayn Bani Umayya wa Bant Hashim,
should note an observationmade by Abi'l CAbbds. ed. H. Mu'nis (Cairo, 1988), p. 35.
Whentheheadof Marwinb. Muhammad wasbrought

financial needs of their followers sufficiently, and this policy helps the Umayyads forestall
a possible cause for troops to defect to opposing camps.7 Al-Mansir laments his lack of
such loyal followers as much as he laments his own inability to supply his followers as
steadily as the Umayyads supplied their followers.
In another instance, we find this CAbbasidfascination with the efficiency of the Umay-
yad political system applied to an even more controversial character.When a man in al-
Manstir'scompany once praised Hajjaj b. Yisuf (d. 95/714) in al-Mansir's presence, a
certain b. Zayd reportedly complained bitterly, telling the caliph: "I never thought
live to see the day when Hajjij is praised in your presence." To this al-Mansfr
I would.Hasan
replied: "Andwhy deny it? This man was relied on by his patrons,and he secured the state
for them. Would that I could find someone to rely on, as they did him, and give myself a
break from rulership!"8
Such stray narrativesin Tabariand others were clearly structurednot along rigid polit-
ical lines, but according to a range of ethical and religious considerations that ignored, for
a moment, the issue of historical legitimacy. In anotherreport, the religious dimension of
CAbbasidsuperiorityseems to be compromised in favor of the Umayyads. When the caliph
Harnn al-Rashid (d. 193/813), representedas the most orthodox caliph among the CAbba-
sids, asks the scholar Abf Bakr b. CAyydsh(d. 193/813): "You have caught up with the
time of our rule, and you have experienced the days of Banif Umayya. Whose do you find
better?,"the reply clearly reveals some ambivalence. Ibn CAyyashdeclares: "Truly you
keep up the ritual, but they were more beneficial to the people (antum aqwan bi'l-salat wa
uldaikakinti anfac li'l-nds)."9Whereas in the earlier anecdotes we saw al-Mansfirshowing
the Umayyads as beneficial to their immediate followers, this anecdote shows the Umay-
yads beneficial to all of their subjects. Although the story does not tie Umayyad benefits
solely to active political support,one can discern an indirect religio-political message that
a central partof the caliph's duty is to maintainthe community of subjects,just as he must
keep up observance of the rituals.
Directly favorablecharacterizationsof the Umayyads in the sources, like that in the above
example, are relatively scarce.10Ignaz Goldziher has argued that a considerable body of
pro-Umayyad hadiths and historical reports must once have existed but were later sup-
pressed by the CAbbasids.l" Recently, J. Bellamy has pointed to a significant trail of favor-
able representations of the Umayyads in the writing of the prolific orthodox traditionist
of the third/ninthcentury, Ibn Abi'l-Dunya (d. 281/894), one-time tutor to the son of the
caliph al-MuCtadid(d. 279/892), who later reigned as al-Muktafi (d. 289/902).12 Ibn Abi'l-
Dunya was himself a descendant of a mawld family of the Umayyads and was close to the
caliph's chief judge, Ylsuf b. Yacqib (d. 297/910), who harboredUmayyad sympathies as
7 Note CAbd al-Malik b. Marwan's observation CAliibn CAsjkir's Portraitof Yazid b. Mucawiya,"Der
comparing Ibn al-Zubayr's parsimonious payment of Islam 74 (1997): 250-78. For a favorable representa-
his troops in comparison with the Umayyads and how tion of the Umayyads, Lindsay's approachturns to Ibn
this discreditedIbn al-Zubayras a reliable commander. CAsdkir'shistory of Damascus.
See Yacqlibi, Ta'rikh,vol. 2, p. 274. 11 I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, ed. S. M. Stern
8 Tabari,Ta-rikh,III, p. 401. (Chicago, 1967-71), vol. 2, p. 53.
12 J. Bellamy, "Pro-Umayyad
9 Shams al-Din Muhammadb. Ahmad al-Dhahabi, Propagandain Ninth-
Siyar Acldm al-Nubaldi, ed. Sh. al-Arna'Utet al. (Bei- CenturyBaghdadin the Works of Ibn Abi'l-Dunya,"in
rut, 1994), vol. 8, p. 498. Pridication et propagande au MoyenAge, ed. G. Mak-
10 See J. disi et al. (Paris, 1983), pp. 71-86.
Lindsay, "Caliphal or Moral Exemplar:

THE REDEMPTIONOF UMAYYADMEMORYBY THE CABBASIDS 245
well. Both scholars may have transmittedfavorable accounts about the Umayyads at a
time of growing sympathy for them. The shaping of this favorable voice can be partly ex-
plained by the wider phenomenon of Sunni resurgence that grew in the later third/ninth
century'3 and a subsidiary zealous strand that fostered panegyrics and hagiography for
Mucawiya. This propaganda,otherwise known as the tashayyuc li-MuCawiyamovement,
was in large part an expression of protest against the Shici currents.The confrontationof
the Hanbalis with the Shici movement in Baghdadduringthis period encouraged a hitherto
slim or nonexistent Sunni religious sympathy for Mucawiya.14
III. THE CABBSID MOTIVEFORACCEPTINGTHEUMAYYADS
The motives for Sunni rapprochementwith the Umayyads are generally understandable
in light of the religious history of the third/ninthcentury.More enigmatic is the existence
of a body of narratives that show members of the CAbbasidfamily interacting with the
Umayyads through dialogues within the frameworkof historical narratives.Some of this
dialogue is projectedback to the days of the Meccan patriarchs,AbUSufyan and al-CAbbds.
We see it on the day the army of the Prophetmarchedinto Mecca in 8/630. As the two clan
chiefs watched the procession from the sidelines, Abf Sufyan, overcome by awe at the
sight of the conquest, reportedlyremarkedto al-CAbbds:"By God, the dominion of your
nephew has become truly great today,"to which al-CAbbagresponded: "Woe to you, AbU
Sufyan! It is the power of prophecy."The dazed Abf Sufyan replied: "Well, then it is
prophecy."'5
The CAbbasidsnever knew that one day they would be the ones to challenge Umayyad
rule, much less inherit the caliphate. The bulk of Islamic history, however, paints a picture
of the CAbbasidforefathersacting and speaking as if they knew they would come to inherit
the caliphate. The role of CAbdalldhb. CAbbds(d. 68/687) in commenting on events in
Islamic history, interacting with all the importantpolitical figures of the early period, and
always giving the hindsight opinion that could have averted a tragedy or defeat (for exam-
ple, CAllat the Arbitration,HIusayn'serrorin departingto Kufa) is disproportionaterelative
to the more likely involvement of other leaders in the early period. In his interactionwith
Mucawiya, a similar exaggeration surroundsthe role of Ibn CAbb~s.In place of the CAlids,
whom one would expect to enter into importantdebates with Muc~wiya over issues of po-
litical and religious precedence, we find Ibn CAbbasleading such dialogues with MuCawiya
instead. While the historicity of these events is doubtful, however, the richness of these
13 In connection with this, see C. Melchert, "Reli-

hadiths about his merit (fadl) to anger al-Rifida (i.e.,
gious Policies of the Caliphs from al-Mutawakkil to the Shica), and a group of al-Rdfidafabricatedhadiths
al-Muqtadir, A.H. 232-295/A.D. 847-908," Islamic that defamed him. Both groups were badly in error."
Law and Society 3 (1996): 316-42; M. Q. Zaman, See CAbdal-Rahman ibn al-Jawzi, al-Mawdiiiat, ed.
Religion and Politics under the Early CAbbasids(Lei- Abd al-Rahmdn CUthman(al-Madina al-Munawwara,
den, 1997). 1966), vol. 2, p. 15. Ibn CAsdkir,quoting Is1hq al-Han-
14 Habib Zayyat, "Al-Tashayyuc li-Mucawiya fi zali says: "There is nothing truthful about the merits
CAhd al-CAbbasiyyin,"'Al-Mashriq (1928): 410-14; (fad~iil) of Mucawiya."See Abi'l-Qasim CAllb. CAsa-
Ch. Pellat, "Le culte du Mucawiya au IIIe siecle de le kir, Ta'rikhMadinat Dimashq, ed. S. Zakkar (Beirut,
h6gire,"Studia Islamica 6 (1956): 53-66. Ibn al-Jawzi 1995), vol. 59, p. 106 (cited in CIsamCUqlaHazdymeh
describes this pro-MuCdwiyacurrent best when he and Yiisuf Ahmad Bani Yasin, eds., Thalith Rasdiilfi
says: "Amongthose who claim adherenceto the sunna,
some became zealous for Mucdwiya and concocted 15 Mucawiya [Irbid, 2000], p. 61).
FaddFil
Tabari, Ta-rikh,I, 1633.

dialogues, as we shall see below, provides an importantplaying field for commentary on

the past and vividly depicts the constant tug in Islamic historiographybetween issues of
morality and politics, on the one hand, and rhetoric and religion, on the other. Ibn CAbbis
and Mucawiya function not just as real actors in Islamic history, but as detached observers
who assess the course of this history and debate its future.
Curiously missing from the center stage of the argumentbetween the Umayyads and the
'Abbisids is the CAlidfamily. This, as I have mentioned, is surprisingconsidering that the
main claimants to the caliphate in Umayyad times were the CAlids.Ignoring or reducing
the role of the CAlidsserved the goal of inflating CAbbasidimportanceby putting them in
the forefront of interaction with the Umayyads. This picture was no doubt meant to build
up a long-runningpicture of debate and conflict between the two families that would lead
to the eventual CAbbasidpolitical rise. In their role as mediators and spokesmen for the
Hdshimites, the CAbbdsidsare carefully positioned in the narrativevis-a-vis the CAlidsand
Umayyads in a way that underscores differences between the CAlidsand CAbbisids,on the
one hand, and the Hishimites and Umayyads, on the other. Whereas the CAlidsoften seem
to refuse to engage the Umayyads in debate, channeling their energies directly into politi-
cal conflict, the CAbbasidscome across as mediators in the conflict between the Hashimites
and the Umayyads.
Although often subtler and less hostile than the CAlidsin their argumentwith the Umay-
yads, the CAbbdsidsare also capable of directly attackingthe Umayyads and their historical
claims. But when they do this, the CAbbdsidsalso seem to lay down limits on the extent of
Umayyad damnation,which the CAlidsdo not do. Going further,the CAbbSsidelders seem
able to reconcile the memories of their former opponents, eulogizing them in apologetic
religious terms. When Ibn CAbbas,for example, was told by a group of messengers of the
death of Mucawiya, he surprised those messengers, who thought they would find him
greatly pleased, by expressing grief. Ibn cAbbdsreportedly said:
By God, he (i.e., MuCawiya) was differentfromthose who came beforehim, and he shall not be
followedby his like. As for this son he left (i.e., Yazid),he is only servingthe well-beingof his
own people. Our situationwith our cousins is nothingdifferentfrom the two sides of Luqmin's
story. Our man (i.e., CAli)was killed by someoneotherthanthem, but we were incitedagainst
them, and their man (i.e., cUthman)was killed by someoneotherthanus, but they were incited
againstus. ... 16
16 Full text in
Appendix (see Narrative VIII, pp. the conflict with the CAlids.CAmrb. Bahr al-Jahiz, Ki-
27-28, below). See A. A. Diri and A.-J. al-Muttalibi, tdibal-Hayawan, ed. A. M. Hdr-in(Cairo, 1938), vol. 1,
eds., Akhbar al-Dawla al-CAbbasiyya(Beirut, 1971), pp. 21-23. Luqman is nevertheless key to the story of
p. 123, and Balidhuri, Ansdb al-Ashraf (Banii CAbd Ibn CAbbasand Mucawiya, since Luqman is usually
Shams), pp. 289-90. Al-Madd'ini * CAbdal-Rahmain viewed as someone who accepted the divine offer of
b. Mucawiya + C'Lmirb. Mascid al-Jumahi. The ref- wisdom (al-hikma)but turnedaway from kingship (khi-
erence to Luqmin is obscurely phrased. DGri and al- lafa), while David did not and hence found temptation.
Muttalibi refer the reader in their annotation to Kitab Ibn CAbbas'sreputationfor hikma and religious erudi-
al-Hayawin by al-Jahiz. Al-JRhiz recounts there a tion would thereforeform a parallel to Luqman.For the
small tale about Luqmin turning against his sister and story of Luqmin, see Aba Ishiq Ahmad b. Muhammad
killing her by accident just because she was a woman al-ThaClabi,Qisas al-Anbiya' (al-musamma CAridis
after he was angered by his wives' infidelity and killed al-Majdlis) (Beirut, n.d.), p. 349. For background
them all. The story reference is doubtful, although it about Luqman, see ([B. Heller] N. A. Stillman), "Luk-
includes the slim connection that the Umayyads gen- Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., vol. 5 (1986),
man,"
eralized their war against the Hgshimites because of pp. 811-13.

THE REDEMPTION OF UMAYYAD MEMORY BY THE CABBASIDS 247
This statement epitomizes the attempt of the CAbbisidsto draw for themselves a unique
historical platform. While the CAbbasidsjoined the CAlidsin the war against the Umay-
yads during the firstfitna, they are shown here distancing themselves even from the early
fitnas and trying to bridge their ties with the Umayyads. Why the CAbbasidsoccasionally
express an affinity with the Umayyads and exactly how they manage to phrase this and
make it compatible with the predominantlyhostile thrust in the sources is a subject that
we shall examine more closely next. Remarkably,these redemptive notes are found in a
work that has long been recognized as the preeminently pro-CAbbasidwork of the medi-
eval period, namely, the anonymous Akhbdral-Dawla al-Abbisiyya.17
IV. THE DIALOGUE BETWEEN IBN CABBAS AND MUCAWIYA
It was mentioned above that one distinct feature of Umayyad-CAbbasidinteraction lies

in the form of a series of dialogues between Ibn CAbbasand Mucawiya. These scenes pur-
port to describe how, on a numberof occasions, Ibn CAbbasvisited Mucawiya in Damascus
and engaged in a debate over the worthiness of their respective claims to the caliphate.18
Typically, such an encounter would consist of the following steps: Mucawiya, safely en-
sconced in Damascus after the death of CAli,expresses satisfaction over the success of his
political strategy and criticizes the validity of the Hashimite claim to the caliphate. Using
his hold on power as proof of his popularity,Mucawiya furtherdetracts from the popular-
ity of the Hashimite family. Suddenly, Ibn CAbbasshows up. Either having been informed
of what Mucawiya has just said or having already intended to pay a visit, Ibn CAbbas
makes a confident appearancebefore the caliph and begins to respond to Mucawiya'salle-
gations. As the progenitor of the CAbbasidfamily and a close advisor to CAllduring the
civil war, Ibn CAbbasis uniquely suited in these narrativesto act as a spokesman for the
Hashimites and to debunk Mucawiya'sboasting and misinformation.
No one but a senior companion such as Ibn CAbbascould have been chosen by narrators
to give as convincing a counter-argumentagainst Mucawiya. As the critic of Mucawiya,
Ibn CAbbasalso provides the indirect and ominous warning to Mucawiya about his coming
defeat by the CAbbdsids.Throughoutthese debates, Mucawiya holds back from following
up with specific rebuttalsto Ibn CAbbas.Instead, Mucawiya exhibits his renowned quality
of patience and his reflective disposition, even amid great rebuke from Ibn CAbbas,let-
ting the latter have the last word. In the end, the Umayyad passively concedes the superi-
ority of the Hashimites, particularlyof the CAbbasids,confirmingthe matterfurtherfor the
reader.(See the Appendix, pp. 21-29 below, where these encounters and debates are given
in translation.)
These narrativesreveal a very differentCAbbasidattitudetowardthe Umayyads than that
which modern readers have come to expect19and show an attitude more complex than a
17 See the important 19 Contrast these narrativeswith the verse that the
survey of the work by E. Dan-
iel, "The Anonymous 'History of the CAbbasidFam- poet al-CAbdirecited to CAbdallihb. CAll about the
ily'," International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies Umayyads,just before the famousbanquetat which they
14 (1982): 419-33. were supposedly decimated.The verse reads:amma al-
18 For a discussion of the context of the Ibn duc~tu ild l-jinanifa-hashimun wa banii umayyatamin
CAbbas's
visits to Mucawiya and overall Umayyad relations with kilabi al-ndri. See Yacqlbi, Ta'rikh,vol. 2, p. 355, and
the CAbbasidfamily, see MuhammadKhraysat,"Maw-
Balidhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf (al-CAbbiswa waladuhu),
qif al-Umawiyyin min Istitan al-Hashimiyyin fi Bilad ed. A. A. Dfri, Bibliotheca Islamica, 28c (Wiesbaden,
al-Shim," Dirasat 14 (1987): 45-67. 1978), p. 165. Baladhuri substitutes the word "duCat"

mere campaign of tarnishing the image of the vanquished. The main concern of the nar-
rators of these stories was not whether the Umayyads would be condemned in the end,
but how Ibn CAbbZs,and the CAbbisidsin general, demonstrate their superiority to the
Umayyads.
Such debates between Mucawiya and the Banil Hdshim over the validity of their claim
to the caliphate provide classic examples of the genre of mundzardtliteraturethat was here
adapted to the issue of rivalry between the Umayyads and CAbbdsids(see Appendix, pp.
21-22 below, Narratives I and II). The argument is designed from the start in terms dis-
advantageous to the Umayyads, although Muciwiya is presented as the instigator of this
debate. We find the CAbbisidsunited in this debate with the cAlids against Mucawiya on
the grounds of kinship and prophetic heritage. It is easy for them to isolate Mucawiya
socially, demonstratingthe nonreligious logic of his tribal claims. The CAbbdsidsare also
able to draw in this debate on the reputation of Ibn CAbbisas a scholar of the Qur'an,
which leaves even Mucawiya'scredentials as a companion greatly diminished.
The confrontation, however, extends beyond establishing the central argument for po-
litical legitimacy. It encompasses a variety of literary,moral, and symbolic battles between
the two figures. Rhetorical and political purposes get intertwined in these debates. When
Mucawiya expresses his political views during the debate, he is deliberately led to phrase
these views in tropological ways that touch on concepts with multifaceted meanings and
controversies. When Mucawiya says to Ibn CAbbasin Narrative I: wa innaka la-tahkum
Caldalldh?, the question is meant to evoke both the controversy over the arbitrationat
Siffin and the dispute over understandingthe Qu'inic usage of the term tahkim. Drawing
on his deep knowledge of the Qur'an, Ibn CAbbdspicks up on this statementby Mucawiya
and is able to use it to his advantage in order to prove simultaneously his religious knowl-
edge and to undercutthe confidence of his opponent. A similar linguistic skirmish occurs
when Mucawiya uses the word zacama in NarrativeII without knowing the way in which
Ibn CAbbaswas going to turn it in his criticism. Narrative II dwells extensively on the
witty dimension of the contest between the two leaders. When Mucawiya challenges the
Hishimite claim to the caliphate on the groundsthat the quality of prophecy and temporal
rule were not destined by God to be combined in a ruling family, the statement draws a
ready answer from Ibn CAbbis,who once again shows his knowledge of the QurDanand
uses it to undercutthe position of Mucawiya.20
Throughoutthese narratives,Mucawiya always seems to pose the challenge but eventu-
ally finds himself outwitted and reduced by the Haishimites.The Umayyad caliph tries
for "kilab"in this verse, gives the full three-line verse this is the same edict that al-Ma'mtn had originally
from which this is drawn, and attributesit to AbUCAta' drafted to be read in public to condemn Mucawiya's
al-Sindi, who said it to AbU'l-CAbbason a different name but later withheld from dissemination out of fear
occasion. When he was snubbed with a meager re- of disturbances.
ward, AbM reportedly turned his tongue on the 20 The medieval reader/listener here would have
is likely that Yacqibi rearrangedthe verse recalled that the Qur'dn, breaking with the biblical
CAbbasids.ItCAt.a
in a dramatic context to heighten its effect in a his- division of secular and religious authority, attributes
torical setting. For the official CAbbisidnegative rep- to David a combination of power: wa atchu allahu al-
resentation of Mucawiya and the Umayyads, see the mulka wa'l-hikma; the latter word (al-hikma) inter-
letter that the caliph al-MuCtadidsought to have read preted by Tabari as prophecy (al-nubuwwa) (Tabari,
from the pulpits of the mosques in A.H.284/A.D. 897 Ta~rikh,I, p. 559).
(Tabari,Ta~rikh,III, pp. 2166-78). Tabari says that

THE REDEMPTION
OF UMAYYAD
MEMORYBY THECABBASIDS 249
various moves to associate the Umayyads with one advantage or another, but slowly he
loses ground. Sometimes he claims religious learning (Narratives II and X), but he loses
in that area to Ibn CAbbas.At other times, he uses a historical argument, including his
claim for avenging cUthman, but here as well Ibn CAbbasshows the contraryevidence.21
Even when Mucawiya turnsto secular morality and tries to justify his leadership implicitly
by showing his naturalflair for laudable tribal virtues (such as his unconditional generos-
ity and hospitality, along with his unwillingness to let his conflict with the Hashimites stop
him from performing his duty there), Ibn CAbbasand al-Hasan b. CAli(d. 49/669) still
show him his inferiority. Ibn CAbbaspoints out that the caliphate owes a debt to the Pro-
phetic family on the financial as well as social levels (NarrativeIV), while al-Hasan shows
how even Mucawiya's tribal nobility and extreme generosity are no match for Hashimite
excellence on this score (NarrativeV). Numerous battles over moral excellence are fought
between the two sides in the form of mufiikharat,which probably was a subbranchof the
literary genre of mundzardt.22These competitions may seem like a sideshow in the midst
of the political debate, but in many ways the outcome of the argumentover political le-
gitimacy is no more than the result of sharp rhetorical debate on a range of issues. The
point of these debates was as much to attack the Umayyads as to show that the CAbbasids,
who lacked the direct kinship tie that the CAlidscould assert in their political claims, had
their own unique credentials.
Another prominent feature in these narrativesis their structure.Although after reading
a few of them the readerstarts to anticipatethe defeat of Muciwiya in the argument,there
is more to these sessions than this. The rivalry between the two protagonists follows a
certain progression involving new actors and stages in the dispute. NarrativeV best illus-
tratesthis steady movement towardsa clearly defined end: the ascendancyof the CAbbasids.
At first, the rivalry seems to be between Mucawiya and al-Hasan and to rest on ethical
grounds, as mentioned above. Al-Hasan shows himself able to top Mucawiya's huge act
of generosity. When the narrativethen shifts to a debate between Mucawiya and CAbdallah
b. al-Zubayr(d. 73/692) over the issue of political superiority,we begin to discern a turn
in the direction of meaning in the narrative.Ibn al-Zubayrmakes a range of points about
kinship and religious matters that in fact show a striking resemblance in style and energy
to the arguments that Muhammadal-Nafs al-Zakiyya once gave in the famous letters he
exchanged with the CAbbasidcaliph al-Mansir before they went to war in 145/762.23My
purpose here is not to establish the authenticityof one segment of the sources or another,
but to examine the slightly odd structuringof this text. Whereas one would have expected
a Hashimite to claim the argumentof Prophetic kinship against Mucawiya, the narrative
assigns this role to a member of the family of al-Zubayr.But upon further reading, we
quickly realize that Ibn al-Zubayr serves as a second layer of defense (after al-Hasan's
initial confrontationwith Mucawiya) for Ibn CAbbas.The narratorhas Mucawiya ask Ibn
21
CAmr b. al-cAs is also shown contradicting Shams], p. 95).
MuCa- 22 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar
wiya on this issue, accusing him of abandoning the compiled a book in this
caliph in his hour of need (Yacqibi, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, genre, entitled al-mufikharat. Ibn Abi'l-Hadid quoted
p. 186). This image, however, is borrowedfrom a more from it, and it is cited as such by M. Z. Safwat, Jam-
complete narrative in Baladhuri, where the latter has harat Khutab al-CArab(Cairo, 1933), vol. 2, p. 19.
Ibn CAbbasuttering the accusation against both MuCa- 23 Tabari,
Ta'rikh,III, pp. 309-11.
wiya and CAmr(Balddhuri,Ansab al-Ashraf [Bani CAbd

CAbbasto give his opinion as arbiter.When Mucawiya does that, the reader naturallyex-
pects the outcome to continue to be unfavorablefor Mucawiya, but the importantstrategy
that surfaces at the end lies not merely in Ibn CAbbas'staking the kinship argumentfrom
Ibn al-Zubayr, but also his robbing Ibn al-Zubayr of any political arguments of his own
and placing him in a subordinate position in the debate between the CAbbasidsand the
Umayyads. Ibn al-Zubayr is given a limited role in the debate and then disposed of, and
the CAbbasidstry to limit the role of the CAlidsin a similar way. Whereas one would have
expected, for example, the CAlidsto play a role in the kinship debate with the Umayyads,
the CAbbasidsremove al-Hasan from the final stage of the debate in order to preserve their
independence on that ground. Al-Hasan, in the meantime, is given a limited role at the be-
ginning of the narrative on a moral issue in an effort to prepare Mucawiya for further
losses through the rest of the narrative.
V. THE ROLE OF THE ZUBAYRIDS IN THE CABBSID NARRATIVE
Although the narrativeswe are focusing on here center primarilyon the contest between
the Umayyads and CAbbasids,one side issue that comes across prominentlyis the negative
portrayalof the Zubayridsand their role among the second generation of the early Islamic
elite. In NarrativeV, we see how Ibn al-Zubayrprovided a helping voice to the Hashimite
opposition to the Umayyads. But this is about as much of a role as the CAbbasidswere will-
ing to let the Zubayrids pay in their contest with the Umayyads. Ibn 'Abbas's eclipse of
the position of Ibn al-Zubayrby the end of the debate already hints at a rivalry between
the CAbbasidsand the Zubayrids. Although less publicized than the hostility towards the
Umayyads, and certainly less studied, the CAbbasidhostility towardthe family of al-Zubayr
was strongly felt even in the early CAbbasidperiod. The roots of this hostility remain un-
clear, but they probably stretch back to the first Islamic century, when the rivalry between
CAliand al-Zubayr may have sparked an initial polarity between the Hashimite and Zu-
bayrid families. The specific hostility with the CAbbasidsdates to a time slightly later,
when CAbdallahb. al-Zubayrreportedly forced CAbdallahb. CAbbasto leave Mecca when
the latter resisted giving him his bayca.24 The Umayyads were quick to capitalize on this
tension among their opponents, and Yazid reportedly welcomed Ibn CAbbds'smove, as
CAbdal-Malik welcomed CAlib. CAbdallahb. CAbbas's(d. 118/736) move later on.
Despite this evidence, it remains surprisinghow deeply the CAbbdsidenmity toward the
Zubayridsran, the way it entered legend,25and the length of time it lasted. As late as the
24
YaCqibi,Ta~rikh,vol. 2, p. 262. Baladhurirelates your children after it passes away from the Bani
that Ibn CAbbaswas here coming to the defense of Mu- Umayya'."Then advising him on what to do, Ibn CAb-
hammad b. al-Hanafiyya, who was being first pushed bds tells CAlito departand go to Syria. Ibn CAbbassays:
out by Ibn al-Zubayr. After Ibn CAbbis went to al- "After I die and you have buried me, gather your
Tadif, and just before dying, he advised his son CAlito family and head towards Syria, for the Hijdz will no
go to Syria and abandon the domain of Ibn al-Zubayr longer be a fitting abode. Know, too, that the Banfi
(Baldhuri, Ansib al-Ashrif [al-CAbbiswa waladuhu], Umayya have a preallotted time of rule, and however
p. 53). misguided and stubbornthey are, they still are gentler
25 On his deathbed, CAbdalldhb. CAbbdsis said to towards you and your family than the Banfi al-Zubayr
have counseled his son CAlinot to challenge the Umay- in view of the kinship tie between us and them (i.e.,
yads too soon. In a telling testament, he advised him, the Umayyads) (inna li-bani umayyata ukulan 1d
saying: "I have heard the Messenger of God tell your budda an yastawfufh,wa hum wa in kanincald dalalati-
grandfather:'Leadership (hddha al-amr) shall fall to him wa Cutuwwihimar~af bika wa bi-ahlika min ii

second centuryA.H./mid-eighthcenturyA.D.,when Muhammadal-Nafs al-Zakiyyarevolted

against the caliph al-Mansir, the CAbbasidsstill expressed great bitterness toward the
Zubayrids.After the defeat of the CAlidrebel in 145/762, the caliph al-Manstir,angered by
the presence of descendantsof al-Zubayr'sfamily among the CAlidrebels, reportedlystated
that he was willing to forgive the descendants of Umar'sfamily for having joined the rebel
but not those of al-Zubayr'sfamily who participatedin the rebellion. As he put it: "If I found
a thousand of the House of Zubayr, all of them good and one of them bad, I would kill
them all; and if I found a thousandof the House of CUmar,all of them bad and one of them
good, I would spare them all!"'26Similar hostility surfaces in the reign of al-Rashid. When
a Zubayridmember of the caliph's entourage tries to implicate a suspected CAlidrebel in
a plot against the caliphate, the CAlidreportedlymakes sarcastic comments about the his-
torical worth of his Zubayridopponent'sfamily, much to the concealed amusementof the
caliph.27Consistently, the narrativesinsinuate that the Zubayridswere opportunists, who
fomented trouble in an already tense political climate and tried to exploit the conflict be-
tween the Umayyads and the Hashimitesin a way that served them alone. As such, the Zu-
bayrids occupy a role on the Hashimite side parallel to that of Marwanb. al-IHakam(d. 65/
685) on the Sufayanid side, namely, hoping that their leader'scollapse would open the way
for their own succession.
This general anti-Zubayridattitudein the chronicles seems to squarewell with the state-
ments of the work of Akhbir al-Dawla.28While in NarrativeV, Ibn CAbbasmerely bypasses
the position of Ibn al-Zubayr,in other narrativesIbn CAbbdsexplicitly condemns the po-
litical role of Ibn al-Zubayrand cautions his son CAliagainst dealing with Ibn al-Zubayr
(Narrative IX). The situation turns even more remarkablewhen the CAbbasidsassign to
their enemies, the Umayyads, the task of helping the Hashimites thwartthe political mach-
inations of Ibn al-Zubayr.From the start of Narrative V, Mucawiya does not let Ibn al-
Zubayr sit with the CAbbasidsand the other Hashimites on the throne platform but places
him with the public. Later, Ibn al-Zubayr is shown covertly inciting the Umayyads to
heighten their hostility toward the CAbbdsids.But this intrigue, the narrativeshows, does
not escape the political acumen of Mucawiya, who, even though a usurper of power, is
shown to be of sufficient integrity to ignore such inciters. The incident becomes a testi-
mony to both Mucawiya'ssecular political virtue as a wise and patient ruler and the natural
affinity between the Hashimites and the Umayyads. The Umayyad war against the Zubay-
rids becomes, according to the CAbbasidnarrative,not merely an attemptby the Umayyads
to preserve their own throne, but also an attempt to safeguard the future potential of the
CAbbasidfamily and its prospect for political leadership.
al-Zubayr) (Akhbir al-Dawla, p. 130 [citing CAmdra 26 Tabari, Ta'rikh, III, p. 260, translated in J. A.
b. Hamza as narrator]).In another account, when Ibn Williams, Al-Tabari: The Early CAbbdsiEmpire (Cam-
CAbbdsis asked by his son CAliwhom he should join, brid e, 1989), vol. 1, p. 134.
CAbdal-Malik or CAbdalldhb. al-Zubayr, Ibn CAbbis 27 Tabari, Ta'rikh, III, pp. 616-18. Despite this
advises him to join CAbdal-Malik, for the latter, he CAbbdsidhostility to the Zubayrids, important mem-
says, is "more suited to rule" (innahu aqrab wa akhlaq bers of the Zubayrifamily were to be found in the court
li'l-imara), whereas Ibn al-Zubayr"does not know his of the CAbbdsids.This may have had partly to do with
friend from his enemy" (Akhbar al-Dawla, p. 131). the even greater fear the CAbbdsidshad of the CAlids,
The report is cited on the authority of Muhammad which led the caliphs to surround themselves with
b. Yiisuf b. Yacqiib al-Hdshimi -- CAbdallihb. CAbd various Qurashinotables in order to isolate the CAlids.
al-Rahmdnb. cIsa -- Sulaymin b. cIsd b. Miisa b. Mu- 28 E. Daniel, "The Anonymous 'History of the
hammad b. CAli* Muhammadb. CAli. CAbbasidFamily',"p. 429.

VI. THE UMAYYADS' PLACE IN THE CABBkSID HISTORICAL PLOT
Although the CAbbasidsnever accepted the legitimacy of the era of Umayyad rule, the
sessions of debate examined in this essay, along with other evidence, show that they seem
to have placed the Umayyads in a tendentious view of history that contributedto their par-
tial acceptance. Mucawiya is especially singled out for defeat and being shown that his
claims are wrong. Still, he is a gracious loser, and the sessions highlight his forbearance
and tolerance, which are key traits of the effective and wise ruler, irrespective of issues of
political legitimacy. In the end, Mucawiya also tacitly acknowledges the truth of the
Hdshimite position through his silence and concessions and serves to help the CAbbasids
in their other rivalries with the CAlids.
Throughoutthese debates, Mucawiya listens patiently to criticisms from all his Qurashi
opponents, but he is willing to concede only to Ibn CAbbas,a person whose knowledge and
wisdom is set in a class by itself. Alone among the sahaba, it repeatedly becomes clear,
Ibn CAbbasis chosen by MuC'wiya as a sort of spiritual mentor, an unofficial imam, so
to speak, while the caliph retains for himself the reins of political power. Whenever the
caliph was confronted with a religious dilemma, we are told, Muciwiya would ask Ibn
CAbbdsfor advice. When the Byzantine emperor sent Mucawiya four questions in the form
of riddles intended to challenge the learning of the caliph, the latter reportedly sent these
questions, as his own, to Ibn CAbbas.When Ibn CAbbassolved these riddles, Mucawiya
passed the answers on to the Byzantine emperor, but the latter suspected that a more
learned person lay behind them.29Through the question and answer format that these ses-
sions of debate take, the narratorclearly divides the roles of the two figures.MucSwiyacom-
mands those skills necessary for efficient government, while Ibn CAbbascommands both
the erudite and the mystical branchesof religious knowledge. Mucawiya consistently loses
in these debates, as if to show his hidden belief in the righteous position of the CAbba-
sids, which he is forced to suppress for pragmaticpolitical reasons.
Although it is clear that this recognition of the CAbbasids'religious wisdom was in-
tended by CAbbasidsympathizers to set them above the Umayyads, these narrativeswere
also meant to support the CAbbasidsin their disputes with the CAlidsover questions such
as succession within the Hashimite family and the lineage of the imamate within their
family. One cannot but note the very comfortable distance at which the CAlidsare kept in
these debates (such as al-Hasan'sbrief role in Narrative V), if they are allowed a role at
all. This ordering of roles and statements in the narrativesshows that Mucawiya, despite
the doomed political future of his dynasty, was still needed by the CAbbasidsto help them
climb up the ladder of religious and political legitimacy. As caliph, Mucawiya had the
symbolic importance of being able to hand over political rank to rivals and potential suc-
cessors, and thus, through favorable concessions to the CAbbasids,indirectly legitimized
their inheritanceof Umayyad rule. Mucawiya'sdesignation of Yazid, his son, is obviously
disliked by all his opponents, including the CAbbasids;but the caliph's action has limited
importance here. Mucawiya's designation of his son is, in a way, accepted by the CAbba-
sids, as the later medieval perspective reveals, because it shows a caliph attentive to prac-
tical governmental matters (not to mention the notion that a bad caliph is preferable to
29 AbU Nucaym al-Isfahani, Hilyat al-Awliydc Ismicil b. Kathir,al-Bidaya wa'l-Nihaya (Beirut, n.d.),
(Cairo, 1932-38), vol. 1, p. 320. Shihab al-Din al- vol. 1, p. 34.
Abshihi, al-Mustatraf (Beirut, n.d.), p. 73; Ab'l-Fida'

THE REDEMPTION
OF UMAYYAD
MEMORYBY THECABBkSIDS 253
none); but in the long-term picture of Umayyad-CAbbasid relations, the event is of second-
ary importance.Mucawiya's deference to Ibn CAbbas shows a caliph preparingthe way for
the coming of the CAbbasids,and as such the Umayyads prove to have a valuable historical
role in defending the rights of the CAbbasidsand facilitating their rise to power.
From their side, the CAbbasidsare shown as able to discern the predicamentof Mucawiya
as he entangles himself in an unsavory historical role, and to reconcile with the reality of
Umayyad power. The height of this sympathetic CAbbasidattitude is reached when Ibn
CAbbasgoes beyond admiringthe Umayyads politically to attemptan apologetic argument
for their rule. When Mucawiya dies, as we see in Narrative VIII, Ibn CAbbasdoes not
express jubilation but shows a melancholic regret that goes beyond the sympathy of one
sahabi to another.Ibn CAbbasblames "outsiders"for pushing the Umayyads and the Hash-
imites into war. CADisha,Ibn al-Zubayr, and Marwdn b. al-Hakam are some of the key
figures Ibn CAbbasholds responsible for leading the community into conflict. Were it not
for misunderstandingand outside incitement, Ibn CAbbassuggests, there would not have
been this bitter hostility between the two families, the CAbbasidand Umayyad (referring
to Mucawiya's Sufyanid branch, in particular).The conflict and misunderstanding,how-
ever, still form part of a providential plan that will bring the CAbbasids,in time, to the
caliphate, although they decide to hold back for now from challenging the course of this
plan about which they learned via their propheticheritage. Until the day the CAbbasidsbe-
come ready to take over the caliphate, the Umayyads are shown protecting the CAbbasids
from the antagonistic Zubayridsand keeping the CAlidsfrom taking over prematurely.
VII. THE PROBLEMOF MUCAWIYA'SIMAGE
Historical traditionsabout Mucawiya are extensive in the medieval Islamic sources, and
an attemptto analyze their context and linkages deserves a separate,book-length study. Yet
it is necessary, after examining the problem of the curious relationshipbetween the Umay-
yads and the CAbbasids,to examine briefly the way historical voices speak of Mucawiya
outside Akhbitral-Dawla.
Islamic traditionis sharplydivided on Mucawiya'sreputationand merits. Some accounts
are strongly sympatheticand take on a hagiographiccharacter.Most of these take the form
of statements attributedto the Prophet or his companions and center on Mucawiya'searly
role as the Prophet'sscribe. They usually praise him for being amin li'l-wahy (the scribe
of the revelation) and promise him Paradise. Very few predict his coming political domi-
nation, and, on the whole, religious scholars tend to list these statements with occasional
expressions of skepticism and surprise.30At the opposite end of the spectrum,one finds a
range of bitterly hostile characterizationsof the Umayyad caliph. Some of these also take
the form of hadith, but this time they predict his doom in the hereafter.There is often a di-
rect correspondence between statements recounted in the sympathetic and hostile stories
about Mucawiya. One hadith that recounts how the Prophet once told his companions:
"Thereshall come to us now a man who is destinedfor Paradise,"31 is overturnedby another
30 Dhahabi, Siyar Acladmal-Nubald', vol. 3, p. 130. 31 Balidhuri, Ansib

al-Ashraf (Banii CAbdShams),
BalIdhuri,Ansib al-Ashraif(Bani CAbdShams), p. 127. p. 126: Muzzaffarb. Murajja+- Hishim b. CAmmir -
Al-Khatibal-Baghdadi,Ta'rikhBaghd&d(Cairo, 1931), CAbdal-Aziz b. al-Sq'ib -- CAbdal-CAziz'sfather --
vol. 3, p. 399. Ibn CUmar.

that says the Prophet actually said: "There shall come to us now a man who will die as an
unbeliever."32Even more striking is the case of the hadiths that differ only by a misplaced
dot in their writing. In one version, the Prophet says: "If you see Mucawiya on my pulpit,
then put him to death" (idha ra aytum MuCawiyaCalaminbarifa-uqtuliah),33while in an-
other, the hadith is: "If you see Mucawiya on my pulpit, then accept his rule" (idha ra'ay-
tum Mucawiya Cala minbarifa-iqbaliih).34Which of these hadiths first came to existence
is difficult to tell just from their isnad. Stylistically, however, the construction of the first
version seems more logical in terms of the compatibility of condition and order.The latter,
by contrast, makes the construction anticlimactic and awkward, although, admittedly,
witty.
The sympathy that Mucawiya receives in the sources is multifaceted and has various
roots, some of which overlap in time. It is important to recognize the founding role that
the Sunni backlash against the Mihna had in stimulating a pro-Umayyadstance. Suddenly,
the lack of Umayyad interest in religion, in comparison with the CAbbdsidcaliphs, became
an asset for the Culamda:they spun a whole hagiography around the brief association of
Mucawiya with the Prophet and glorified Mucawiya's service as governor of Syria for
CUmar.Given that the CAbbdsidenforcement of the Mihna was harshest in Syria and
Egypt, much of the pro-Mucawiyavoice that grew in the later ninth century was Syrian-
based. The example of the hadith scholar Abi Mushir CAbdal-ACldis very telling in this
context, since after he had been questioned harshly by al-MaDmiinand was imprisoned
during the Mihna, he would recite hadiths in favor of Mucawiya after his release following
the Mihna's lifting. Abi Mushir's hadith: "O God, make him (i.e., Mucawiya) a righ-
teous guide and rightly guided; guide him, and let others be guided by him,"35not only
lauds excessively Muc'wiya's character, but it does so in a way that borrows CAbbdsid
messianic language, clearly showing the traces of the official propagandaof the time and
its reshaping by a new opposition.
Abt Mushir representedthat currentamong hadith scholars who would increasingly get
organized in the new Shafici and Hanbali circles of the post-Mihna period that would try
to reshape a sympathetic historical outlook on Mucawiya as well as a religious one. To
these examples, one could add the well-known pious images of Mucawiya'sdeathbeddec-
larations.36There, Mucawiya's image suggests an important turn in his behavior and a
32 BalSdhuri,Ansab Shams), Abi Hafs al-ZRhid(imlad) +-- Muhammadb. Ishaq al-

al-Ashraf (Ban CAAbd
p. 126: Ishiq and Bakr b. al-Haytham CAbdal-Raz- Faqih *- Aba'l-Nadr al-Ghdzi +- al-Hasan b. Kathir -
-- Bakr b. Ayman al-Qaysi +C-Amir b. Yahyd al-S~rimi
zaq b. Hammim +- Macmar +- Ibn Tawis +- Ibn
Thiwis's father +- CAbdallih b. CAmr.Also in "al- +- AbT'l-Zubayr +- Jabir. Also in al-Ma'min's edict
Marmnn'sedict" (Tabari,Tafrikh,III, p. 2171). against Muc'wiya. Tabari, Ta'rikh,III, p. 2171.
33 BalSdhuri,Ansab al-Ashraf (Banu CAbdShams), 35 Allahumma ijcalhu hadiyan mahdiyyan, ihdihi
p. 128: YUsuf b. Musa andAbulMusi Ish1qal-Farawl - wa ihdi bihi. Muhammadb. Sacd, al-Tabaqdtal-Kubra
Jarir b. CAbdal-Hamid +- Isma"il and al-ACmash +- al- (Beirut, 1958-60), vol. 7, p. 418: Abii Mushir +- Sacid
-
Hasan. A slightly differentversion with the same mean- b. CAbdal-CAziz+- Rabica b. Yazid CAbdal-Rah-
ing is narratedby Ishiaqb. Abi IsraDiland AbU Salih mSn b. Abi CUmayra).Cited by Ahmad Badr, "Fuqa-
al-Farra>al-Antaki+- Hajjajb. Muhammad*-- Hammid hZi al-Shqm fi al-CAsr al-CAbbdsi al-Awwal wa
A.
b. Salama - CAli b. Zayd +- AbuaNadra +- Abi Sacid CAlqatuhum bi'l-Khulafa- al-CAbbdsiyyin"(in M.
al-Khidri (ibid., p. 128). And still another is narrated Bakhit, ed., Bilad al-Shaim during the CAbbasidPe-
on the authority of Ibrdhim b. al-cAlldf al-Basri - riod, 132 A.H./750 A.D.-451 A.H./1059 A.D.: Pro-
Sallm Abii'l-Mundhir+- •Asim b. Bahdala +- Zirr b. ceedings of the Fifth International Conference on the
Hubaysh +-
CAbdalldh b. Mascld (ibid., p. 130). History of Bildd al-Sham, Arabic Section (Amman,
34 1992), p. 102.
Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta rikhBaghdad, vol. 1, 36 Tabari,
p. 259: al-Hasan b. Muhammadal-Khalldl+- YUsuf b. Ta'rikh,II, 201.

THE REDEMPTION OF UMAYYAD MEMORY BY THE CABBkSIDS 255
good measure of regret (no doubt for his political career) in a mannerreminiscent of CAmr
b. al-CAs'smore explicit regret for having followed Muc'wiya and becoming involved in
thefitna wars.37Both show a new side of asceticism that was absent in their lives but more
prevalent among the more famous sahaba.
On his deathbed,Mucawiya affirmshis historical bond with the Prophetto a much greater
extent than before, and the caliph's links with cUthmanare totally absent from the picture.
The redemptive,orthodoxnatureof these accounts also gets intertwinedsometimes with an
CAbbasidcoloring. In his account of Mucawiya'slast speech, Yacqubitells us that the caliph
wore a black turbanwhen he addressed the people, telling them: "O you people! Verily, I
have grown old and frail, and I have been humbled. May God's mercy be upon him who
gives prayerson my behalf."The narrator,Salih b. CAmr,adds: "The caliph then wept, and
the people wept with him."38The narrator'smention that the caliph wore a black turbanis
significant, as it shows the Umayyad caliph endorsing the CAbbisids.39 The involvement of
an CAbbasidelement in the constructionof the accounts redeeming the image of Mucawiya
can also be gleaned from the fact that Ibn CAbbasis often cited as the narratorof these
orthodox reports. The account narratedby Abii Nucaym on the authority of Shafici is
recounted by Dhahabi on the authorityof Ibn CAbbas.40 Furthermore,in Dhahabi'slonger
version of Mucawiya's farewell speech, we find the caliph telling the crowd that he had
reached the age of over sixty. This last detail is an allusion to the age usually given for the
Prophet, Abti Bakr, CUmar,and CAli.Although the text does not mention MuCawiya'sage
exactly, this rough numberis clearly meant to establish a link with the ages of the Prophet
and the Rashidin caliphs.41 In anotherinstance, when Ibn CAbbasis asked whetherthe watr
prayerconsists of one rakca,which is how Mucawiya performsit, Ibn CAbbastells the man
to do as Muc'wiya does because the latter,Ibn CAbb-ssays, is most familiarwith the sunna.42
The overlap between Sunni and CAbbasidfactors in the shaping of this Umayyad image
is characteristicof the third/late ninth-centuryattitude of the jamadC-sunnireligious cir-
cles, which tried to reshape much of the history of previous scholars and eminent political
figures to fit the political and religious considerations of the post-Mihna era. Having first
developed the image of a history of cooperationbetween religious scholars and the CAbba-
sid caliphs before the CAbbasidcivil war and the Mihna, and having built up the reign of
37 Mascidi, Muri~jal-Dhahab, vol. 3, p. 212. Ibn Athir,Al-Kamilfi'l-Ta'rikh,ed. C. J. Tornberg(Leiden,

Sacd, Tabaqdt,vol. 4, p. 259. 1851-76; repr.Beirut, 1965-67), vol. 2, p. 252.
38 Yacqibi, Ta'rikh,vol. 2, p. 239. Abi Nucaym al- 40 Dhahabi, Siyar Aclam al-Nubalj', vol. 3, p. 158:
Isfahani, Hilyat al-Awliyjd, vol. 9, p. 154: Ahmad b. CAlib. cAsim +- Ibn Jurayj+- al-Hasan b. Muslim -
Muhammadb. Yfisuf +- AbuiNasr al-Misri +- Wafd b. Tdwns +- Ibn CAbbds.
41 The readerwill note how the reference to
Suhayl b. Sahra al-Kindi +- Muhammad b. Idris al- MuCa-
Shafici. This long account given by Abu Nucaym is wiya's age is absentfrom Yacqabi'sversion of the same
narratedunder the biography of al-Shafici. Dhahabi, speech. As for Tabari,who does not give any version of
Siyar Aclim al-Nubalj', vol. 3, p. 156: Hisham b. CAm- this speech, all the versions stating Mucawiya'sage are
mar +- CAbdal-Mu'min b. Muhalhil +- anonymous. set at 70 and above (Tabari,Ta'rikh,II, pp. 199-200).
39 For other similar pro-CAbbisiduse of the black-
Yacqfibi also sets Muc'wiya's age at 70 and above
turbanmotif, see the story describing the Prophetplac- (Yacqibi, Ta rikh, vol. 2, p. 239).
ing a black turban on the head of CAbdal-Rahman b. 42 Dhahabi, Siyar Acldmal-Nubald', vol. 3, p. 151:
CAwf.Ibn Sacd, Tabaqdt,vol. 3, p. 131. Others who are Al-Shfici -- CAbdal-Majid +- Ibn Jurayj +- cUtba
said to have worn a black turbaninclude: Abli Hurayra b. Muhammad +- Kurayb (mawld of Ibn CAbbas).
(ibid., vol. 4, p. 333), Anas b. Mdlik (ibid., vol. 7, p. 23), Dhahabi also includes a hagiographic hadith about
Muhammadb. al-Hanafiyya(ibid., vol. 5, pp. 114-15), Mucawiya as "amin al-wahy" on the authority of Ibn
Sacid b. al-Musayyib (ibid., vol. 5, pp. 138-39). The CAbbas.Siyar, vol. 3, p. 129 (cf. with Narrative X in
Prophet also reportedly entered Mecca upon its con- Appendix, pp. 28-29, below).
quest wearing a black turban. See clzz al-Din Ibn al-

Hirin al-Rashid as the climax of CAbbasiddeference to the Culami', the latter group in-
creasingly tried to extend an image of orthodox dominion to the earlier eras.
VII. CONCLUSION
Modern revisionist historical scholarship on the Umayyad and early CAbbisidperiod

shows a less radical transitionin the social and political makeup of the caliphate'sgovern-
ment than was once imagined. Putting aside the rhetoric of CAbbisidpropagandaand its
picture of a vindictive revolution that uprootedall vestiges of Umayyad rule, recent studies
have shown that, in fact, the CAbbasidsmaintainedsome aspects of Umayyad administration
and did not harbortotal hostility toward surviving members of the Umayyad family.43Evi-
dence in these recent studies is anchoredin the same classical Arabic sources that had pro-
vided us earlier with the dramatic anti-Umayyad narrative of the revolution. That the
sources contain a triumphalist,pro-Hashimite thrust, as the story of the Umayyad caliph-
ate makes its way into becoming that of the CAbbdsiddawla, is undeniable. This level of
religious sympathy for the Hishimites in the central narrative,however, does not bar the
existence of other CAbbasidattitudestoward the Umayyads, both as individual caliphs and
as a collective family. No readercan doubt that the revolution representeda climactic mo-
ment of salvation for both the Hashimite family and the community, an event affected
in no small measure by the timely entrance of a new KhurdsaniIslamic community. Re-
counting the origins and path of this history, however, was a more complex issue because
the CAbbasidshad their competing claims with the CAlidsand because the founders of the
Umayyad dynasty were entangled in a political dispute (fitna) that was subject to more
than one reading, both in terms of its actual events and the schematic historical significa-
tion of the roles of the early historical actors, of whom Mucawiya was the prime example.
The affinity and dialogue that I suggested the CAbbdsidstried to establish with the
Umayyads, best representedin the work of Akhbaral-Dawla in the dialogues between Ibn
CAbbasand Mucawiya, suggest a more complex, working relationship between the two,
both historically and polemically, than has previously been accepted. Mucawiya, unlike
many of the heroes of thefitnas, who met a tragically redemptiveend, did not have the his-
torical opportunityfor a similar violent end that could have provided a morally and reli-
giously redeeming close to his controversial political career. This absence of a cleansing
moment at the end of Mucawiya's life, which in the case of others tended to be clear and
meaningful from its context, left Mucawiya with an incomplete religious end. Favorable
hadiths about Mucawiya and stories about his tribal virtues of forbearanceand forgiveness
were circulated, in large part, to establish his religious merit. Within the fabric of the cen-
tral narrativeof the caliphate and the fitnas, however, more was needed for his story to
gain a more "natural,"historical closure. Ibn CAbbasserved an importantpurpose by es-
tablishing the role of Mucawiya throughthe narrativesof dialogue and through commen-
taries about him in discussions with other companions.
A growing distance between the post-Mihna traditionistsand the CAlids,who were now
increasingly viewed as a sectarian Shici group, no doubt significantly shaped the new
43 A. Elcad, "Aspects of the Transition from the Abramski, "Evolution vs. Revolution: Umayyad Ele-
Umayyad to the CAbbasidCaliphate,"Jerusalem Stud- ments in the CAbbasidRegime 133/750-320/932," Der
ies in Arabic and Islam 19 (1995): 89-128; I. Bligh- Islam 65 (1988): 226-43.

THE REDEMPTION
OF UMAYYAD
MEMORY
BY THECABBSIDS 257
Sunni attitudetoward both the Umayyads and the CAbbasids.Religious reasons for accept-
ing the Umayyads (and Mucawiya in particular)within the Sunni religious mold were also
inevitable, if the Culamd'were to bring the core parts of early Islamic history under some
measure of ethical order and justification. This enterprise, however, could not have been
sudden, nor could it have been achieved by purely religious interests. In developing this
historiography,the Culami' of the third/ninthcentury probably co-opted an existing CAb-
basid view of early Islamic history, which came complete with the dynasty's own preju-
dices against various actors. Moreover, this CAbbasidattitude itself was probably a result
of the CAbbasids'yet unexplored, complex role in certain momentous events in the first/
seventh century, when the CAbbasidfamily stood somewhat on the sidelines of political
conflict but, at the same time, maintained crucial links with the Umayyads as the old
Qurashi political structurebegan to collapse.
APPENDIX
I. Mucawiya said to Ibn CAbbas:"How did you find the fates that God assigned to me and
to Abi'l-Hasan [CAli]compare?"Ibn CAbbSsreplied: "It was, by God, carefully allotted.
He hurriedhim to a paradise you shall never gain and left you in a world He destined to
oblivion." Mucawiya followed, saying: "How could you interpret God's judgment? (wa
innaka la-tahkum Cald alldh?)," to which Ibn CAbbSsreplied: "God has laid out this
judgment himself (allihu hakama bi-dhalika Cald nafsihi) when He said: 'Whosoever
judges not according to what God has sent down-they are the ungodly"' (Qur'an 5:48).
Mucawiya then shifted to a third assertion, saying: "Would that Abl CAmrcUthman had
lived to see my new status, verily he would have found me a munificent cousin." Ibn CAb-
bas replied: "Had he lived, he would have had the time to find out that you actually aban-
doned him when he should have been aided and only claimed his supportwhen you sought
supportfor yourself.""44
II. In another incident, the anonymous author of Akhbar al-Dawla says that Mucawiya
once came upon the Bansi Hdshim and said to them: "You seek to deserve the caliphate in
the same way you were once given prophethood,but the two were never given together to
anyone.... The caliphate has passed among various houses in the Qurayshby the consent
of the elite and the commoners (bi-ridadal-cimma wa bi-shiira al-khassa). And none ever
said: 'Wouldthat the Banil Hdshim had ruled us, it would have been better for our life and
religion'. Indeed, they neither agreed to choose you, nor wished for your rule when they
agreed to choose others to lead them. So why are you now so keen on the caliphate, when
you let it pass early on (wa law zahidtumfihi ams, lima tuqdtiliiCalayhdal-yawm)? Then
you claim that your reign is that of the Hashimite mahdis (wa qad zacamtumanna lakum
mulkanhishimiyyan mahdiyyanqdaiman),but the only Mahdi is CIsdb. Maryam,peace be
upon him. And we shall hold this commission until he appears, when we shall hand it to
44 Akhbar al-Dawla, p. 50; also, with minor dif-

CAbdShams), pp. 94-95. CAbbasb. Hisham al-Kalbi <-
ferences, Yacqfibi, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, pp. 223-24. In CAbb~s'sfather, Hisham al-Kalbi CAwina.Also al-
Yacqfibi's version, "Ibn CAbbas" refers to CAbdal-Rah- -- by Juwayriyya
Mada~ini is cited as having been told
man b. CAbb~s,but the author of Akhbar al-Dawla about this encounter of Ibn CAbbas,Muciwiya, and
leaves the exact identity of Ibn CAbbasambiguous. A CAmr.
similar story in Balddhuri'sAnsdb al-Ashrdf (Baniu

him. . .." [In response to this] Ibn CAbbasnow spoke. After expressing gratitude to God
and praising Him, he said: "If we do not deserve the caliphateby the role of prophecy,then
by what better criteria are we to deserve it? As for your assertion that the caliphate and
prophecy have never been brought together to anyone, how can you ignore God's verse:
'We have bestowed on the house of Ibrahim the Book and wisdom and bequeathed them
a great dominion' (QurDan4:52)? And we are members of the house of Ibrahim,peace be
upon him. God's design for them is also directed to us. And their custom and ours are the
same. As for your claim that our right to the caliphate is shadowy, by God, this [right] is
as bright as daylight.... Verily, you know this, but you haughtily deny it. We killed your
grandfather,brother,and uncle and held your family captive in the Battle of Badr. Do not
lament those rotting souls, and do not try to avenge the lives of infidels condemned by the
faith.... As for your assertion that we claim the right to a Mahdist Hishimite dominion
(innd zacamna anna land mulkan hishimiyyan wa mahdiyyan qaiiman), the word 'zacm'
means doubt. God says: 'zacama allddhina kafarii' (The unbelievers claim that they will
never be raised up [QurDan64:7]). But we hold witness that we shall come to rule and that
from us shall come a Mahdi who will fill the world with justice. .... Do you want to hear
more (aziduka am kafak)?"45
III. In a third narrative,46Ibn CAbbasrelates: "I was in the mosque [in Damascus] and
about to enter to see Mucawiya when suddenly the news of the death of al-HIasanb.CAli
came. Loud takbir was heard from al-KhadraD[Mucawiya'sprecincts]. [Mucawiya'swife]
Fakhita b. Qurza heard the takbir and went in to see Mucawiya, asking what had hap-
pened. He told her that al-Hasan died. Fakhita then wept and said: "We are unto God, and
to Him we shall return.This is the lord of the Muslims and the son of the Prophet'sdaugh-
ter who has died." Mucawiya then conceded: "Verily, you speak the truth. And although
you weep for him, he certainly is deserving of sympathy."Ibn CAbbasentered Mucawiya's
chamber, and Muc'wiya asked: "O Ibn CAbbis.Have you heard the news that al-Hasan b.
CAliis dead?" Ibn CAbbis answered: "Yes, I have. But know this: even though he died
before you did, you shall not gain benefit from that, nor shall his dead body provide a
substitute for yours in the grave when the time comes. We have indeed been hit with the
hardest calamity, the death of him who was superior to al-Hasan, the Messenger of
God, .... but God helped us cope with that tragedy."Mucawiya responded:"O Ibn CAbbas,
I have never conversed with you about anything and found you short of a ready answer."47
IV. Ibn CAbbasrelates48that he once visited Mucawiya when he was holding court for
Arab delegations. ... When these entered, he entered with them. Mucawiya then said to
him: "0, Ibn CAbbas.My door is always open to you, and my generous gifts are always
granted to you. Never has illness led me to shut my doors to you, nor have I ever grown
weary of dispensing gifts. Do you still think that you are more deserving of rulershipthan
I? I extend to you a gift, and you take it reluctantly,then say: 'We have been coerced and
robbed of our rights and given less than we deserve'.... What a sad position I have put
45 Akhbaral-Dawla, pp. 51-52. al-Hamdiiniyya, ed. I. 'Abbas et al. (Beirut, 1996),

46 Al-Hasan b. CAbdallah vol. 9, p. 294. The account is also abbreviated in
al-Warraq+- al-Haytham
[b. CAdi]+ Ibn CAbbas -- al-Fadl b. al-Fadl +- Ibn Ahmad b. Ddwiid al-Dinawari, al-Akhbiiral-Tiwal, ed.
CAbbas. V. Guirgass (Leiden, 1888), p. 235.
47 Akhbdral-Dawla, p. 53; Mascfidi,Murij al-Dha- 48 CAbdall1hb. Salih + CAbdallahb. CAbbas.
hab, vol. 3, pp. 184-85; Ibn Hamdun, al-Tadhkira

THE REDEMPTION
OF UMAYYAD
MEMORY
BY THECABBASIDS 259
myself in. I give, but no one expresses thanks, and when I hold back, I am never excused.
But how fortunate is your position. I grant your requests and dispense justice to your
plaintiffs. Have you nothing to say about this, Ibn CAbbas?"
Ibn CAbbasreplied angrily: "You did not open your doors voluntarily to us, but we had
to knock on them. Nor did you give us bounty until we asked you for it. We care little if
you shut your doors before us. For God will then offer us better grants and bounty than you
do. As for this wealth that you flaunt, know that you have no greater right to it than any
ordinary Muslim, while we were given two sorts of rights in God's book: the right to
ghanima and the right tofay"... We seek to collect these rights in whatever way possible
and then thank God for His bounty. Were it not for our rights to this wealth, you would
never have seen a single visitor from our family-a-kafdka am aziduka (shall I tell you
more, or does this suffice?)."Mucawiya then said: "kafani (this suffices), and Ibn CAbbas
departed.49
V. Awana b. al-Hakam related the following: when MuC'wiya came to Medina, the lead-
ing men of the city came to visit him. Among them was CAbdalldhb. al-Zubayr.MuC'wiya
told him: "Is it not strange that I have been in Medina for three days, but al-Hasan b. CAli
still has not visited me?" Ibn al-Zubayrthen said: "O Commanderof the Faithful. Never
mind al-Hasan. You and he relate in the way al-Shammdkhdescribed in verse:
I keepa gentlediscoursewithpeopleout of shyness
Even thoughI recognizetheirheartsboilingagainstme.
By God, if al-Hasan wanted to strike you with a hundred thousand swords, he could."
Muc~wiya asked: "Are you inciting me against him, O Ibn al-Zubayr?By God, I shall
visit al-Hasan myself and revive my kinship with him." Ibn al-Zubayrreplied: "By God,
I have known him since we were together in hilf al-fugd4l.Were he to ask me to support
him, I would be at his side." Mucawiya responded, saying: "Whathave you to do with hilf
al-fudal . . ."?
On the fourth day, al-Hasan came to see Mucawiya, who said: "By God, I know the
reason you stayed away so long. You wanted to hold off until you thought I had dispensed
all my gifts to others, so that when you came to me and found that I had nothing left for
you, you could turn against me in public. The whole of the Quraysh would accuse me of
stinginess if I denied you a bequest."Mucawiya turnedto a page and commanded:"Count
the whole sum of gifts that we gave to the people of Medina, and give the equivalent of
all that to al-Hasan. And this is the act of Ibn Hind."Al-Hasan then said: "Let all of you
witness my acceptance of all that, and I wish to donate it to those present here. Let this be
known as the act of Ibn Fdtima."Then al-Hasan departed.
Sometime later, Mucawiya again permitted visitors to call on him (amara bi'l-wifida,
fawafada Calayhi),and he was visited by CAbdallahb. CAbbds,CAbdallahb. Jacfar,and CAb-
dallah b. al-Zubayr.When they went before him, he greeted them warmly and seated Ibn
CAbbasto his right, between him and Yazid, on the throne. He seated CAbdallahb. Jacfar
to his left and had Ibn al-Zubayrseated on a chair among the other guests. Mucawiya ap-
proached Ibn al-Zubayr and said: "O, Ibn al-Zubayr! Do you think I have forgotten that
49 Akhbar al-Dawla, pp. 54-55; Baladhuri,
Ansdb
al-Ashraf (Banti CAbdShams), p. 112. BalIdhuri does
not mention an isnad here.

time in Medina when you tried to incite me against my cousins? By God, I have not for-
gotten. I know full well what you tried to do." Ibn al-Zubayr bowed his head in embar-
rassment for a moment and then lifted it and said in verse:
I gave you advice,O Mucawiya,son of Harb,
Andyourrewardfor this was to rebukeme.
How wrongit is thata manwho bringsgood advice
Shouldfindhimselfdejectedamongthosewho aregenerous.
Mucawiya then asked Yazid to reply, and the latter said:

You soughtbutdeception,so keep away.
Therewardof those who slanderis rejection.
And wereyou, Ibnal-Zubayr,one dayto holdpower
No doubtyou wouldnot let one boneof oursremainin place.
"By God, O Ibn al-Zubayr. You snarl at us and breathe heavily as if this matter [the
caliphate] had been yours and we took it from you. Indeed, this commission belonged to
us in the past and has come down to us in the end. But neither you nor your family have
any role in this, and no one places hope in you, nor do fingers point to you (ld tartaficu
ilaykum al-matimic wa la tushiru ilaykum al-asabic) ...
Ibn al-Zubayr then got up and said: "0, Mucawiya! You delegated your response to
your son. If only my son was present, he would have provided Yazid with the right answer.
Now listen to me, both of you! I thank God and I ask Him for support against the two
of you. I have found His help always with me, and I hope He will save me from all
hardship.... As for what you said about this [caliphate] being yours in the beginning, in
fact it belonged to the Messenger of God, peace be upon him, due to the fact that God
chose him to convey His message and elevated him above others. After that, the most be-
loved to him were those who accepted the call. He called on us and called on you, but we
accepted and you rejected. We came to his support, and you turned away. We heeded the
call, and you ignored it. We obeyed, but you challenged him. We became Muslims, and
you turned into infidels. Throughoutall, we were in his party, and you were against him.
Thus, I am more worthy of being his successor than you, because God says: 'Surely the
people standing closest to Ibrahimare those who followed him' (QurDan3:68). In addition,
I hold other traits that you do not share. My aunt Khadijais his wife and the mother of his
children. cA'isha, the Mother of the Faithful, is his aunt, and my aunt Safiyya is the aunt
of the Messenger of God, peace be upon him.... As for your assertion that leadership
came to you in the end, I swear on my life that this was not because you sought either the
consensus of the Muslims or their consultation. You dominatedthem and monopolized the
matter... ."
Yazid then turnedto his father and said, "O Commanderof the Faithful, how can we let
him make these threatsin our faces?" Mucawiya responded:"I command you [son] to hold
back your anger about this. For patience (al-hilm) is a cause for majesty (cizz), and igno-
rance is humbling (al-jahlu dhull). He who remains patient shall conquer, and he who is
rash is bound to lose. Stay on the path (ilzam al-tariq), and abandon the desperate road.
You will find this better for your well-being in this life and the next." Then he turned
to Ibn CAbbasand said to him: "Whatdo you have to say to what this man is saying?" Ibn

CAbbasresponded: "O Commanderof the Faithful, he is your cousin. Accept from him
what he says that is virtuous, and be patient if he maligns you. Be as the poet says:
You have given Kindathe customof patience
So keepcalmin the face of theirignorantones.
Mucawiya then said: "O Ibn CAbbas,it is my patience that has made him transgressin this
way. I place you as the arbiterbetween us." Ibn CAbbassaid: "I wish you would relieve me
of this task." But Muc'wiya insisted, and Ibn CAbbasthen said: "Since you insist, I shall
undertakethe task, and I seek the help of God in this. I find that both of you have used the
Messenger of God as an argumentin your favor, when I am the one who really possesses
the right to invoke this lineage. For I am his cousin, unlike the two of you, and I am the
one exploited (al-mazliim) by both of you." Then Muc'wiya turned to CAbdalldhb. Jacfar
and asked: "Are you not amazed at the things these people have said thus far?"Ibn Jacfar
then replied: "Yourpatience must be on par with all of this." And Mucawiya said: "Verily,
you speak the truth." The narratorthen says abruptly that the group interrupted their
conversation and switched to another topic.50
VI. Musd b. CAbdal-Malik related51that Mucawiya was one day holding court with the
leading men of Quraysh, including CAbdallahb. CAbbdsand others of the Banfi Hashim,
when Mucawiya queried the Banfi Hashim, saying: "Now tell me, O Banfi Hashim. Why
are you so arroganttoward us? Are we not tied by the same father and mother, and do we
not come from the same origins (wa'l-daruwahida)?"Ibn CAbbSsanswered:"We are proud
for the same reason the Quraysh feel proud toward the Ansdr, and the Ansdr feel proud
toward the rest of the Arabs, and the Arabs feel proudtoward foreigners-I mean because
of the Messenger of God, peace be upon him. He whom you cannot deny or run away
from." Muc'wiya replied: "O Ibn CAbbds!You have been endowed with a rationalizing
tongue. You are almost able to rule over, by your false claims, the rights of others (takidu
taghlib bi-batilika haqqa siwaka)." Ibn CAbbasthen said: "Falsehood does not win over
the truth. So abandon your envious ways, for verily envy is a poor emblem." Mucawiya
said: "You do speak the truth.By God, I do actually admireyou for four reasons, although
I dislike four traits in you. The qualities I admire in you are your kindred relation to the
Messenger of God, peace be upon him; your membership in my clan and household of
CAbdManaf; your service as the spokesman of Quraysh and its leading figure (lisan
Quraysh wa zacimuhi); and your father's close companionship with my father. As for the
four traits for which I have forgiven, these are your hostility toward me at Siffin, your
abandonment of cUthman, your hostility toward CADisha(sacyuka CaldCA'isha fi-man
saca), and your denial of my brotherZiyad's fraternity.... And I shall accept your first
qualities and forgive you the latter, in keeping with the poet's saying:
I acceptgood thingsfromthe one whoseservicesI hold dear
And withholdmyjudgmentof his shortcomings.
Ibn CAbbasresponded: "Praise be to God, who commanded that we express thanks to Him
and promised us reward for that. I give Him great praise, just as He has been greatly
50 Akhbar
al-Dawla, pp. 58-62. 51 Abf'l-Mundhir b. al-Hakam +- MUsd
C- CAw~na
b. CAbdal-Malik.

generous toward us. And I give witness that there is no god but God and that Muham-
mad is the Messenger of God. You have mentioned that you love me for my relation to the
Messenger of God, peace be upon him, and this is but your duty and the duty of everyone
who believes in the Messenger of God because the Messenger of God has asked this ser-
vice of you (li-annahu al-ajr alladhi sa'alakum rastil allah) in returnfor the radiantproof
he brought you, when it is said: 'I do not ask of you a wage for this, except love for the
kinfolk' (Qur'an 62:23). So he who does not love the Messenger of God dooms himself
and shall find himself among the downtrodden.As for your assertion that I am a member
of your family and household....
,"52
VII. CAbdalldhb. CAbbSsvisited Mucawiya once, and the latter asked him: "0, Ibn CAb-
bas! I hold you in great respect because of your noble and honorable stature, in addition
to your patience and magnanimity.I wish to ask you about some issues and debate you in
matters that have worried me." Ibn CAbbasasked: "What is it?" Mucawiya replied: "It re-
lates to your cousin's [i.e., al-IHusayn]abstaining from the bayca to Yazid. As for Ibn al-
Zubayr, I suspect he is aiming for it [i.e., the caliphate] [falling for it] (ka'anni bihi qad
hawiya). Al-Husayn, however, is a close relative, and his soul is precious. I like what he
likes, and I dislike what is harmful to him." Ibn CAbbasresponded: "As for Ibn al-Zubayr,
I shall not stand between the two of you. Al-IHusayn,however, has made his declaration
and been truthful, so the public followed him. He is a man whose heart cannot be bribed.
You remember how he went up to Abi Bakr, who was on the pulpit of the Messenger of
God, grabbed him by his garment and pulled him harshly, saying: 'Descend from the pul-
pit of my father!' Abl Bakr did not argue, but just said: 'Verily, it is for the rank of your
father, and not that of Ibn Abi QuhIfa'. He [i.e., did not consider his own youth
when he did that, nor did he care that the people upheld Abi Bakr by consensus and
.Husayn]
respected him (fa-lam yamnachu min dhalika sigharu sinnihi wa-ijtimaCual-ndsi Calayhi
wa haybatuhumlahu). So how can you think he will respect you (kayfa yahabuka) now
that he is an older man and able to stand up against you? But give me time, for I would
like to bring this subject up with him."Marwanintervened, saying, "0, Commanderof the
Faithful! I have often warned you about acquiescence. Summon them to you [and com-
mand them to give the bayca]. If they give it to you, let them go, but if not, strike them
dead." Ibn CAbbasthen [turned to Marwan and] said: "You give this counsel when you
know full well that, if you were in Mucawiya'sposition, you would not carry through with
this suggestion. And you would have felt that the whole world was closing in on you.
Indeed, even now if he [i.e., Mucawiya] were to ask for your help, you would probably
shy away from giving it, except in the mild way of an impaired slave girl. Why did you
not follow this course when you were in Basra, in retreat[i.e., at the Battle of the Camel]?
All you did was turn against a man [i.e., Talha b. CUbaydulldh]to whom you had given
your oath of bayca, stab him in the back, and treacherouslyrun away from the scene. In
all this, you never found anyone supporting you but always ran after others. You do not
believe that you are qualified for leadership, nor does anyone see you as fit for it.
52 Akhbar al-Dawla, p. 62; Ibn

Hamdfin,al-Tadh-
kira al-Hamdiiniyya, vol. 9, pp. 181-84.

THE REDEMPTION
OF UMAYYAD
MEMORY
BY THECABBASIDS 263
If you hate CAlibecause he killed al-Walid, then know that he [i.e., CAli]did not kill him
except by the command of the Messenger of God. And the Messenger of God was ordered
to kill him by God. Verily, God shall coerce those who are haughty ." CAmrthen in-
...
tervened, saying: "0, Commander of the Faithful, Marwan is a head man among our
shaykhs. This young man (ghulam) of the Banti Hashim attacks him like this without
ever respecting the dignity of your assembly (la yard li-majlisika waqdran wa ld yakhdfu
minhu hadharan). Ibn CAbbasturned to him, and said, "O CAmr,you know little about
patience.53 By God, you are but a man of the Quraysh, who was but an arrow changing
hands among men, and you deserve nothing but humiliation.You are no differentfrom him
[i.e., Marwin b. al-HIakam]and have finished your life outside the sunna." Mucawiya in-
tervened and said, "You have offended my guests, O Ibn CAbbas."Ibn CAbbasthen said:
"They attacked my cousin first, and this assembly is noted by the people. I would not let
people think I would acquiesce to this offense."•4
VIII. CAmirb. Mascid related55that they were seated in an assembly at the Kacba when
they received the news of Mucawiya'sdeath. He said to his companions: "Let us go to Ibn
CAbbds... and be the first to give him this news and hear his reaction."So we got up and
went to visit him. When we entered, he was seated with a dish before him, but the bread
was not yet placed on it. We greeted him and asked: "Have you heard the news, O Abi'l-
CAbbas?"He answered: "What is it?" We said: "The news of Mucawiya's death."He then
said to the page: "Remove the platter,"and stood still for a moment, his head bowed, not
saying anything for a while. He then lifted his head and said:
A mountainhas beenshaken;thenit toppledover
into the sea. Wouldthatit does not get submerged.56
"O God, verily, you are more satisfying for Mucawiya. By God, he [Mucawiya] was
different from those who came before him, and he shall not be followed by his like. As for
this son he left, he is only serving the well-being of his own people. Our situation with our
cousins is nothing different from the two sides of Luqman'sstory.57Our man [CAll]was
killed by someone other than them, but we were incited against them, and their man
[cUthman]was killed by someone other than us, but they were incited against us. By God,
they were led to challenge us only because they could not find an easier opponent (ami
wallahi md aghrahum bind illl annahum lam yajidu mithland).... Fear God, O youth of
the Quraysh, and do not clamor for the inheritance of Banil Umayya... Stay in your
homes and give your oath of bayca."Ibn CAbbasthen called on the page to bring back the
platter, and we were just about to sit down for lunch when a messenger from the governor
of Mecca came to Ibn CAbbds,and said: "The governor requests that you offer him the
bayca." Ibn CAbbasthen turnedto us and said: "What more do you have to fear from such
53 The text is obscure: "Cudhiraal-qirddu fa-md 56 This verse is also in Ibn

Abi al-Dunyd's epistle
balu al-halim." Hilm Mucwiya (in Thallth Rasd'il ft Fada'il MuCa-
54 Akhbir al-Dawla, pp. 81-83. wiya, p. 43). The isndd is: Ibn Abi'l-Duny -- Abi Ah-
55 Ahmad b. CAbdal-Rahman b. al-Fadl -- al- mad Bishr b. Bashshdr -- Dawad b. al-Muhabbar --
Hasan b. Muhammadb. Acyan al-Huddni *-- Muham- Dawfd's father -- Muc'dh b. Muhammad al-Laythi.
mad b. CAbdal-Rahmin b. Muhammadb. Marwan - See also, Ibn CAsakir,Ta'rikhDimashq, vol. 59, p. 235.
CAmirb. Mascud. 57 See reference in the main text, n. 16, above.

a person," and then he told the messenger: "Tell him to finish the business he has at hand,
and we shall come forth as soon as it becomes convenient." When the messenger had de-
parted, we asked Abi'l-CAbbas:"Are you going to offer Yazid the bayca even though he
drinks wine?" And he replied: "Have you forgotten what I told you a while ago? You
seem to listen but do not ponder what I say. Verily, there are those who never taste wine
but are even worse than those who drink it. You shall offer him the bayca until the one
destined to be crucified from Qurayshgets crucified."By now the messenger had returned,
saying, "I beg you to hurry [to the governor]."Ibn CAbbdscalled out: "O Nawdr! Fetch me
my cloak. What more do you have to fear from this person? They resisted what was bound
to come upon us all. Hence, they are bound to humiliate you, whether in the morning or
the evening" (imtanacu mimmilqad azallakum, subhakumaw masdiakum yudhilliikum).
Then we departedtogether and went to the governor to offer him the bayca.58
IX. CAmdrab. Hamza says that when CAbdalldhIbn CAbbaswas on his deathbed, he sum-
moned his son cAli and told him: "0, my son! The best advice I can give you is to fear
God, who is the source of all support and the judge of this life and the next. After this, I
want you, my son, to know that most people are blind to their condition. They fight over
a world that God has told them is doomed to collapse. I have heard the Messenger of God,
peace be upon him; tell your grandfather:'The community leadership (hadhi al-amr)
shall pass on to your children when the Banti Umayya go into decline'. So may he who
comes to rule the community fear God, act righteously, and abide by the custom of the
Messenger of God, peace be upon him. For, verily, it is incumbent upon those closest to
him in kin to follow his example. And know that the Hijaz will no longer be a suitable
home for you after my death. When you have carried out my funeral rites, gather your
clan and set forth toward Syria (al-Sham). The Bani Umayya are destined to have a
share of things for a while (inna li-bani umayyata ukulan ld budda an yastawfuh). [Put up
with them] for they, despite their ignorance and arrogance,will prove more compassionate
toward you than the clan of al-Zubayr, due to the kinship between us. And be on your
guard against the outbursts of cousins from the branch of CAlib. Abi Talib. Pass this
advice on to your children, for they [the CAlids]will get into trouble that will bring death
to those involved." When CAbdallahb. CAbbSsdied, Muhammadb. al-Hanafiyya led the
funeral prayers over him and said: "Today the sage (rabbaniyy) of this community
(umma) has died."59
X. Baladhuri includes the following munazara not found in Akhbar al-Dawla. Kacb al-
Ahbar relates that he was attending a majlis where Mucawiya read a QurDanicverse ren-
dered as follows: "fi Cayn himiya."60 Kacb corrected him saying: "fi Caynin hami'atin,"
but Muc'wiya rejected this and said: "Bring me Ibn CAbbas."When Ibn CAbbdscame,
Mucdwiya asked him: "How do you read this verse?,"upon which Ibn CAbbdsagreed with
Kacb.This did not sway the mind of Mucawiya and made Kacbangry.Ibn CAbbashere told
60
58 Akhbdral-Dawla, pp. 123-24. The same report The verse from SUratal-Kahf (18:86) describes
is also in a very abbreviatedform in Balddhuri,Ansab the journey of Dhfi'l-Qarnayn:"Then he followed a
al-Ashrdf (Banii CAbd Shams), pp. 289-90 (Al- way until, when he reached the rising of the sun, he
Maddini CAbdal-Rahmin b. Muc'wiya +C-Amir b. found it rising upon a people for whom We had not
-
Mascfd al-Jumahi). appointedany veil to shade them from it." See Arberry,
59 Akhbar al-Dawla, p. 130. trans., The Koran Interpreted,vol. 1, p. 327.

Kacb: "Do not be angry, O Kacb, for you are of those who were entrusted with the Book
(min allidhina utti 1-kitiba, yu'minu bihi), who believe in it, while Mucawiya is a mem-
ber of the ahzib (factions) who deny parts of it [i.e., the Qur'dn]."Muc'wiya here said:
"Are you defaming me, O Ibn CAbbds?" "If you permit me," Ibn CAbbdssaid. "Go ahead,"
Muc&wiya answered. Ibn CAbbasanswered: "Were it not for the bayca that I have given
you and the of
authority rulership (lawla al-sultidn),I would have gone further.""Then
speak as if I had no bayca upon you and no authority,"Muc'wiya said. Ibn CAbbisthen
answered: "Nay, I glorify your rank, O Commander of the Faithful, and I praise you."
Muc~wiya's anger here tempered somewhat, and rising to perform the prayers he told a
page: "Close the mushaf Verily, the letter is as they both read."61
XI. Al-Mada~ini relates that Maslama b. Muharib narrated:Mucawiya offered condo-
lences to CAbdallahb. CAbbaswhen al-Hasan b. CAlidied, saying: "May God not afflict
you." Ibn CAbbisresponded: "[Verily], He does not so long as the Commander of the
Faithful is alive." Later, Yazid went over to Ibn CAbbasand sat with him offering condo-
lences (cazrd).Then when Yazid got up and left, Ibn CAbbissaid: "You can always count
on the Umayyad having good sense and generosity" (md takadu tucdammin al-amawiyyi
Caqlanwa karaman).62
XII. Al-Mada~ini relates that al-Nadr b. Ish1q told him that AbUi'l-Malihsaid, quoting
Mucawiya: "I have never had a debate with a man whose mind was sharper than Ibn
CAbbSs's."63
XIII. Al-MadBdini relates that Maslama told him: Ziydd visited Mucawiya when Ibn
CAbbaswas visiting him. Ziyad did not greet Ibn CAbbas,which promptedthe latter to re-
act by saying: "What is this aloofness, O Abii'l-Mughira?"Ziyad said: "Thereis no aloof-
ness or enmity, but this is an assembly where only the Commanderof the Faithful'sright
is due (majlisun la yuq.d1fthi illi haqqu amir al-mu minin)."64
61 Baldhuri, 62 Ibid., p. 45.

Ansab al-Ashraf (al-CAbbaswa wala-
duhu), p. 43. The isnad of this account is: BalIdhuri -- 63 Ibid., p. 51.
Rawh b. CAbdal-Mu'min -- CAbdal-Rahimb. Mfis 64 Ibid., p. 52.
,--
Abfi Rawh CUmira b. Abi Hafsa +- CAbdallahb.
Burayda-- Kacb al-Ahbar.


Redemption of Umayyad Memory by The Abbāsids

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Redemption of Umayyad Memory by The Abbāsids

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The Redemption of Umayyad Memory by the ʿAbbāsids

Author(s): Tayeb El-Hibri

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TAYEBEL-HIBRI,University of Massachusetts, Amherst

DYNASTIES that supplanttheir predecessors in a violent takeover are generally ex-

* An earlier version of this

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Historians have traditionallytended to accept the existence of some degree of "anoma-

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III. THE CABBSID MOTIVEFORACCEPTINGTHEUMAYYADS

13 In connection with this, see C. Melchert, "Reli-

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dialogues, as we shall see below, provides an importantplaying field for commentary on

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IV. THE DIALOGUE BETWEEN IBN CABBAS AND MUCAWIYA

It was mentioned above that one distinct feature of Umayyad-CAbbasidinteraction lies

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V. THE ROLE OF THE ZUBAYRIDS IN THE CABBSID NARRATIVE

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second centuryA.H./mid-eighthcenturyA.D.,when Muhammadal-Nafs al-Zakiyyarevolted

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VI. THE UMAYYADS' PLACE IN THE CABBkSID HISTORICAL PLOT

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VII. THE PROBLEMOF MUCAWIYA'SIMAGE

30 Dhahabi, Siyar Acladmal-Nubald', vol. 3, p. 130. 31 Balidhuri, Ansib

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32 BalSdhuri,Ansab Shams), Abi Hafs al-ZRhid(imlad) +-- Muhammadb. Ishaq al-

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37 Mascidi, Muri~jal-Dhahab, vol. 3, p. 212. Ibn Athir,Al-Kamilfi'l-Ta'rikh,ed. C. J. Tornberg(Leiden,

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Modern revisionist historical scholarship on the Umayyad and early CAbbisidperiod

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44 Akhbar al-Dawla, p. 50; also, with minor dif-

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45 Akhbaral-Dawla, pp. 51-52. al-Hamdiiniyya, ed. I. 'Abbas et al. (Beirut, 1996),

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Mucawiya then asked Yazid to reply, and the latter said:

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52 Akhbar al-Dawla, p. 62; Ibn

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53 The text is obscure: "Cudhiraal-qirddu fa-md 56 This verse is also in Ibn

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61 Baldhuri, 62 Ibid., p. 45.

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