Peace and conflict study 2020

1.Introduction
The Horn of Africa is a conflict-ridden sub-region. This sub-region has been affected by colonial
inherited border disputes that resulted in protracted wars for independence, including the Eritrean
war (1961-1991) and the South Sudan war (1983-2011), and inter-state wars between Ethiopia
and Eritrea (1998-2000). It is also one of the poorest sub-regions in the world due to climate
change, environmental degradation, and economic mismanagement. Hostile inter-state
relationships and an authoritarian rule in domestic politics have created a foreign policy
relationship of ‘my enemy’s enemy is my friend’ among the states in the Horn. Some scholars
hypothesize that these relationships operate through a concept called ‘political market place’,
which gives emphasis to the greedy interests of leaders who want to sell their political power and
political influence for money. This tendency has exposed the countries to transactional
diplomacy, which uses money as an instrument of diplomacy to maintain the security and
economic interests of external actors in the sub-region.

As we know Eritrea was an integral part of Ethiopia since 1991 and after the end of the
independence struggle in 1991, Eritrean and Ethiopia there after neighboring country in horn of
Africa. Historical backgrounds were a means of conflict between the two countries. The first
thing is the colonial legacy of the boundary and also there was external supporter for EPLF
military strength to maintain its status quo.After few years (1991-1997) formalized hostilities
and state of war between the two countries which many as hundred thousands were killed and
injured several psycho-social happening. A bitter and bloody border wars ceasefire agreement on
Algiers Dec 12/2000.

The no-peace-no-war deadlock between Ethiopia and Eritrea was broken after the Ethiopian
Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed came to power in April 2018 and approached the Eritrea’s
leader IsaiasAfwerki in July 2018. The peace deals are not only inter-state collaborations but also
contribute to intra-state stability in the individual countries. The Ethiopian-Eritrean peace deals
have created opportunities for dealing with these and other security threats. Following the
Ethiopian-Eritrea peace deal, many Ethiopian rebel groups harbored in Eritrea signed peace
agreements with the Ethiopian government to pursue their political agendas through peaceful
mechanisms.

The two countries need to enhance the capacity of state institutions to maintain the rule of law on
the one hand and to strengthen democratic institutions to organize democratic elections on the
other. They should also work towards a more integrated infrastructural development that
contributes to corridor development and subsequently regional integration. This term paper
focuses on the Ethiopian-Eritrean ongoing peace building processes, successes, challenges and
prospects.

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2) THE MAIN ROOT CAUSES OF ETHIOPIA –ERITREA WAR IN 1998-2000

2.1) POLITICAL CAUSE

A) Relationship Between the EPRDF and EPLF Since 1991

The adoption of ethnic federalism and the inclusion of the right to succession in the constitution
of Ethiopia were highly criticized by the Eritrean government. Because of its strong desire to
create a solid nation state. EPLF perceived ethnic and religious identities as debilitating force
whose political expression was congenitally detrimental to nation building.Which implies the
Ethiopian policy was seen as a threat to Eritrea’s vision, because there were seven ethnic groups
in Eritrea.

B) INTERNAL POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS

2.2) ECONOMIC CAUSES

The political development in Ethiopia was relatively better than Eritrean in the case of allowing
the political space for opposition parties to operate; a free press was also allowed, but
systematically controlled. Elections were regularly conducted but there was no regular election
in Eritrea.Finally, there were a means of threaten between the two countries. Especially Eritrea
was frustrating Ethiopian new economic and political policy.

The tension between the two countries was aggravated after the introduction of a new Eritrean
currency, the Nakifa was introduced, and the two countries had used the Ethiopian birr as their
common currency. The Eritrean government proposed that the two countries should have equal
value and should be used in both countries but the proposal was rejected by the Ethiopian
government, which instead insisted on using hard currency as a medium of exchange. This is the
main cause of disagreement between the two state governments.

The other economic means of conflict between the two countries were a new trade policy of
Ethiopia, which defied the agreements signed with Eritrea on free trade, investment and free
movement of their nations. According to the new Ethiopian new trade policy, taxes were levied
on Eritrean products exported to Ethiopia. But Eritreans were denied investing in the area of
insurance, transport, communication and banking, and were denied the right to import
Ethiopian’s exportable products.

Before comes to clear war, there were illegal trades which were happened in the Eritrean and
Eritrean governments. For instance, the smuggling of coffee, oil seeds and other products of
Ethiopia, and the exchange of foreign currency, in effect, Eritrea became a major coffee exporter
without producing an ounce of coffee and was actively engaged in the Ethiopian black market,
which damages Ethiopian economy. Eritrea exported more than 65% of its product to Ethiopia,
whereas only 9% of Ethiopia’s products were destined for Eritrea. For example, in 1996 Eritrea
earned around 85million birr from its exports to Ethiopia.

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Moreover, Eritrea was highly dependent on Ethiopia for its food consumption. Because Eritrea
produced only 200-250 tons of grain annually, while its need was around 1 million tons a year.
Eritrea used to import much of its food items from Ethiopia. When Eritrea imported food items
by exchanging hard currency from Ethiopia, it will increased the price of food items.The
economic disagreement over trade and investment leads to outbreak of the Ethiopian- Eritrean
war

2.3) SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL MAKE UP

Eritreans considered themselves unique, exceptional, civilized and superior, especially in
comparison with the rest of Africa, including Ethiopia. Eritreans developed this complex of
superiority over Ethiopian during the Italian colonization. Because the ways of life of
Eritreans’ exposure to the European colonial legacy. There were light industries were motive
enough for Eritrea to look down on Ethiopia, which had little exposure to education and
technology.

But Ethiopian government attained much better position by controlling a much bigger
country with more resources, a large population, and greater diplomatic clout and economic
power. On the Ethiopian side, the image of on Ethiopia and Ethiopians made in difficult for
most Ethiopians to accept the secession of Eritrea and so remain land locked.

2.4. THE BORDER ISSUE

However, none of the borders treaties were properly demarcated and the colonial maps were
slightly simplified, unreadable and did not show the precise location of the border. However,
Italy succeeded in unilaterally changing the bilateral treaties and producing a new map that
expanded the territory of its colony and included the Bademe plain between 1907 and 1935.

Due to this fact there was a series of border disputes between Ethiopia and Italy in the 1920s and
1930s. But afterinvasion of Italy less important about the border of Ethiopia and Eritrea. Because
Eritrea was incorporated in to Ethiopia and the borders seems to take as an administrative
division. But both countries were trying to resolve the border peacefully and they were
delegating joint border dispute escalated in 1998 and Eritrean government occupied military
forces on Badme. Because of all these reasons the two countries inter in to clear war.

3. What Were The Effects Of Ethiopian-Eritrean War?

According to some statistical data Ethiopian government was mobilized around 350,000-400,000 soldiers
and also Eritrean government mobilized from 200,000- 250,000 soldiers. Both countries spent hundreds
of thousands of dollars on weapons bought. Between 1998 and 2000, the two belligerent countries each
spent an average of 300 million US dollar annually on acquiring weapons and tens of thousands of people
were killed and injured several psycho-social happening. About 95,000 fighters had to be demobilized;
currently, at least 300,000 people are national service recruits and more than 750000 people were
displaced. The most among these are heeding to the pain and suffering of the people on both side of the
boarder. Families separated, economies have been shattered and the uncertainty reality of going war has
had an enduring negative impact on both people.

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4. The Ethiopia-Eritrea the ongoing peace building processes
Ethiopia-Eritrean Peace building processes is an activity that aims to resolve war and disputes between
two countries and negotiate to explore the interest like to transform the cultural & structural conditions
that generate deadly or destructive conflict. The process can began with ceasefire after two years fought a
bitter border war, sign on Algiers agreement Dec 12/2000. The agreement provided for the exchange of
prisoners and the return of displaced persons and established a Boundary Commission to demarcate the
border and a Claims Commission to assess damages caused by the conflict. But the agreement interact
weapon sound not reaffirmed cessation of hostilities. So around border and countries has” no war” and”
no peace” for long period of time (2000-2017). Habitually, peace negotiations are often bogged down
with the mundane tasks of the agenda, procedure and protocol issues instead of substance. Two
neighboring states, broke away from this long-held tradition of endless 'peace process,' where the 'peace
process' itself replaces the peace, and accomplished what seemed unthinkable a few years ago: Ending a
senseless war that followed a decade and half long "no-war, no-peace" state that had a devastating impact
on both countries, In April 2018, after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s declaration that he would
accept the 2002 ruling of an international commission on their disputed border. On June 5/ 2018, Abiy
astonished people by announcing that Ethiopia would give back to Eritrea the disputed border town of
Badme. In 9 July Eritrea-Asmara two leader sign the Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship between
Eritrea and Ethiopia and, In 17 September 2018 Agreement that the resumption of diplomatic and trade
relations and a formal treaty was signed between the two leaders in the Saudi capital, Jeddah, witnessed
by King Salman and the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, who described it as an “historic event.”
The treaty covered a number of issues state that:-The first of all the state of war between the two countries
has ended, and a new era of peace, friendship and comprehensive cooperation has started. The two
governments will endeavor to forge intimate political, economic, social, cultural and security cooperation
that serves and advances the vital interests of their peoples, like to ensure the two countries peace,
development and cooperation.

The agreement is only the latest step in a series of encouraging and significant developments between the
two countries, after years of tension. It promises to present numerous and significant benefits for both
nations, which are faced Peace between them will further the cause of stability, security and development
in the two countries. Agreement on Peace, Friendship and Comprehensive Cooperation between the
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and the State of Eritrea signed in Jeddah, also known as the
Jeddah Peace Agreement. The peace agreement contains Seven Articles which signed between the leaders
of Eritrea and Ethiopia on the 16th of September 2018.

Agreement on Peace, Friendship and Comprehensive Cooperation between Eritrea and Ethiopia
Considering the close bonds of geography, history, culture, and religion between the two countries and
their peoples; Respecting each other’s independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity; Desiring to
achieve lasting peace and cement their historical ties to achieve their lofty objectives; Determined to
establish comprehensive cooperation on the basis of complementarily and synergy; Determined further to
contribute actively to regional and global peace and security; Reaffirming the Joint Declaration on Peace
and Friendship that they signed on July 9, 2018, in Asmara; Reiterating their commitment to the
principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations; The Two Parties peace agreement were as
follows:

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Article one, the state of war between the two countries has ended and a new era of peace, friendship and
comprehensive cooperation has started.

Article Two, the two countries will promote comprehensive cooperation in the political, security, defense,
economic, trade, investment, cultural and social fields on the basis of complementarity and synergy.
Article Three, the two countries will develop Joint Investment Projects, including the establishment of
Joint Special Economic Zones.

Article Four, the two countries will implement the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission decision.
Article Five, the two countries will promote regional and global peace, security and cooperation.

Article six, the two countries will combat terrorism as well as trafficking in people, arms and drugs in
accordance with international covenants and conventions.

Article seven, the two countries will establish a High-Level Joint Committee, as well as Sub-committees
as required, to guide and oversee the implementation of this Agreement.

This Agreement was made at Jeddah, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on this day of September 16, 2018, in
two original copies in Amharic, Tigrinya, Arabic and English languages; in case of discrepancy in
interpretation, the English version shall prevail.

In this regard both sides will need to focus on economic sectors of complimentarily to augment the
dividends to both countries in a fair and sustainable manner.

Social Infrastructure, the necessary platforms for supporting the process of change and long-term vision
of peace are the social spaces, logistics mechanisms, and institutions of the community. And the
foundations for peace building include the people, their relationships and the social spaces that they need
for supporting the process of transforming division and violence to respect and interdependence, and their
increased involvement in and responsibility for building peace. The platforms and foundations of peace
building are the social infrastructure that provides the basic support to enable people and peace building
processes to weather the immediate crises while patiently pursuing the slow, long-term desired change
within a context of relationships. Sustainable peace building is a long-term prospect. Violent conflicts
occur over generations and peace buildings to take no less time. Sustainable peace building seeks to
discover and strengthen the resources rooted in the context of the protracted conflict. For peace building
to be sustainable, we need to pay attention to where our activities and energies are leading us rather than
thinking only about the immediate and then coming up with effective responses to issues and crises.

Strategic, while peace building needs to have a comprehensive overview, specific programmatic actions
also need to be strategic. This means learning to respond proactively to emerging, dynamic social
situations and conflicts as well as meeting immediate concerns and needs, while at the same time
reinforcing a larger, longer-term change process. Peace building actions need to link immediate needs to
the desired vision of change.

Willingness and space for dialogue are key principles of peace building. Dialogue is an inclusive process
and brings together a diverse set of voices. To bring about sustainable change, people have to develop a
sense of joint ownership of the process and become stakeholders in identifying new approaches to address
common challenges. Dialogue requires self-reflection, spirit of inquiry and personal change to be present.

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Participants must be willing to address the root causes of a crisis, not just the symptoms on the surface.
Dialogue recognizes the other’s humanity. Participants of a peace process must be willing to show
empathy towards one another, recognize differences as well as areas of common ground, and demonstrate
willingness for building peace. To find sustainable solutions requires time and patience. One-off
interventions very often do not work to address deeply-rooted causes of conflict or to fully deal with
complex issues.

5. The Ethiopian-Eritrean the peace building process successes

There are important lessons from Ethiopia and Eritrea peace building process. The leaders of Eritrea and
Ethiopia signed a peace agreement at the conclusion of an unprecedented summit between the countries
as they attempt to normalize relations after two decades of conflict. On 9 July 2018 Ethiopia's Prime
Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrea's President Isaias Afwerki signed a peace deal. Based on this agreement
the Ties were reestablished on 9 July 2018 in the aftermath of a peace agreement. Due to this agreement
created peace different successes might be expected and seen. These are: - Ending the “no war, no peace”
period between Ethiopia and Eritrea remains a historic milestone. The peace deals have narrowed the
communication gap between leaders and their communities over the last 20 years leading to a win-win
situation in conflict resolution. The stories of families reunited after decade’s highlights the deep personal
costs of conflict and the immediate possibilities of peace. Lost family members are being united; the
restoration of transportation both countries are saved from big war, communication line between the two
countries is the road to recovery and healing and over all political, economical and social interconnection
of two sisters’ societies has begun.

Bilateral and tripartite state relationships greatly contribute to implementing international agreements and
decisions with regard to border disputes and the normalization of relationships between states and
communities. Moreover, the movements of people across borders, as well as cross-border trade, also
contribute to the de-escalation of conflicts and to the sustaining of peace agreements. Peace deals can also
add to the two countries integration due to the opportunities created for integrated infrastructural
development and subsequent corridor development along sea ports. Fourth, peace deals have also created
opportunities for countries to deal with their democratic and governance deficiencies.

The peace building process is also a dividend for Ethiopia as it wills likely limit Egypt’s use of Eritrea to
destabilize Ethiopia. Thus, peace between the states will substantially decrease the budget towards the
military and the deducted amount can be used in poverty reduction. A limit will also be made on
sponsoring the rebel groups as most of the rebels have come to Ethiopia following the call for a peaceful
struggle. More to this, Eritrean Government’s announcement to limit military service after the peace deal
with Ethiopia has a positive impact in decreasing government expenditure in the military. Therefore, the
ongoing agreements to establish special economic zones or common market should have legal and ratified
agreements that consider the pros and cons for each country.

6. The Ethiopian-Eritrean the ongoing peace building process challenges

The challenges of the ongoing Ethiopian-Eritrean peace building processes are many and different;
among those are: the biggest one the machination of the historic issue of the relations between the
Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) became a
cornerstone theme. Therefore, a major challenge for long-term reconciliation is to deal with these
historical issues and promote genuine peace between people with deep grievancesandmisperceptions.

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The second challenge is that both countries have used versions of history to brainwash younger
generations. In both countries, textbooks are compiled based on ethnocentric views, stereotypes, and
prejudices, and as well as the glorification or demonization of particular groups.
Without addressing the underlying roots of hostility, nations will be unable to build a normal relationship.
The third challenges are lack of transparency about the terms of the agreements between the two
countries; though the peace deals are very promising, they have not been ratified by their respective
parliaments or the institutions responsible for doing so. Detailed directives to encourage cross-border
trade and the free movement of people across borders into normalization have been delayed.

The fourth challenges are elements of haphazardness and lack of institutionalization of the budding
relationship between them; Agreements made at the level of state leaders, unless they are institutionalized
and made transparent to the public on time, can also easily make vulnerable the national interests of the
countries involved in transactional diplomacy. And,

The fifth challenges are the countries face a number of domestic problems that can undermine any
positive developments. There are people who are displaced due to civil war and internal conflict; policies
that result in forced migration of citizens; and governments that lack the capacity to maintain the rule of
law. Hence, to sustain the fruits of the peace deals, additional institutional efforts are required to engage
national and regional institutions such as IGAD, AU, and UN etc.

To create conditions for long-term reconciliation, it is vital for the people of both countries to be aware of
the other side’s perceptions and understandings of history. Reconciliation requires that structural
injustices in the political, social, judicial and economic domains be addressed in two countries. The other
important things that interconnection of infrastructure like the road to recovery was long and hard; It
requires serious dedication from both Government and the people; peacemaking is much more complex
and difficult than making war and different others. However, with bold and courageous partnership,
leaders can achieve what often seems impossible. Ethiopia and Eritrea have a long way to go in fulfilling
the dream and aspiration of their people. The political, economic, and security challenges facing both
countries are enormously and they need inter-state collaboration and partnership.

7. Prospects of the ongoing Peace building process between Ethiopia and Eritrea
The initiative for peace occurred at a time when great political transformations are taking place in
Ethiopia. Rapprochement with Eritrea tramples upon one of the major hurdles in the comprehensive
political settlement being envisaged in the country. Eritrea’s intentions for peace equally remain
questionable in this regard for it could be argued that it has a stake in the ongoing domestic instability in
Ethiopia. Whatsoever the justification, if the ongoing peace process in any way clashes with the political
changes in Ethiopia, the costs can be profound. Ethiopia needs to first put its house in order and approach
any peace effort with unison of mind and collective vision, first for the sake of the nation and then the
sub-region, strictly in that order! In a similar vein, such a grand peace initiative requires parallel political
transformations in Eritrea and the sub-region. Eritrea is bound to reap the utmost from the peace process
in the short run – through the lifting of the stifling sanctions and by regaining its status among the
community of world states. More significantly, though, the government in Asmara will amplify this as a
corroboration of its claims- that its perseverance has paid off and Eritrea is redeemed as a nation. The
potential fallout for the incumbent administration in the medium and long range, however, risks the very
sustainability of the rapprochement. Either Eritrea has to introduce radical transformations in all sectors

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of the governance and human rights index or somehow protract the implementation of the peace deal with
Ethiopia.

The peace deal provides Eritrea with the opportunity to access a market of 100 million people with
manufactured goods and imported merchandise using the coastline advantage. And for Ethiopian traders,
they can access the underdeveloped Eritrean market mainly through agricultural products. Further, the
private sector of Ethiopia has the possibility to engage in mining, education, construction and other
industries of Eritrea. The Eritrean private sector can also engage in agriculture and the FDI receiving
industry parks of Ethiopia. There is also a possibility that the private sector of the two countries to
participate in bids in a joint venture. The engagement in each other’s country business is also an
experience to engage in international business, reveal the comparative advantage of each and provide jobs
in the two countries. Besides, the peace provides the opportunity to Ethiopian private sector in the hotel
industry to benefit from the tourism sector of Eritrea by opening hotels on the shores of the Red Sea.
Furthermore, since Ethiopia and Eritrea share historical ties; pilgrims and visitors travel to religious and
cultural festivity in each other’s countries and increase the dividend for both. The peace deal further
stimulates the tourist industry as tourists coming from outside the HoA into the region can also target the
others considering the interconnectivity of the countries through transport. Regional Integration and its
Dividend The Ethio-Eritrean peace deal has brought the prospect of integration of the HoA economies in
the form of economic zones, blocs or common market which reduces trade and investment restrictions,
expands the market and attracts FDI. FDI has currently been increasing in the mining and the telecom
industry in Eritrea after the peace deal. Accordingly, with the formation of common economic bloc, well-
developed ports and interconnected infrastructure, FDI can also be diffused to all corners of the Horn.
The FDI lessens the foreign exchange shortage in the two countries and creates jobs. Besides of FDI,
almost all of the countries have a large diaspora and remittances make up a large part of the GDP in the
service sector for Eritrea and Ethiopia. Thus, the peace deals create an opportunity for the diaspora to
invest in their home countries and in the integration unit; which indeed requires efforts of their
ambassadors across the world.

8. Conclusion
An effort to accelerate and sustain the peace process in the two countries requires a great deal of political
will from both political actors themselves and conflict mediators. Unfolding political dynamics in the two
countries offer opportunities to strengthen regional cooperation on peace and security. Global and
regional partners like the UN, AU, IGAD and donor partners need to seize these emerging and unfolding
peace trends in the two country to consolidate not only peace but also strengthen democratic practices and
institutionalize peacebuilding. Based on past experience in order to accelerate and sustain the peace
process there exist opportunities to accelerate and sustain the peace process in the two countries. These
include: The need to deal not only with the causes of conflict in the two countries but also engage latent
harbingers and threats of violence that usually find expression through inequality and feelings of
marginalization. If not addressed, these vices present ethnic and political entrepreneurs with opportunities
to mobilize along ethnic and tribal lines which often lead to complex webs of violence and conflict. There
is a need to broaden the peace process in two countries by involving not only political parties but also
CSOs, community organizations, churches, smaller opposition parties, women and youth organizations.
Issues that need to be tackled include democratic participation, the conduct of elections, and respect for
human rights, human security and poverty reduction. As previously noted, some of these may actually be

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latent causes of conflict. There is a need for the international community, UN, AU and IGAD to help
mobilize resources needed for the demobilization and integration process in two countries.

9. References
 INTERVIEW - 27 March 2019 Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer Director of the Institute for
Strategic Research (IRSEM)

 A poster of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia, left, and President Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea
is displayed during a festival in Asmara, Eritrea, Sept. 7, 2018. (Malin Fezehai/The New York
Times) :

 An Ethiopian tank near Zalambessa during the war with Eritrea; June 2000; *-+Petterik Wiggers
Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series [Oxford]. January 2001.

 "Eritrea: Ethiopia Peace Deal Signed." IRIN. 13 December 2001. "Eritrea-Ethiopia: Peace
Agreement Signed." [Accessed: 14 Feb. 2001].Panafrican News Agency (PANA). 13 February
2001. [Accessed: 14 February 2001

 An Ethiopian tank near Zalambessa during the war with Eritrea; June 2000; Petterik Wiggers

 Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series [Oxford]. January 2001. "Eritrea:
Ethiopia Peace Deal Signed."
 en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Algiers_Agreement_(2000)
 IRIN. 13 December 2001. "Eritrea-Ethiopia: Peace Agreement Signed." [Accessed: 14 Feb.
2001].

 Panafrican News Agency (PANA). 13 February 2001. [Accessed: 14 February 2001

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Contents
1. Introduction.....................................................................................................................................1
2) THE MAIN ROOT CAUSES OF ETHIOPIA –ERITREA WAR 1998-2000………………………2
2.1) POLITICAL CAUSE………………………………………………………………………………2
A) Relationship Between the EPRDF and EPLF Since 1991……………………………….2
B) Internal politicalL..............................................................................................................2
2.2. ECONOMIC CAUSES.......................................................................................................2
2.3. SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL MAKE UP.........................................................................3
2.4. BORDER ISSUE................................................................................................................3
3. What Were The Effects Of Ethiopian-Eritrean War?...........................................................3
4. The Ethiopia-Eritrea the ongoing peace building process.........................................................4
5. The Ethiopian-Eritrean the peace building process successes...............................................6
6. The Ethiopian-Eritrean the ongoing peace building process challenges...............................6
7. Prospects of the ongoing Peace building process between Ethiopia and Eritreaa................7
9. Conclusion............................................................................................................................8
9. Referense...............................................................................................................................9

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11 The ongoing Ethio-Eritrea peace building process: successes, challenges and prospects