Whiteford, Michael. Social Urbanization in The Cauca Valley

Social Urbanization in the Cauca Valley, Colombia
Author(s): Michael B. Whiteford

Source: Urban Anthropology, Vol. 8, No. 3/4, SOCIAL URBANIZATION IN LATIN AMERICA
(WINTER 1979), pp. 351-363
Published by: The Institute, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40552888
Accessed: 13-02-2017 23:55 UTC
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Social Urbanization in the
Cauca Valley, Colombia1

Michael B. Whiteford
Department of Sociology and Anthropology
Iowa State University
ABSTRACT: This paper treats aspects of the urbanization of the countryside

occurring in southern Colombia. It focuses on those urban-emanating forces that
provide rural people with a perspective of "city" life. The impact of such things as
the construction (or improvement) of roads, the role of the media, return visits by
ex-villagers, and the urban visiting of country people will be discussed in terms of
social urbanization. This presentation renews the call for eschewing bipolar
models for studying migration/urbanization in favor of a broader and more
holistic perspective. Furthermore, this article suggests that urbanization is another
manifestation of a type of dependency relationship.
Introduction
In recent years many of the commonly employed models used in studying

population movement have been carefully reevaluated (cf. Guillet and Uzzell
1976). Discussions of rural-urban migration too often imply a scenario of a
peasant climbing on a bus (or truck) at Point A and debarking some hours later
at his final destination in the city, Point B. Whether by accident, through method-
ological constraints, or from theoretical shortsightedness, the process too often
is seen as one-way and bipolar (Uzzell 1976). In fact, as anthropologists (cf.
Kemper 1970; Butterworth 1971; Graves and Graves 1974) and others (cf.
Gilbert 1974; Simmons and Cardona 1972) know, but have not explored in
enough detail (Margolies 1978), the urbanization process is complex and more
closely resembles a multitiered cloverleaf highway than a one-way path.
Suárez and Margolies (1979) argue that too often the microlevel studies
of migration do not address the broader and very important issues dealing with
sociohistorical developments that affect and influence rural areas (cf. S. Whiteford
1976). Thus, in order to understand why migrants are moving to the cities and
how they view their situations once they get there, some appreciation must be
351
0363-2024/79/1200-0351$03.00/l © 1979 Institute for the Study of Man, Inc.
352 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 8(3/4), 1979
obtained of what the countryside is like and how

rural situation. This paper deals with certain urba
today in parts of the Cauca Valley in southern Co
the regional capital of Popayán. Urbanization r
interlocking, urban-emanating forces and develop
people by incorporating them into the national f
ideas of what to expect from city life. It is a smo
other things, of the improvement in flow of peop
roads, the increase in rural literacy levels, and th
amenities.
From a theoretical perspective, the urbanization process may also be seen
as another manifestation of dependency relationships (cf. Frank 1972; Walton
1975). The examples conveyed to the countryside in the social urbanization
process are city-based. With very few exceptions, the urban sphere is the center
of attention, the focal point of what is contemporary, modern, and worth
emulating. In terms of urbanization and development, not only are the models
urban, but in a disproportionately large number of cases they are representative
of relatively few cities. A series of satellite relationships exist: not only does the
urban generally dominate the countryside in access to resources, or the end
product of the urbanization process (cf. Gilbert 1974; Cornelius 1975; Cardona
1976), but regional, social, and economic development occurs after the needs
and interests of the country's larger cities are met. Popayán and the Cauca
Valley are in such a satellite network. The historical origins of such relationships
are clear.
Valley of Pu ben
Almost four and a half centuries ago the Spanish conquistador Sabastián
Moyano de Belalcázar, coming up from Perú, entered the Valley of Puben,
which lies between the central and western ranges of the Colombian Andes.
Belalcázar set up his headquarters close to the headwaters of the Cauca River near
a group of Indians. This encampment would later become the city of Popayán.
Within several decades of its founding, Popayán would become one of the most
important centers in northern South America. At its largest, Popayán extended
over 670,000 square kilometers, more than half the size of present-day Colombia.
The limits of its territory extended into areas of what are today parts of Ecuador,
Perú, Panamá, and Venezuela (Castrillon 1970:6; A. Whiteford 1977:47). But
this was not to last. By the advent of the 20th century, Popayán had lost 95%
of its land and 88% of its population. Gone were the lush lowlands of the Cauca
Valley, the important coffee regions of Caldas and Antioquia, and the mines of
Whiteford SOCIAL URBANIZATION IN COLOMBIA 353
Nariño and Chocó. Divested of its former territory

the country by the imposing cordilleras, Popayán b
square kilometers (Castrillon 1970:15).
Popayán
In terms of regional and national development plans of the country,

Popayán has become a relatively neglected outpost. The concentration of
capital investment and new industry is in Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali (cf. Dent
1978; Gilber 1976, 1978; DNP 1969), undoubtedly, in many instances, at the
expense of Popayán.
Until the past decade there was very little industry in Popayán. In part
this lack was intentional, as some of the city's powerful families, who wanted to
sustain the traditional and colonial image of Popayán, actually aided the establish-
ment of factories in nearby Cali. As shown below, transportation difficulties
also discouraged industrial growth; in addition, until the early 1970s the city
lacked sufficient electrical power to support industrial development. Prior to
1960 the major industry in Popayán was a beer brewery, since departed for
Pasto. In its building today is a hemp sack-making factory, the city's largest
single commercial employer. In the early 1970s several small factories were
established. These include one that makes metal office furniture and a company
that produces rubber conveyor and pulley belts. In 1973 a Cali-based company
established a small plant that assembles children's books for Random House and
prints Hallmark greeting cards, both products destined for markets outside
Colombia.
Although the past three Colombian presidents have tried to disperse
industry to intermediate-sized cities, Colombia's four largest cities (with Bogotá
leading the group) still show a disproportionately large amount of new industrial
growth (Gilbert 1976:249). As Gilbert (1976) indicates, companies still prefer
to establish in Bogotá for a variety of reasons, not the least of which is that the
major governmental offices are there and the infrastructure simply works better.
Like the country as a whole (cf. Camacho de Pinto 1970; Cardona 1969,
1970), Popayán is experiencing rapid population growth. Much of this increase
is directly attributable to emigration from the countryside. According to the
most recent Colombian census (1973), Popayán had a population of 77, 669
(DANE 1974), a growth of 144% over the two previous decades. As is so com-
mon in many Third World cities, one need only walk around the perimeter of
the city to see the direct evidence of migration in the form of new privately
constructed and government-built houses. Migrants to Popayán come to the city
for a variety of reasons, most of which have some economic genesis. They adjust
quickly and easily to Popayán. There are several r

less transition; one extremely important explanat
process. This has been going on in the countryside
at a very accelerated pace since the mid-1 930s. It
troducing campesinos (countrypeople) to what
country and particularly in the urban areas. In ord
some of the motives for moving are, as well as to
adaptation, I carried out investigations in two mi
independently built development (cf. M. Whitefo
constructed by the Colombian government's hous
1976b, 1976c).2 This paper is not directly concern
ment, nor with the ex post facto evaluations of th
the migration process as one manifestation or out
urbanization process.
The Urbanization Process of Southern Colombia
Because of the mountainous terrain, the d ¡stance from Bogotá, the marginal
integration into the sector of the economy concerned with coffee or tobacco
exportation, and the decline of its position on the national scene, southern
Colombia began urbanization somewhat later than did other parts of the country.
Effective communications with the rest of the country always have posed
problems. Until transportation improvements in this century, the mountains
made it easier to go from Popayán to Quito, Ecuador, than to Bogotá, the nation's
capital. For much of the nation's history, the Magdalena and Cauca Rivers
provided the best means of communication and transportation, and today they
still are moving commerce and people up through the central part of the country
to the Atlantic coast. Prior to the 1850s even wagon roads were uncommon,
except in the flat savanna region around Bogotá and in spots in two neigh-
boring departments (McGreevey 1971:245). But beginning a century ago, the
first railroads began moving produce to Caribbean ports. With the opening of
the Panamá Canal in 1914, Buenaventura on the Pacific coast became an im-
portant port. Yet it was not until 1926 that Popayán was connected by rail-
road to Cali, an industrial center just 150 kilometers to the north, and from
there ultimately to the port of Buenaventura.
Road construction (Pearse 1970:202) was one of the first concentrated
efforts made to incorporate the rural sectors into the national fabric of Latin
American society. As part of President Eduardo Santo's "Revolution on the
March" (1934-1938), the Liberal government began an aggressive campaign
to unify the country through a system of interconnecting roads. Similarly, the
succeeding Alfonso López administration worked toward an "effective integra-
Whiteford SOCIAL URBANIZATION IN COLOMBA 355
tion of the country" (Dix 1967:89) by extending this t

to remote rural areas. Highway connections between P
south, were not even established until the 1930s - and
only because of an impending war with Peru. A hard-surface road between
Popayán and Cali was not built until 1962.
Although the country is committed to building new roads and improving
existing ones, inhabitants of many of the rural communities still are quite
isolated from the regional capital, and the periodic trips to Popayán (or else-
where, for that matter) necessitate bus rides of from 2 to 10 hours. As illustrated,
transportation difficulties and effective communications presented a major
obstacle in preventing real integration of the land-based peasantry around Po-
payán into the national system until relatively recently. The results of improved
roads and the accompanying ease of communications are seen in at least two
ways. Not only is it easier for migrants to get to urban places like Popayán or
Cali, but it is also easier for country people to go participate in the weekly
markets, transact other business in the city, or simply visit friends and relatives
who already have made the move. For many, traveling outside of the confines of
their rural communities is now viewed as relatively easy, compared to travel
just a decade ago. The flow of goods, people, and ideas from the urban areas to
the countryside has increased by quantum proportions. Many small communities
now have regular bus service.3 Previously isolated settlements now are within
reach by commercial vehicles, or at the very least accessible by beer or soft
drink trucks, which carry some passengers and occasionally other produce. In
the sense of reducing isolationism, the massive push to unite the country through
road construction has had a dramatic effect.
Thanks in large measure to the relatively abundant and inexpensive means
of transportation, most of the migrants interviewed in Popayán had been to the
city before moving, the majority coming to participate in the city's markets or
simply to visit friends. In the city it is not unusual to find migrants hosting
visitors who have come to town to see what things are like, and particularly to
investigate the possibilities for finding jobs and inexpensive housing. They stay
with their ex-paisanos (people from the same rural community), who are ex-
pected to provide shelter, often food, and sometimes employment leads. Rarely
do the hosts complain. If past experiences mean anything, well over half of
these people will get help should they choose to make the move themselves.
Over three-quarters of the migrants interviewed had relatives and/or friends
still living in their places of birth. Practically all of these migrants living in Po-
payán made periodic returns to the countryside, another important factor in the
social urbanization process. These visits ranged from less than once a year to
every week, and provided those countrypeople who might consider going with
an abundance of information about what the city was like. The time spent on
these return trips ranged from a day or two to, in some instances, several months.
In terms of spatial mobility and ease of communications, it should be

pointed out that most of the migrants in Popayán came from distances of less
than 150 miles away. I knew people who either commuted to Popayán daily
(by bus, bicycle, or foot) or came to Popayán early every Monday morning
and stayed in the city until midday Saturday, when they went back to their
homes in the countryside. In fewer instances just the reverse occurred, with
people going to work on farms during the day but returning to their urban
residence at night.
Some migrants come to Popayán with specific occupational skills (or
perhaps acquire them in the city) and then take these back to the country-
side. For example, Adolfo González,4 who is 54 years old, spent a year living
in Popayán while his wife was being treated for a medical problem. He was
born near the small town of San Lorenzo in southern Cauca. He lived there until
he was 36 years old, when he and his family moved to a farm outside of Morales,
Cauca. Over the years Adolfo has worked as a tailor, a professional musician, a
construction supervisor, and an elementary-school teacher. These jobs and as-
sorted vocational training have taken him, albeit on a temporary basis, to live in
several urban areas. He continually returns to the rural setting, always a bit
more knowledgeable about what is going on in Colombia's cities and more aware
of what is happening on the international scene.
Before Jorge Cruz first moved to Popayán, the only job experience he had
was working on his father's small farm in Caldas and some construction ex-
perience he acquired as a teen-ager in Nariño. Several years after arriving in
Popayán he completed training as a policeman, and after a time in Bogotá he
came back to Cauca, where he served in a number of rural posts. He confesses
that he dislikes working in the countryside and mentions that he often felt solely
responsible for conferring on the residents of some of these communities the
trappings of urban/urbane life. From Jorge's own perspective he was a cultural
broker, a vehicle for social urbanization. In 1974, after having left the police
force several years before and having worked more or less continually in construc-
tion for half a decade, Jorge left his family and returned to work on his father's
farm. On a visit to Popayán he expressed that he really did not like living in the
countryside after all of the years in Popayán, but that the village (Manzanares)
had a lot more "urban things" now than it did in his youth. In short, Jorge was
pleased with the obvious effects of urbanization and observed that things in his
native village were much more like Popayán than when he was young. Futher-
more, Jorge did not view his stay in Manzanares as permanent, and he expected
to spend no more than a year there before returning to Popayán.
The amount of movement between the urban and rural settings today
defies the easy and simplistic categorization so often presented in descriptions
of the migration process. Furthermore, as these two cases show, migrants con-
stantly are reassessing their options as to where they

view the whole process as fluid. Importantly, what is g
urbanization process, with the result being that distin
urban are constantly becoming less and less pronounced
An increased emphasis on rural education and the c
ing of schools in the hinterland was another thrust of
the March/' and illiteracy among the countrypeople st
obstacle in the modernization of Colombia's country
80-86). In 1918 only 35% of adults aged 14 years and ov
figure had risen to 47% by 1938, to 59% in 1964, an
(Berry 1978:35; Cardona and Simmons 1976:209). Still, o
interpreting these figures, for in many instances they
exposure to formal education; rural schools in most ar
those in towns and especially to those in the regional
few complete primary school. In many rural areas sch
hours' walk from households, attendance by both teach
and often the curricula have very little relevance to th
the peasants.
In spite of continual governmental efforts to reve
centration of even primary schools in cities makes edu
phenomenon (Wilkie and Nilsson 1977; Parra Sandov
175-202). The situation is exacerbated at the secondary school level as fully
three-quarters of the country's high schools are in departmental capitals, with a
third of all of them located in Bogotá (Adams 1969:530-531).
Nevertheless, social urbanization clearly is aided by rising literacy rates.
Through the print media, rural people are exposed to a myriad of external
stimuli, most of it urban-based. Although in the last decade or so many of the
school primers have tried to incorporate rural themes in their lessons, most of the
material the peasant reads deals with events taking place in cities. The dissemina-
tion of the country's major newspapers is amazingly thorough, and although
El Tiempo and El Espectador, for example, may arrive in some of the little
towns several days or even weeks late, they do get there, they are read, and the
events described within them are discussed and debated. Other forms of the
print media also can be found, even in the most remote regions of Cauca and
Nariño. Foto-novelas, stories told through the use of photographs with bubble
captions, laid out in comic-book format, require very elementary levels of reading
comprehension and are used to present a wide variety of themes, ranging from
romances to lessons on how to apply chemical fertilizers and insecticides.
Migration studies (e.g., Butterworth 1971:92-96; Simmons and Cardona
1972:218) continually emphasize that migrants seem to be drawn from among
the best educated of the rural population. My work in Popayán seems to cor-
robórate these findings. Not only do these migrants

literate segments of the rural population, but they
educated than their urban-born (Payanes) neighbors
increased literacy as an important factor and force
Furthermore, it is relatively common for families
primary objective being to educate their offspring.
Everett Rogers (1969) is one of the few individu
curately measure the impact of radio communicatio
anyone familiar with the rural setting can attest to
The proliferation of relatively inexpensive transisto
every peasant in Cauca within earshot of current, n
news, plus soap operas. Cardona and Simons report t
habitant listens to 1 hour of radio programming pe
size that "radio reaches equally well all social classes a
(1976:218). As an apparatus for diversion as well as f
a highly effective means for social urbanization. Lik
the major component of radio broadcasting has an
Nevertheless, rural devotees take their listening seri
who has been insensitive enough to try to conduct an
opera "Simplemente Maria" will attest. Although tel
in some of the small towns and hamlets where rece
always a set or two to be found. Families and neighb
Spanish-dubbed versions of such things as the "Bion
tionally produced game shows.
While the effects of tourism in the Cauca Valley
quite benign compared to the situation in parts of r
some of the small hamlets around Popayán are expe
scale, the presence of temporary visitors. Most of t
mestizo communities that have practically no tradition of making ceramic,
wooden, or metal implements for trade or exchange and thus really are not
comparable to communities of Salasaca or Otavalo in Ecuador. To encourage
local craft industries and thereby generate tourism, the Colombian government's
Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje (SENA) built a large facility just outside Popa-
yán, one purpose being to teach rural residents how to weave, carve, or mold
pottery items for sale as tourist attractions. As programs like this expand, it is
the Colombian Institute of Tourism's hope that regions of rural Cauca will reap
the financial benefits of bringing urban dwellers into their communities, as well
as being able to sell their produce in markets in cities throughout the nation.
Even the relatively few tourists who have visited some of the small communities
have had their effect as part of the social urbanization process. Several migrants
now living in Popayán mentioned that these people (and they included Peace
Corps volunteers among them) were important and influential sources of in-
formation about what went on outside of their communities.
Unlike the situation in the United States, small hamlets arou

the early 1970s were not serving as suburbia and were not attra
oriented, middle-class, white-collar families. For these peopl
countryside and commuting into Popayán is something done on
summer while the family is vacationing on one of its farms, an
culturally appropriate on a continuing basis. In 1970, one of the
ing Payanes family, who had a graduate degree in animal husban
more than casually interested in improving the family's cattle
nounced that he was going to give up his urban occupation and
with his family to their farm on a permanent basis. This was reg
of his class as really quite bizarre and silly. Family and friends
negatively to this idea, and by 1974 he had abandoned this line
had built a house on the edge of town, clearly not in the country
Discussion
As in many other areas of the Third World, the urbanization of the country-
side of southern Colombia is occurring at a precipitous pace. Although some of
the migrants living in Popayán say they miss certain aspects of rural life, un-
questionably most prefer living in the city. They do so primarily because they
feel there are few opportunities outside of agriculture, a way of life that many
ex-countrypeople frankly and correctly perceive as offering little financial re-
muneration and prestige (cf. Berry 1978:357).
Three events seem to be occurring simultaneously, all of which are related
to the urbanization process. First,as this paper has shown, the rural area is being
infused with countless urban-based stimuli. While this itself is not necessarily
new, its intensity and effectiveness is. The projection of what the modern
Colombian should be is cast in an urban mold, which portrays, however in-
advertently, most things urban as contemporary, and the rest (read rural) as back-
ward and behind the times. Significantly, these rural people clearly believe that
their needs are addressed only after care is taken of the general welfare of the
country's urban population. The paucity of rural schools, medical facilities,
employment opportunities outside of agriculture, and even satisfaction of their
agrarian needs seem to them to be secondary to the welfare of the urban areas.
Second, and in part asa direct response to the multiple impacts of urbaniza-
tion, countrypeople are leaving their places of origin and are moving to the cities
in increasing numbers. At least in the case of Popayán (cf. M. Whiteford 1976b;
275-277), they are overwhelmingly pleased with their decisions to move, even if
their employment situations are characterized by frequent periods of unemploy-
ment or underemployment, or if they simply are forced to fend for themselves
in the small commercial or service concerns (cf. Peattie 1975).
Third, as a component of Colombia's social urban

role is relatively minor and benign. Most of the for
urbanization phenomenon do not originate in Popayán but come from the
country's largest metropolises. Popayán is merely a conveyor or transmitter and
little more - not even a real broker. The city is cast this way because of a structural
relationship of internal colonialism, specifically with Cali and Bogotá. In spite
of some recent governmental and local efforts to amend the situation, it seems
to be changing only slightly. As Popayán's situation undoubtedly can be extended
to the majority of intermediate-sized cities in the country, it appears that many
aspects of social urbanization are simply other manifestations of dependency
relationships.
NOTES
^ieldwork was conducted in southern Colombia during a 13-month period betwee

and 1971 and again for 2% months during the summer of 1974. 1 am grateful to the Na
Institute of General Medical Science for supporting me during the first period of re
and appreciate the assistance of the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological R
search, which made it possible to return in 1974. Iowa State University, through a se
of small research grants, has made various aspects of data analysis and write-up possible.
2 Comparative data on migration experiences and life-styles were gathered from two migrant
neighborhoods. In addition to the use of survey techniques, much of the information re-
ported here came from open-ended interviews and participant observation.
3 These vehicles are made from truck chassis on which are placed series of removable wooden
benches, which are enclosed with windowless sides and very sturdy roofs. Because of
their durability, appropriately they are called chivos (goats).
4 The personal names used in this paper are pseudonyms.
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Whiteford, Michael. Social Urbanization in The Cauca Valley

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Whiteford, Michael. Social Urbanization in The Cauca Valley

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Social Urbanization in the Cauca Valley, Colombia

Author(s): Michael B. Whiteford

Cauca Valley, Colombia1

ABSTRACT: This paper treats aspects of the urbanization of the countryside

In recent years many of the commonly employed models used in studying

0363-2024/79/1200-0351$03.00/l © 1979 Institute for the Study of Man, Inc.

obtained of what the countryside is like and how

Nariño and Chocó. Divested of its former territory

In terms of regional and national development plans of the country,

quickly and easily to Popayán. There are several r

The Urbanization Process of Southern Colombia

tion of the country" (Dix 1967:89) by extending this t

In terms of spatial mobility and ease of communications, it should be

stantly are reassessing their options as to where they

robórate these findings. Not only do these migrants

Unlike the situation in the United States, small hamlets arou

Third, as a component of Colombia's social urban

^ieldwork was conducted in southern Colombia during a 13-month period betwee

4 The personal names used in this paper are pseudonyms.

1970 Migración y Desarrollo Urbano. Bogotá: Asociación Colombiana de

1976 Colombia: Distribución Espacial de la Población. Bogotá: Corpora-

Cardona, R., and A. Simmons

Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística (DANE)

Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP)

1976 La Concentración Industrial y su Impacto en el Crecimiento de las

1978 Bogotá: Politics, Planning, and the Crisis of Lost Opportunities. IN

Graves, N., and T. Graves

Guillet, D., and D. Uzzell (eds.)

1971 An Economie History of Colombia, 1845-1930. New York: Cambridge

Simmons, A., and R. Cardona

Suárez, M., and L. Margolies

Weil, T., J. Black, K. Martindale, D. McNorris, F. Munson, and K. Parachini

1976b A Comparison of Migrant Satisfaction in Two Low-Income Housing

1976c Avoiding Obscuring Generalizations: Differences in Migrants and their

1978 Women, Migration and Social Change: A Colombian Case Study.

Wilkie, J., andM. Nilsson

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