MIDTERM PRIMER

SUBJECT: OUR MALAYAN HERITAGE AND HISPANIC EXPERIENCES

Term Outcomes:
 Bridge historical gaps and voids concerning the highly civilized pre-colonial malayo-austronesian
civilization in the far-east.
 Trace the roots of current Filipino racial diversity using available historical data on pre-colonial
history.
 Exhibit mastery on the early Spanish conquest and the eventual take-over of the entire
archipelago.
 Relate the rise of Filipino nationalism to the present realities of the country and the world.

TOPICS:
1. The First Voyage around the World and the Pre-hispanic Filipino Culture and Society
2. Our Early Struggles and the Rise of Filipino Nationalism
3. Influences of Spain to Philippine Culture and Society

PERFORMANCE TASK: Fil-Hispanic Blend: A Virtual Tour

Goal : To exhibit online practical research skills in application to thematic analysis of

Fil-Hispanic Cultural Experiences
Skill/s Required : Practical Research Skills, Investigation, Critical Thinking, Multimedia Skills, and Oral
Presentation.
Integral Values : Appreciation of the Arts, Creativity, and Sound Judgement

Methods:
1. In a pair to be arranged by your instructor, browse photos online of your locality (city or town)
that depict the following themes in Fil-Hispanic History:
a) Fashion and Lifestyle
b) Education
c) Architecture
d) Food and Leisure
Only select one photo for each theme.
2. Using PowerPoint or Canva, creatively make a slideshow presentation with relevant description
at the bottom of each picture. There should be one photo and theme for each slide.
3. The first slide should be allotted for the title of the entire presentation. Make your own title based
on the contents of your presentation.
4. At the end of all slides, write your personal reflection as a pair.
5. Divide your tasks based on your personal capacities. Never hesitate to do your work individually
in case that your partner will cease to cooperate along the process.
6. Save your works in .ppt format. Submit by turning in your file in Google Classroom. The file
should be named using this format: Member1_Member2_Title_DegreeProgram.
Example: JuanDelaCruz_MariaSantos_KabankalanTheLittleSpain_BSIT
7. Deadline shall be during the last day of Midterm Examination.
MODULE 4
MEANING AND RELEVANCE OF HISTORY
Lvl. 4.1 - Limasawa Rerebrace

Most Essential Learning Outcomes

At the end of this module, the learners are expected to:
 Trace the expedition of Magellan using Antonio Pigafetta’s account.
 Compare the secondary source account to a primary source concerning the Magellanic
Expedition of the Pacific.
 Explain the causes of European expedition.

Introduction:
Much of the European exploration of the Pacific was inspired by two obsessions: the search for the
fastest routes to the spice-rich islands of the Moluccas (modern-day Maluku in Indonesia) and the
theory that somewhere in the South Pacific lay a vast undiscovered southern continent, possibly also
rich in gold, spices, and other trade goods.
European exploration of the Pacific began with the Spanish and the Portuguese. By the late 1500s, the
Spanish had colonized the Philippines and had discovered several of the Caroline Islands in Micronesia, as
well as the Solomon Islands in Melanesia and the Marquesas Islands in Polynesia. Spanish ships, known as
the Manila Galleons, regularly crossed from the Americas to the Philippines but seldom encountered any
islands unless blown off course. The Portuguese, sailing around the Cape of Good Hope to reach the
Moluccas, explored the eastern islands of modern-day Indonesia in the early 1500s and also briefly
encountered the island of New Guinea to the east. In 1600, however, the vast majority of the Pacific still lay
unexplored.
All this began to change in the seventeenth and especially the eighteenth centuries, as explorers,
merchants, and privateers from Holland, France, and England began to explore and chart the unknown
expanse of the Pacific. In the early 1600s, the Dutch seized control of the Moluccas from the Portuguese. As
early as 1605, a Dutch expedition was sent to explore the north coast of Australia and several others
followed. Blown off course on their way to the spice islands, Dutch merchant vessels also encountered and
began to chart the west coast of Australia. The Dutch exploration of the Pacific culminated in the 1642–43
voyage of Abel Tasman, who sailed south of the Australian continent and encountered Tasmania and New
Zealand. He later visited islands in Tonga, Fiji, and the Bismarck Archipelago. At the close of the century,
British navigator William Dampier in 1699–1700 explored portions of Australia, island Southeast Asia, and
the Bismarck Archipelago.
Although other nations also participated, it was the British and the French who dominated Pacific
exploration in the eighteenth century. Beginning in the mid-1700s, the rival nations began to send out
scientific expeditions to explore and chart the islands of the Pacific. French expeditions in this period include
those of Louis Antoine de Bougainville (1766–69), Jean François de la Pérouse (1785–88), Étienne
Marchand (1790–92), and Antoine Raymond-Joseph de Bruni d’Entrecasteaux (1791–93). British explorers
include Samuel Wallis (1767–68) and Philip Carteret (1767–68). But by far the most wide-ranging and
accomplished of the eighteenth-century explorers was the Englishman James Cook, who made three
separate voyages to the Pacific in 1768–71, 1772–75, and 1776–80. During his voyages, Cook not only
encountered many Pacific cultures for the first time, but also assembled the first large-scale collections of
Pacific objects to be brought back to Europe. Due to the efforts of these and many other explorers, by 1800
the myth of a vast southern continent had been dispelled and virtually the entire Pacific basin had been
charted and its diverse cultures brought to the attention of the West.
Last term, we have learned the difference between primary and secondary source. As the country
will celebrate the 500th year of Christianity in the Philippines, let us relive history by reading the following
accounts concerning the Magellanic expedition of the oriental seas. First will be the primary source
account of Antonio Pigafetta to be followed by an annotation, a secondary source.

LESSON INPUTS

I. Magellan’s Expedition written by Antonio Pigafetta: A Primary Source

On Monday morning, August 10, St. Lawrence' s Day, in the year 1519 the fleet, having been
supplied with all the things necessary to the sea, (and counting those of every nationality, we were two
hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia (Sevilla). From Siviglia to this
point (i.e., San Lucar), it is 17 or 20 leguas by river. Some days after, the captain-general, with his other
captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a
considerable number of days in order to finish providing the fleet with some things that it needed. Every
day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Barameda (our Lady of
Barrameda), near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess,
and would not allow any woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations.
We left that village, by name San Lucar, on Tuesday, September XX of the same year, and took
a southwest course. On the 26th of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called
Teneriphe, in order to get flesh, water, and food.
At dawn on Saturday, March 16, 1521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred
leguas from the islands of Latroni, an island named Zamal (Samar). The following day the
Captain-General desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the
above mentioned island in order to be more secure and get water and have some rest, He had two tents
set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw
a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one should
move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went
immediately to the captain-general giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately
adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing, and so they
all came. The captain-general seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before
them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine, and other things. When they saw
the captain' s courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which they call “uraca” figs and others
which were smaller and more delicate, and two coconuts. They had nothing else then, but made us
signs with their hands that they would bring umay or rice, and coconuts and many other articles of food
within four days.
At noon on April seven, we entered the port of Zubu passing many villages, where we saw many
houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling their
banners. The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle and all the artillery was fired, and action
which caused great fear to those people. The captain-general sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to
the king of Zubo and an interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people
together with the King, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told them that
that was our custom when entering into such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and that we had
discharged all our mortars to honor the king of the village. The king and all of his men were reassured
and the king had us asked by his governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied that his master a
captain of the greatest king and prince of the world and that he was going to discover Malucho, but that
he had come solely to visit the king because of the good report which he had heard from the king of
Masaua, and to buy food with his merchandise. The king told him that he was welcome (literally: he had
come at a good time); but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their port to pay tribute and
that it was but four days since a junk from Ciama (i.e. Siam) laden with gold and slaves had paid him
tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter, a merchant from Ciama which
had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his master was the
captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute to any signior in the world, and that if the king wished
peace, he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, the moro merchant said to the king,
“Cata Ria Chita” which means, “Look well, Sir!” - these men are the same who have conquered Calicut,
Malaca, and all India minor. If they are treated well, they give good treatment, but if they are treated evil,
evil and worse-treatment as they have done to Calicut and Malaca. The interpreter understood it all and
told the king that his master's king was more powerful in men and ships than the king of Portugal, that
he was king of Spain and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the king did not care to be his friend
he would next time send us many man that would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king
who said there upon that he would deliberate with his men, and would answer the captain on the
following day.
There are many villages in that island. Their names and those of their chiefs are as follows:
Cinghapala (Singhapala), and its chiefs, Cilatan (Silatan), Ciguibucan (Sigibukan), Cimaningha
(Simangingha), Cimatichat (Simatikat), and Cidantabul (Sikantabul); The other one was Mandaui (Mandawe),
and its chief, Apanoaan (Apano-an); The other one was Lalan, and its chief, Theteu (Ti-teyo); The other one
was Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan; one Cilumai (Silumay); and one, Lubucun (Lobokon). All those villagers
rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called
Matam (Mactan), which formed the part where we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan and its
chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu (Silapu-lapu). That city which was burned was in that island and was called
Balaia (Balaya).

II. Magellan’s Expedition of the Far-Eastern Seas: A Secondary Source

On 20 September 1519, Ferdinand Magellan departed Spain with a fleet of five ships and a crew of less
than 240 men, intending to reach the Orient by sailing westward around or through South America and
across the largely uncharted expanse of the Pacific Ocean. Nearly three years later, on 6 September 1522,
his successor, Juan Sebastian de Elcano, would return to Spain with a single ship, the Victoria, and the
remnants of the expedition: eighteen Europeans and three East Indians. This first circumnavigation of the
globe epitomized the contention be-tween Portugal (Magellan’s homeland, which spurned his plan) and
Spain (which accepted) for dominion of the East Indies, and the difficulty of determining where lands such as
the Moluccas lay in relation to the ideal Line of Demarcation established by the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494.
The voyage also seized the imagination of European writers, prompting Francisco Lopez de Gomara, for one
to proclaim: ‘‘Great was the navigation of Solomon’s fleet, but greater was that of these ships of the emperor
and king, Don Carlos. Jason’s ship, the Argo, which [the ancients] set among the stars, sailed very little in
comparison with the ship Victoria.... The wanderings, dangers, and travails of Ulysses were nothing in
respect to those of Juan Sebastian’’ (Historia general de las Indias[1552]).
Among the best known accounts of the Magellan-Elcano circumnavigation is that written ca. 1523–24 by
Antonio Pigafetta, one of the eighteen Europeans aboard the Victoria at its return. As the subtitle added to
the present edition suggests, Pigafetta attributes not only the idea but the achievement of a voyage around
the world to Magellan alone, never once mentioning Elcano by name. This is but one among several curious
lacunae in Pigafetta’s work. Another is the function that Pigafetta himself performed as part of the expedition.
For although he makes clear his desire to see the world and profit from the experience — ‘‘having obtained
much information from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons, who discussed the great
and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea...I determined...to experience myself and to see those things that
might satisfy me somewhat, and that might grant me some renown with posterity’’ —he never explains his
duties or his value to the success of the mission. Nevertheless, the style and focus of his report, together
with his machinations to use it to advance his social status and fortune, invite the conclusion that his interest
was commercial. Pigafetta’s writing is factual but not descriptive, consisting of actions, historical actors,
place names, objects (especially commercial goods), word lists, folklore, illustrations depicting the shape and
position of islands, and flora and fauna (again of commercial value), rather than of impressions, landscapes,
or dramatic episodes. Commentary is minimal, serving primarily to explain political alliances, the elaboration
of foods, clothing, and merchandise out of raw materials, and the performance of ceremonial acts such as
how to bestow gifts and eat and drink properly. This is a work clearly intended to provide European traders
with practical information for their future dealings in the East Indies.
This matter-of-fact focus and the resulting dryness of Pigafetta’s narration often make for less than
pleasurable reading, especially in the very literal translation of James A. Robinson, first published in 1906
and used in this edition. Although, by translating clause-by-clause and at times word-by-word, Robinson
gives an ‘‘accurate portrayal of Pigafetta’s prose style’’, his effort to follow Italian syntax is not only jarring to
English ears but also confusing because of the lack of gendered pronouns to make clear the antecedent in
our language. An amusing example is: ‘‘the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar
of gold and a basketful of ginger; however, the latter thanked the king heartily but would not accept’’.
Grammatical lapses, the obscurity of terms such as debouched, tromb, and quire, and phrases such as ‘‘two
windows opened with two brocade curtains, through which light entered the hall’’ will also leave most readers
to wish for a more modern, or at least more polished, translation.
Although not acknowledged by the editor or publisher, the present edition is a minimally revised reissue
of a work released under the same title in 1995 (New York: Marsilio Publishers). It is therefore surprising and
regrettable to find such a great number of editorial problems: errata; incorrect accents and misspellings in
non-English words and names; inconsistencies in the names of places and historical figures (e.g., Juan
Sebastian de Elcano is at times called ‘‘del Cano’’); and no notes for non-English terms such as capitulacion
and cedula, or for unfamiliar measures such as the cubit, span, and league. These problems are particularly
acute in the bibliography, where even the entries for Pigafetta and Cachey contain errata, and in the notes to
the text, which often remit to one another incorrectly because of their renumbering from the original to the
present edition

THE FILIPINO PEOPLE BEFORE THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS

Position of Tribes – on the Spaniards, the population of the Philippines seems to have been distributed
by tribes in much the same manner as at present. Then, as now, the Bisayas occupied the central islands of
the archipelago and some of the northern coast of Mindanao. The Bikols, Tagalogs, and Pampangos were in
the same parts of Luzon as we find them today. The Ilokanos occupied the coastal plain facing the China
Sea, but since the arrival of the Spaniards they have expanded considerably and their settlement are now
numerous in Pangasinan, Nueva Vizcaya, and the valley of the Cagayan.
The Number of People – These tribes which today number nearly 7,000,000 souls, at the time of
Magellan’s discovery aggregated not more than 500,000. An early enumeration of the population made by
the Spaniards in 1591, which included practically all of these tribes, gave a population of less than 700,000.

There are other facts too that show us how sparse the population must have been. The Spanish
expeditions found many coasts and islands in the Bisayan group without inhabitants. Occasionally a sail or a
canoe would be seen, and then these would disappear in some small “estero” or mangrove swamp and the
land seem as unpopulated as before. At certain points, like Limasaua, Butuan, and Bohol, the natives were
more numerous, and Cebu was a large and thriving community; but the Spaniards had nearly everywhere to
search for settled places and cultivated lands.
The sparseness of population is also well indicated by the great scarcity of food. The Spaniards had
much difficulty in securing sufficient provisions. A small amount of rice, a pig and a few chickens, were
obtainable here and there, but the Filipinos had no large supplies. After the settlement of Manila was made, a
large part of the food of the city was drawn from China. They very ease with which the Spaniards marched
where they willed and reduced the Filipinos to obedience shows that the latter were weak in numbers.
Laguna de Bay and the Camarines were among the most populous portions of the archipelago. All of these
and others show that the Filipinos were but a small fraction of their present number.
On the other hand, the Negritos seem to have been more numerous, or at least more in evidence. They
were immediately noticed on the island of Negros, where at the present they are few and confined to the
interior; and in the vicinity of Manila and in Batangas, where they are no longer found, they were mingling
with the Tagalog population.

Conditions of Culture
The culture of the various tribes, which is now quite the same throughout the archipelago, presented
some differences. In the southern Bisayas, where the Spaniards first entered the archipelago, there seem to
have been two kinds of natives: the hill dwellers, who lived in the interior of the islands in small numbers, who
wore garments of tree bark and who sometimes built their houses in the trees; and the sea dwellers, who
were very much like the present day Moro tribes south of Mindanao, who are known as the Samal, and who
built their villages over the sea or on the shore and lived much in boats. These were probably later arrivals
than the forest people. From both of these elements the Bisaya Filipinos are descended, but while the coast
people have been entirely absorbed, some of the hill-folk are still pagan and uncivilized, and must be very
much as they were when the Spaniards first came.
The highest grade of culture was in the settlements where there was regular trade with Borneo, Siam,
and China, and especially about Manila, where many Mohamedan Malays had colonized.

Early Filipino Writings – The Filipinos used this writing for setting down their poems and songs, which were
their only literature. None of this, however, has come down to us, and the Filipinos soon adopted the Spanish
alphabet, forming the syllables necessary to write their language from these letters. As all these have
phonetic values, it is still very easy for a Filipino to learn to pronounce and so read his own tongue. These old
characters lingered for a couple of centuries, in certain places. Padre Totanes tell us that it was rare in 1705
to find a person who could use them; but the Tagbanwas, a pagan people on the island of Palawan, use a
similar syllabary to this day. Besides poems, they had songs which they sang as they rowed their canoes, as
they pounded the rice from its husk, and as they gathered for feast or entertainment; and especially there
were songs for the dead. In these songs, says Chirino, they recounted the deeds of their ancestors or their
deities.

Chinese in the Philippines

Early Trade – Very different from the Hindu was the early influence of the Chinese. There is no
evidence that, previous to the Spanish conquest, the Chinese settled or colonized in these islands at all; and
yet three hundred years before the arrival of Magellan their trading-fleets were coming here regularly and
several of the islands were well known to them. One evidence of this prehistoric trade is in the ancient
Chinese jars and pottery which have been exhumed in the vicinity of Manila, but the Chinese writings
themselves furnish us even better proof. About the beginning of the thirteenth century, though not earlier
than 1205, a Chinese author named Chao Ju-kua wrote a work upon the maritime commerce of the Chinese
people. One chapter of his work is devoted to the Philippines, which he calls the country of Mayi. According
to this record it is indicated that the Chinese were familiar with the islands of the archipelago seven hundred
years ago.
Chinese Description of the People – “The country of Mayi,” says this interesting classic, “is situated to
the north of Poni (Burney, r Borneo). About a thousand families inhabit the banks of a very winding stream.
The natives clothe themselves in sheets of cloth resembling bed sheets, or cover their bodies with sarongs.
(The sarong is the gay colored, typical garment of the Malay.) Scattered through the extensive forests are
copper Buddha images, but no one knows how they got there. “When the merchant (Chinese) ships arrive at
this port they anchor in front of an open place… which serves as a market, where they trade in the produce
of the country. When a ship enters this port, the captain makes presents of white umbrellas (to the
mandarins). The merchants are obliged to pay this tribute in order to obtain the good will of these lords.” The
products of the country are stated to be yellow wax, cotton, pearls, shells, betel nuts, and yuta cloth, which
was perhaps one of the several cloths still woven of abaca, or pina. The articles imported by the Chinese
were “porcelain, trade gold, objects of lead, glass beads of all colors, iron cooking-pans, and iron needles.”

The Negritos – Very curious is the accurate mention in this Chinese writing, of the Negritos, the first of
all accounts to be made of the little blacks. “In the interior of the valleys lives a race called Hai-tan (Aeta).
They are of low stature, have reound eyes of a yellow color, curly hair, and their teeth are easily seen
between their lips. (That is, probably, not darkened by betel-chewing or artificial stains.) They build their
nests in the treetops and in each nest lives a family, which only consists of from three to five persons. They
travel about in the densest thicket of the forests, and, without being seen themselves, shoot their arrows at
the passers-by; for this reason they are much feared. If the trader (Chinese) throws them a small porcelain
bowl, they will stoop down to catch it and then run away with it, shouting joyfully.”

Increase in Chinese Trade – These junks also visited the more central islands, but here traffic was
conducted on the ships, the Chinese on arrival announcing themselves by beating gongs and the Filipinos
coming out to them in their light boats. Among other things here offered by the natives for trade are
mentioned “strange cloth,” perhaps sinamay or jusi, and fine mats.
This Chinese trade continued probably quite steadily until the arrival of the Spaniards. Then it received an
enormous increase through the demand for Chinese food products and wares made by the Spaniards, and
because of the value of the Mexican silver which the Spaniards offered in exchange.

Trade with the Moro of the South

The spread Mohammedanism and especially the foundation of the colony of Borneo brought the
Philippines into important commercial relations with the Malays of the south. Previous to the arrival of the
Spaniards these relations seem to have been friendly and peaceful. The Mohammedan Malays sent their
praus northward for purposes of trade, and they were also settling in the north Philippines as they had in
Mindanao.
When Legazpi’s fleet, soon after its arrival, lay near the island of Bohol, Captain Martin de Goiti had a
hard fight with a Moro vessel which was cruising for trade, and took six prisoners. One of them, whom they
call the “Pilot,” was closely interrogated by the commander and some interesting information obtained, which
is recorded by Padre San Augustin. Legaspi had a Malay slave interpreter with him and San Augustin says
that Padre Urdaneta “knew well the Malayan language.” The pilot said that “those of Borneo brought for trade
with the Filipinos, copper and tin, which was brought to Borneo from China, porcelain, dishes, and bells
made in their fashion, very different from those that the Christians use, and benzoin, and colored blankets
from India, and cooking pans made in China, and that they also brought iron lances very well tempered, and
knives and other articles of barter, and that in exchange for them they took away from the islands gold,
slaves, wax, and a kind of small seashell which they call ‘sijueyes’ and which passes for money in the
kingdom of Siam and other places; and also they carry off some white cloths, of which there is a great
quantity in the islands.”
Butuan, on the north coast of Mindanao, seems to have been white a trading-place resorted to by
vessels from all quarters. This region, like many other parts of the Philippines, has produces from time
immemorial small quantities of gold, and all the early voyagers speak of the gold earrings and ornaments of
the natives. Butuan also produced sugarcane and was a trading-port for slaves. This unfortunate traffic in
human life seems to have been not unusual, and was doubtless stimulated by the commerse with Borneo.
Junks from Siam trading with Cebu were also encountered by the Spaniards.
Result of this Intercourse and Commerce
This intercourse and traffic had acquainted the Filipinos with many of the accessories of civilized life
long before the arrival of the Spaniards. Their chiefs and datos dresses in silks, and maintained some
splendor of surroundings; nearly the whole population of the tribes of the coast wrote and communicated by
means of a syllabary; vessels from Luzon traded as far south as Mindanao and Borneo, although the
products of Asia proper came through the fleets of foreigners; and perhaps what indicates more clearly than
anything else the advance the Filipinos were making through their communication with outside people is their
use of firearms. Of this point there is no question. Everywhere in the vicinity of Manila, on Lubang, in
Pampanga, at Cainta and Laguna de Bay, the Spaniards encountered forts mounting small cannon, or
“lantakas” The Filipinos seem to have understood, moreover, the arts of casting cannon and of making
powder. The first gun-factory established by the Spaniards was in charge of a Filipino from Pampanga.

Early Political and Social Life

The Barangay – The weakest side of the culture of the early Filipinos was their political and social
organization, and they were weak here in precisely the same way that the now uncivilized peoples of
northern Luzon are still weak. Their state did not embrace the whole tribe or nation; in included simply the
community. Outside of the settlers in one immediate vicinity, all others were enemies or at most foreigners.
There were in the Philippines no large states, nor even great rajas and sultans such as were found in the
Malay Archipelago, but instead on every island were a multitude of small communities, each independent of
the other and frequently waging war.
The unit of their political order was a little cluster of houses of from thirty to one hundred families, called
a “barangay,” which still exists in the Philippines as the “barrio.” At the head of each barangay was a chief
known as the “dato,” a word no longer used in the northern Philippines, though it persists among the Moros
of Mindanao. The powers of these datos within their small areas appear to have been great, and they were
treated with utmost respect by the people.
The barangays were grouped together in tiny federations including about as much territory as the
present towns, whose affairs were conducted by the chiefs or datos, although sometimes they seem to have
all been in obedience to single chief, known in some places as the “hari,” at other times by the Hindu word
“raja,” or the Mohammedan term “sultan.” Sometimes the power of one of these rajas seems to have
extended over the whole of a small island, but usually their “kingdoms” embraced only a few miles.

Changes Made by the Spaniards – The Spaniards, in enforcing their authority through the islands,
took away the real power from the datos, grouping the barangays into town, or “pueblos,” and making the
datos, headmen, caciques or principales. Something of the old distinction between the dato, or “principal,”
and the common man may be still represented in the “gente ilustrada,” or the more wealthy, eaducated, and
influential class found in each town, and the “gente baja,” or the poor and uneducated.
Classes of Filipinos under the Datos – Beneath the datos, according to Chirino and Morga, there three
classes of Filipinos. First were the free “maharlika,” who paid no tribute to the dato, but who accompanied
him to war, rowed his boat when he went on a journey, and attended him in his house. This class is called by
Morga “timauas.”
Then there was a very large class, who appear to have been freedmen or liberated slaves, who had acquired
their own homes and lived with their families, but who owed to dato or maharlika heavy debts of service; to
sow and harvest in his rice fields, to tend his fish-traps, to row his canoe, to build his house, to attend him
when he had guests, and to perform any other duties that the chief might command,” and their condition of
bondage descended to their children.
Beneath these existed a class of slaves. These were the “siguiguiliris,” and they were numerous. Their
slavery arose in several ways. Some were those who as children had been captured in war and their lives
spared. Some became slaves by selling their freedom in times of hunger. But most of them became slaves
through debt, which descended from father to son. A debt of five or six pesos was enough in some cases to
deprive a man of his freedom.
These slaves were absolutely owned by their lord, who could theoretically sell them like cattle; but, in
spite of its bad possibilities, this Filipino slavery was apparently not of a cruel or distressing nature. The
slaves frequently associated on kindly relations with their masters and were not overworked. This form of
slavery still persists in the Philippines among the Moros of Mindanao and Jolo. Children of slaves inherited
their parents’ slavery. If one parent was free and the other slave, the first, third, and fifth children were free
and the second, fourth, and sixth slaves. This whole matter of inheritance of slavery was curiously worked
out in details.

Life in the Barangay – Community feeling was very strong within the barangay. A man could not leave
his own barangay for life in another without the consent of the community and the payment of money. If a
man of one barrio married a women of another, their children were divided between the two barangays. The
barangay was responsible for the good conduct of its members, and if one of them suffered an injury from a
man outside, the whole barangay had to appeased. Disputes and wrongs between members of the same
barangay were referred to number of old men, who decided the matter in accordance with the customs of the
tribe, which were handed down by tradition.

The Religion of the Filipinos

The Filipinos on the arrival of the Spaniards were fetish-worshipers, but they had one spirit whom they
believed was the greatest of all and the creator or maker of things. The Tagalogs called this deity Bathala,
the Bisayas, Laon, and the Ilokanos, Kabunian. They also worshiped the spirits of their ancestors, which
were represented by small images called “anitos.” Fetishes, which are any objects believed to possess
miraculous power, were common among the people, and idols or images were worshiped. Pigafetta
describes some idols which he saw in Cebu, and Chirino tells us that, within the memory of Filipinos whom
he knew, they had idols of stone, wood, bone, or the tooth of a crocodile, and that there were some of gold.
They also reverenced animals and birds, especially the crocodile, the crow, and a mythical bird of blue
or yellow color, which was called by the name of their deity Bathala. They had no temples or public places of
worship, but each one had his anitos in his own house and performed his sacrifices and acts of worship there.
As sacrifices they killed pigs or chickens, and made such occasions times of feasting, song, and
drunkenness. The life of the Filipino was undoubtedly filled with superstitious fears and imaginings.

The Mohammedan Malays

The Mohammedan outside of southern Mindanao and Jolo, had settled in the vicinity of Manila Bay and
on Mindoro, Lubang, and adjacent coasts of Luzon. The spread of Mohammedanism was stopped by the
Spaniards, although it is narrated that for a long time many of those living on the shores of Manila Bay
refused to eat pork, which is forbidden by the Koran, and practiced the rite of circumcision. As late as 1583,
Bishop Salazar, in writing to the king of affairs in the Philippines, says the Moros had preached the law of
Mohammed to great numbers in these islands and by this preaching many of the Gentiles had become
Mohammedans; and further he adds, “Those who have received this foul law guard it with much persistence
and there is great difficulty in making them abandon it; and with cause too, for the reasons they give, to
our shame and confusion, are that they were better treated by the preachers of Mohammed than they have
been by the preachers of Christ.”

Material Progress of the Filipinos

The material surroundings of the Filipino before the arrival of the Spaniards were in nearly every way
quite as they are to-day. The “center of population” of each town to-day, with its great church, tribunal, stores
and houses of stone and wood, is certainly in marked contrast; but the appearance of a barrio a little distance
from the center is to-day probably much as it was then. Then, as now, the bulk of the people lived in humble
houses of bamboo and nipa raised on piles above the dampness of the soil; then, as now, the food was
largely rice and the excellent fish which abound in river and sea. There were on the water the same familiar
bancas and fish corrals, and on land the rice fields and cocoanut groves. The Filipinos had then most of the
present domesticated animals, dogs, cats, goats, chickens, and pigs, and perhaps in Luzon the
domesticated buffalo, although this animal was widely introduced into the Philippines from China after the
Spanish conquest. Horses followed the Spaniards and their numbers were increased by the bringing in of
Chinese mares, whose importation is frequently mentioned.
The Spaniards introduced also the cultivation of tobacco, coffee, and cacao, and perhaps also the native
corn of America, the maize, although Pigafetta says they found it already growing in the Bisayas.
The Filipino has been affected by these centuries of Spanish sovereignty far less on his material side
than he has on his spiritual, and it is mainly in the depending and elevating of his emotional and mental life
and not in the bettering of his material condition that advance has been made.

Pre-Spanish Filipino Values

Consolidation of Filipino regional loyalties into a cohesive national identity began upon a foundation of
pre-Spanish “Filipino values,” cultural constructs that had guided Filipino society and government for
centuries. These traditional attitudes and beliefs common throughout Filipino society, and shared with much
of Asia, facilitated Filipinos' adoption of Filipino as an overarching identity in the twentieth century. The core
values of pakikisama (social harmony), utang-na-loób (reciprocation), and hiya (shame) were already deeply
ingrained in Filipino society long before the arrival of foreign imperialism, but colonizers embraced and
encouraged these conventions as a means of control. Though an otherwise heterogeneous people, these
basic values are nearly universal among indigenous Filipinos and help to explain Filipinos' general attitude
toward colonial powers.
As with much of Southeast Asia, the Chinese had an early and lasting impact on the development of the
Philippines. Many of the core social conventions, or “Asian values,” common to East and Southeast Asian
countries originated from ancient China. The Philippines was no exception to this, and these principles found
their way to the islands with the original Malay migrations. Beginning in the fourteenth century, a new influx of
mainland values visited the islands via Chinese merchants. China maintained a slow but steady trade with
the Philippines up until the arrival of European explorers in the 1500s. Trade to the Philippines suddenly
became quite lucrative, and Chinese merchants flocked to Luzon to take advantage of the Spanish galleon
trade. The exchange of goods accompanied an exchange of culture and genetics, as many merchants took
local wives and settled in the islands. Though colonial powers would co-opt and manipulate them to their
own ends, the Asian values brought from China formed the core of Filipino values. As such, the basic
principles of Asian values mirrored Filipino values, and examination of their similarities helps to explain
Filipino expectations of government in the coming centuries.
Though the basic ideas of Confucianism had existed throughout Asia for at least a millennium, the
Chinese philosopher Confucius first organized and outlined its fundamental principles during the fifth and
sixth century B.C.E., describing a family-oriented hierarchy to society and government. Government's
fundamental role was to create a class of powerful but benevolent rulers—men of virtue and wisdom, divinely
selected to lead and reflecting the harmony of the nuclear family. In particular, these enlightened kings were
symbols of fatherly authority, and paternalism was an integral part of Asian cultures. The first Filipinos also
adhered to this paternalistic model: the cabeza de barangay, the chief patriarch of the village, was the
principle source of authority for the earliest Malay settlers, acting as a father figure to the entire clan. Prior to
the Spanish conquest, the power of these early patriarchs was conferred upon warrior chieftains called datus.
The extent of a datu's influence was directly proportional to the political and military power he wielded, and
more literally determined the size of his territory.8 Kingdom borders were fluid—the more men a datu
commanded, the larger his sphere of control. As such, borders were a flexible and somewhat arbitrary
concept for early Filipino tribes. Isolated villages existing on the outskirts of a datu's kingdom regularly
switched allegiances, granting tribute to the most imposing chief to ensure their community's safety.
Kingdoms swelled and shrank with regularity, and a datu's territorial control waned as it radiated further from
his seat of power. It was not until the Age of Exploration that Western ideas of static borders and uniform
government control arrived with of the Europeans. Though the establishment of a Western colonial structure
dominated the Philippines as a whole, elements of the datus' rule persisted at the local level. When they
conquered the Philippines, the Spanish knowingly took over the role of patriarchal figure, through the Church
and colonial administrations set themselves up as caretakers and supreme authority.
Another cornerstone of Asian values is the idea of harmony. Confucian China applied the principle of
Harmony to not only the natural world, but to society as well. Community harmony was paramount, and was
ideally achieved through the honest and proper conduct of its citizens. In Asian cultures, peace and
prosperity depended upon the respecting of duty and personal obligation. The Philippines have a similar
concept they call pakikisama, which translates as “camaraderie.” Pakikisama represents the desire to
cultivate community harmony, which was accomplished through a system of social interaction founded upon
reciprocation. Reciprocity worked in tandem with the principles of harmony in Filipino society. The “golden
rule” of Confucian thought resembles the Christian ethic as well: “Do not do unto others what you would not
have done to yourself.” In the Chinese context, the enlightened rulers were expected to act with respect and
compassion for those in their charge, and the ruled were to remain loyal to their leaders in return. Filipinos
took the idea of duty and reciprocity further. In the Philippines, the principle of reciprocity is known as
utang-na-loób, which means “debt of the soul,” basically an unending cycle of cultural debt. To preserve
community harmony, pakikisama, all people had reciprocal obligations. The datu was expected to promote
the security and happiness of the village, and in return he could expect the villagers' continued loyalty.
The concept of hiya (shame) reinforced this unspoken but mutually understood social contract, and
structures many Filipino actions. Protecting one's dignity is crucial to maintenance of harmony and
community, and personal guilt is the mechanism by which Filipinos are expected to govern their own actions.
Walang hiya, meaning “without shame,” is a great insult in Filipino society, and severe transgression can
elicit strong reprisal from the community. In the case of Filipino leadership, the result is a form of social
contract where a leader—whether a datu or an elected official—and the community are obligated to serve
each other. Even today, ideal leadership in the Philippines is one based on respect and gratitude rather than
strict legal precedence. Principales (local leaders empowered by Spanish administrations) are expected to
act generously for fear of losing the people's loyalty, and the people are obligated to support their leaders as
children would honor their parents.
Ultimately, the West played a more direct role in shaping political development in the Philippines, but
these prevalent values remained important in shaping future anti-imperialist nationalism. With the American
conquest, the U.S. resorted to similar tactics as the Spanish, embracing Filipino values as a method of
control. These foundational Philippine values lend themselves to the ultimate explanation of democratization
in the region as a whole. Not so much for its direct effect on nationalism and democratization, but instead,
one must think of Philippine values as a characteristic by which Filipino society interprets these movements.

SUMMARY:
 European exploration of the Pacific was inspired by two obsessions: the search for the fastest
routes to the spice-rich islands of the Moluccas (modern-day Maluku in Indonesia) and the
theory that somewhere in the South Pacific lay a vast undiscovered southern continent.
 There are other facts too that show us how sparse the population must have been. The Spanish
expeditions found many coasts and islands in the Bisayan group without inhabitants.
 The West played a more direct role in shaping political development in the Philippines, but these
prevalent values remained important in shaping future anti-imperialist nationalism.

Major Reference: “An Introduction to Philippine History” (Arcilla, 2016)

MODULE 5
THE EARLY STRUGGLES
AND THE RISE OF FILIPINO NATIONALISM
Lvl 4.2 - Limasawa Rerebrace

Most Essential Learning Outcomes

At the end of this module, the learners are expected to:
 Establish connections on basic historical knowledge and complex facets of nationalistic ideas.
 Assess the importance and implications of nationalism to Philiipine culture and society today.
 Appraise Rizalian idea on nationalism and Bonifacio’s patriotic deeds.

Introduction:
A strong nationalist movement—one of the earliest and most advanced in Asia—emerged in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and brought dramatic change to Southeast Asia. Though still only loosely
united under the Spanish control, early Filipino society was quickly developing a new social identity. This
growing commonality was sparked by Spain's introduction of a common religion and language. While
regional, ethnic, and familial identities continued to play critical roles, three great wars against three powerful
colonial adversaries further redefined the Filipino community to include any individual born in the Philippines.
Social and ideological differences took a back seat to the more pressing issue of foreign occupation.
During the Philippine Revolution, the Philippine-American War and the Japanese occupation of World War II,
nationalism thrived in the face of colonial control—a common threat to the Philippines was critical for the
overall mobilization of a Filipino nation. Between the early emergence of Filipino nationalism in the 1850s
and final independence in 1946, Filipinos gradual expanded and embraced a unified, popular identity that
superseded previous regional and ethnic associations. A widespread discontent with Spanish economic and
social oppression created a suitable environment for the re-imagining of Filipino society. As colonial control
moved from Spain to the United States, and then for a time to Japan, the consolidation of Filipino factions
into a single nation accelerated.
One would expect the Philippines—with its ethnic, religious, and linguistic diversity spread over
thousands of islands—to defy any cohesive, national tendency. Yet the country, along with many of its
neighbors throughout Southeast Asia, experienced a profound transformation of identity. The term Filipino as
it is used today did not exist until the late 1800s, and originally referred to Philippine-born Spaniards (creoles).
The new identity of the Filipino arose during the Propaganda Movement of the 1870s, when the writer
Apolinario Mabini redefined the term with a nationalistic connotation in his essays. The ilustrados embraced
unity in their public rhetoric, yet still promoted their regional origins. Despite this, a significant shift had
occurred by 1896, and the Philippines developed a broader understanding of nationhood and national
identity. Foreign colonial control enabled the shift from a local to national consciousness.
The Spanish occupation had created a large, cohesive territory encompassing the individual islands,
and Spanish colonial control united the many disparate peoples as a common Filipino society. Over time, the
shared experience of colonization strengthened this bond and united Filipinos in popular discontent. From
these many islands and tribes emerged a new collective Filipino identity, and under the ilustrados the
concept grew to encompass a wide range of peoples. The Philippines' first strong nationalist movements
were based on anti-colonialism. The artificial borders imposed by foreign rulers crafted the Philippine nation
as it exists today.
LESSON INPUTS

The Propaganda Movement

Throughout the mid-1800s, the waning control of the Spanish crown over its South American colonies
inspired the ascending principalía, as did the sacrifices of religious and political martyrs. These individuals
boasted enormous wealth, land and influence within the Philippines but were all but ignored beyond the
islands' confines. Their mixed heritage as the mestizo offspring of Chinese, or sometimes Spanish,
merchants and indigenous women barred them from the same international respect granted to their
European counterparts. Despite prejudice and oppression, the principalía's great farming estates thrived.
Though barred from Spanish colonial administration, principales built local political influence through their
commercial activities.
By the end of the nineteenth century, Filipino principales had experienced a great change in their
cultural identity. It was from this elite base that the ilustrados sprang—the highly educated sons of principalía
families. The ambition of these Renaissance men eventually drove them to leave the Philippines, pressured
by the limited opportunities available in the Philippines and lured by the universities of West. The opening of
the Suez Canal in 1869 accelerated the migration of wealthy scions to schools throughout Europe. Being of
mixed heritage and trained in European universities, the ilustrados saw themselves as overseas Spaniards
rather than abiding by traditional ethnic affiliations. Though they represented the best minds in the
Philippines, they nonetheless faced discrimination from penisulares (peninsular Spaniards) in both Spain
and the Philippines. While the ilustrados saw themselves as the Crown's subjects, Spaniards saw them as
indios (indigenous Filipinos), and thus beneath them. Despite ilustrado efforts to distance themselves from
the rest of Filipino society initially, racism eventually pressured them to organize with the rest of the
Philippines. Bitter after centuries as second-class citizens and emboldened by their education, the ilustrados
petitioned Spain for greater political rights. The Propaganda Movement began in the 1870s and initially
sought complete assimilation as a full-fledged province—with all male Filipinos as Spanish citizens.
Calls for reform and political efficacy were met with Spanish violence and ignorance from the beginning.
A core belief of reformers and revolutionaries was razón or “reason.” The ilustrados felt themselves disciples
of logical discourse, and that Spain was acting in an arbitrary and destructive manner. The propagandist
Apolinario Mabini, in particular, believed in “natural laws” governed by razón, such as utang-na-loób to which
all Filipinos are bound. The Blood Compact between Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Rajah Sikatuna allowed
for the first Spanish settlement—a promise that Spain would bring civilization to the islands (education,
protection, medicine, wealth and development) in exchange for loyalty and gratitude. This mythology guided
reformers and revolutionaries prior to the defeat of Spain. Their chief complaint was that Spain failed to
uphold that compact; that it failed in the execution of its duties. By not improving the lives of loyal
citizens—much as the bad landlord might be labled “walang hiya”—Spain earned the disdain of its people.
Spain violated Filipinos' right to domestic peace and the pursuit of happiness. As Spain no longer fulfilled its
role as patriarchal teacher, and had failed to maintain reciprocity with its subjects, ilustrados felt that
independence was only reasonable. Principales believed that the Philippines must be ruled by jefe-like
individuals, enlightened leaders to direct the masses and uphold utang-na-loób . “A superior is a superior
only so far as he promotes the welfare of his subordinates.” The Spanish had tried to rule by force and not by
razon, and so were no longer legitimate superiors at all. Jacinto adds that it is through razon that a just ruler
rules by cultivating the love of his people.
One of the first significant events leading to the Philippine Revolution took place in 1872 at Cavite. The
Catholic Church had tremendous clout in the Philippines, and the friars had dominated most aspects of
Filipino life for centuries. The friars maintained their power with threats of excommunication, massive land
holdings, and through the control of education. Spaniards dominated the clergy and fought the growing
pressure to open high church positions to Filipinos. By denying Filipinos access to the Catholic hierarchy, a
chasm opened between Spaniards and Filipinos. Because of this connection, many of the first serious
nationalists were religious reformers as well. The arrival of a new governor-general in 1871, Rafel de
Izquierdo, prompted further discord that led to violent confrontation. Izquierdo was a hard-line conservative,
and declared that he would rule “by sword and the cross.” He especially distrusted creoles (Philippine-born
Spaniards), suspecting them of divided loyalties. Because of this, he rescinded many of the privileges
creoles traditionally enjoyed, removing them from prominent military positions and replacing them with
peninsulares. Infuriated, a creole sergeant named Lamadrid launched an ill-fated mutiny at the Cavite
Arsenal on January 20, 1872. News of the plot had reached the authorities and the guards were on
alert—the rebellion was quickly put down. However, the colonial government used the event as a convenient
excuse to round up Filipino reformers; it arrested or deported some thirty men, but visited a worse
punishment upon Father José Burgos. Burgos had long spoken out against Filipino exclusion from high
Church positions, and denounced accusations of Filipino “intellectual inferiority.” His trial was a farce. The
prosecution's only witnesses were unreliable or captured mutineers tortured into denouncing Burgos, making
wild claims that he was working for the United States to topple the Spanish government. On February 17,
1872, before a crowd of forty thousand, Burgos and two other priests implicated in the conspiracy were
tortured and then garroted for the crime of treason. Governor-general Izquierdo intended the gruesome show
as a warning to other subversives. Burgos became an example, but not in the way Izquierdo wished. Later
ilustrado activists placed the execution prominently on a long list of Spanish crimes, and they made the priest
the first martyr of Filipino nationalism.
His family closely associated with Burgos, Doctor José Rizal, the “father of Filipino nationalism,” was
particularly influenced by the execution later in life. Rizal's novels and articles called for social change, and
his martyrdom on the same field as Burgos in 1896 touched off the Philippine Revolution. Rizal was born to a
privileged, upper-class family in Calamba in June of 1861. Like most ilustrados, he had a mestizo heritage,
with Spanish, Chinese, Japanese and Tagalog ancestry. From the age of ten, Rizal experienced the failings
and corruption of Philippine justice. In 1871, a neighbor accused his mother of poisoning her, and despite a
lack of any evidence, she was humiliated with a forced march and imprisoned for three years. In 1881, Rizal
again faced discrimination firsthand. A gifted poet, Rizal took first place in a colony-wide literary contest,
beating out peninsulares and professors. In recognition, the governor-general Primo de Rivera honored him
with a gold ring. Yet, soon after, a Civil Guard lieutenant beat him for a perceived slight, and Rizal appealed
to Rivera, only to be ignored. The Cavite Arsenal Mutiny had a number of important effects on his later life.
Rizal's family had close ties to Father Burgos, and José Rizal's brother Paciano was almost arrested with his
mentor following the mutiny. The pressure from the Spanish authorities eventually forced Paciano to
abandon his education. José Rizal avoided serious harassment, but felt compelled to leave the Philippines
as much to escape persecution as for the opportunities of European universities.
At the age of twenty-one, Rizal traveled to Spain in 1882 to study ophthalmology. As with many
Propagandists, Rizal's university studies were but a small part of his true education. Along with other
ilustrados, Rizal discovered that persecution of Filipinos extended beyond the colony. Spanish belligerence
and racism thwarted the propagandists at every turn. Traveling ilustrados encountered the same contempt
abroad that they encountered at home. Antonio Luna, a prolific ilustrado writer of the day, noted with great
contempt the overt racism he experienced throughout his travels in “Madrid Impressions of a Filipino.” In his
biting critique of Spanish culture, he notes with disdain the hateful taunts of children and adults alike, who
made no effort to stifle their insults, and openly mocked the eloquent, well-dressed intellectual by shouting
“little Chiiinese!—Igorot!!”. Luna noted, “[M]y surprise knew no bounds before the complete ignorance that
these people generally have of the Philippines,” determining that even Filipino exemplars would gain no
recognition in the face of such disregard from the Spanish populace. The counterattack of the Propaganda
Movement manifested as what Rizal called “El demonio de las comparaciones,” or the “spectre of
comparison”. The propagandists, with Rizal at the forefront, intended to attack Spanish racist attitudes by
holding Spain up to its own standards for the Philippines, as well as comparing it to the rest of the Western
world. In particular, the Propagandists opposed the continued exclusion of the Philippines from
representation in the Spanish Cortes. They knew that other European powers gave adequate representation
to their own colonies: the French Colonies had delegates, and the British were in the process of granting
representation to theirs as well. Most hypocritical of all was that Spain's only remaining colonies, Cuba and
Puerto Rico, had enjoyed representation for years, and yet the Crown refused the same right to the
Philippines. This became a common focal point at the heart of the movement, the discrepancy and hypocrisy
central to the nationalist movement itself. It is through each group's observation and comparison to one
another—Spanish and Filipinos—that they define an identity for themselves.
Nationalism in Rizal’s Perspective
Filipino nationalism refers to the awakening and support towards a political identity
associated with modern Philippines leading to a wide-ranging campaign for political, social, and
economic freedom in the Philippines. This gradually emerged out of various political and armed
movements throughout most of the Spanish East Indies—albeit has long been fragmented and
inconsistent with contemporary definitions of such nationalism—as a consequence of more than three
centuries of Spanish rule. These movements are characterized by the upsurge of anti-colonialist
sentiments and ideals which peaked in the late 19th century led mostly by the ilustrado or landed,
educated elites, whether peninsulares, insulares, or native (Indio). This served as the backbone of the
first nationalist revolution in Asia, the Philippine Revolution of 1896.The modern concept would later be
fully actualized upon the inception of a Philippine state with its contemporary borders after being
granted independence by the United States by the 1946 Treaty of Manila.
Nationalism in Rizal’s Philosophy
In Rizal’s political view, a conquered country like the Philippines should not be taken advantage
of but rather should be developed, civilized, educated and trained in the science of self-government.

He bitterly assailed and criticized in publications the apparent backwardness of the Spanish ruler’s
method of governing the country which resulted in:
1. the bondage and slavery of the conquered ;
2. the Spanish government’s requirement of forced labor and force military service upon the n
natives;
3. the abuse of power by means of exploitation;
4. the government ruling that any complaint against the authorities was criminal; and
5. Making the people ignorant, destitute and fanatic, thus discouraging the formation of a national
sentiment.

Rizal’s guiding political philosophy proved to be

 the study and application of reforms
 the extension of human rights
 the training for self government
 the arousing of spirit of discontent over oppression, brutality, inhumanity,
sensitiveness and self love.

SUMMARY:
 The Filipino spirit of nationalism is the earliest and most prominent in Asia during the 19th century
 One of the first significant events leading to the Philippine Revolution took place in 1872 at Cavite. The
Catholic Church had tremendous clout in the Philippines, and the friars had dominated most aspects of
Filipino life for centuries.
 In Rizal’s political view, a conquered country like the Philippines should not be taken advantage of
but rather should be developed, civilized, educated and trained in the science of self-government.
MODULE 6
INFLUENCES OF SPAIN TO
PHILIPPINE CULTURE AND SOCIETY
Lvl. 6 - Panay Cuisses

Most Essential Learning Outcomes:

At the end of this module, the learners are expected to:

 Discuss the social and cultural transformation that happened in the Philippines during the
Spanish colonial experience
 Evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of Spanish colonization.
 Discuss the contemporary impacts of Spanish colonization to the current social climate.

INTRODUCTION

The Filipino culture has been characterized as hybrid in nature being a mixture of elements from
different and often incongruous sources such that Filipinos are oriental about family, Chinese about
business, and American about ambitions (Viray, 1968). That is why it is not impossible that even a
Filipino feels alienated with its own culture. The Philippine cultural heritage can be classified under two
categories, intangible and tangible.
Intangible Culture includes oral and written customs and traditions, practices,
representations, expressions, knowledge and skills recognizable within a particular set of
cultural or social values that communities recognize as part of their cultural heritage
Tangible Culture considers built structures with historical, archival, anthropological,
archaeological, artistic and architectural value (Radzuan and Ahmad, 2015).
Usual discussions on Philippine cultural heritage are typically presented through comparison from
the indigenous or pre-colonial period, the colonization period, and post-colonial period. Moreover, the
colonization period is further categorized under the Spanish colonization (1571- 1896), American
colonization (1896-1942, 1945- 1946), and Japanese colonization (1942-1945).

LESSON INPUTS

I. 333 Years of Hispanization

Spain colonized the Philippines from 1565 to 1898. The Spaniards ruled the Filipinos for
333 years. Spanish influence on the Philippines and the Filipino inhabitants was immediately
visible following the imposition of Castilian (from the word “castle”, since the kingdom governed
by someone from the Castle) colonial sovereignty. The Spaniards transplanted their social,
economic, and political institutions halfway across the world to the Philippine archipelago. The
colonial masters required the native Filipinos to swear allegiance to the Spanish monarch,
where before they only had village chieftains called "datus;" to worship a new God, where
before they worshipped a whole pantheon of supernatural deities and divinities; to speak a new
language, where before they had (and still have) a Babel of tongues; and to alter their work
habits, where before they worked within the framework of a subsistence economy. The
Spanish landholding system based on private ownership of land replaced the Filipino system of
communal landownership. Thus, when the Spanish rule ended, the Filipinos found many
aspects of their way of life bearing the indelible imprint of Hispanization.
II. Political Legacy
To administer the Philippines, the Spaniards extended their royal government to the
Filipinos. This highly centralized governmental system was theocratic. There was a union of
Church and State. The Roman Catholic Church was equal to and coterminous with the State.
Therefore, the cross as well as the scepter held sway over the archipelago. While the State
took care of temporal matters, the Church took care of spiritual matters and hence preoccupied
itself with the evangelization and the conversion of the Filipino inhabitants from their primal
religion to Roman Catholicism. The Spanish friars wanted the Philippines to become the
"arsenal of the Faith" in Asia. In the process, the Spanish Catholic missionaries helped in the
implantation of Castilian culture and civilization on Philippine soil. This is because Spanishness
was equated with Catholicism. The two terms were virtually synonymous with one another.
One was not a genuine Spaniard if he was not a faithful Roman Catholic believer.

III. Religious Legacy

The imposition of the Roman Catholic faith upon the Filipino population permanently
influenced the culture and society of the Philippines. This is due to the fact that the Spanish
friars who undertook the immense task of evangelizing the Filipino natives looked at their
missionary work and endeavor as involving more than simple conversion. By Christianizing the
Filipinos, the Spanish Catholic missionaries were in effect remodelling Filipino culture and
society according to the Hispanic standard. They would be Hispanizing the Filipinos, teaching
them the trades, manners, customs, language and habits of the Spanish people. This influence
is evident even in the way we tell time ("alas singko y media"), in the way we count ("uno, dos,
tres"), and in the family names we carry ( De la Cruz, Reyes, Santos, etcetera).
The Filipino populace embraced Spanish Roman Catholic Christianity almost
unquestioningly. The Spanish authorities congregated the scattered Filipino population into
clustered village settlements, where they could more easily be instructed and Christianized
under a friar’s eye. This policy paved the way for the emergence of the present system of
politico-territorial organization of villages, towns, and provinces. At the same time, the compact
villages which were literally under the bells of the Roman Catholic Church permitted the regular
clergy to wake up the villagers each day, summon them to mass, and subject them to religious
indoctrination or cathechismal instruction. This process enabled the Church to play a central
role in the lives of the people because it touched every aspect of their existence from birth to
growth to marriage to adulthood to death. Whether the natives clearly understood the tenets
and dogmas of the Roman Catholic Church is of course another matter. Some scholars claim
that the Spaniards only superficially Christianized the Filipinos, most of whom learned to recite
the prayers and chants by rote, without any idea as to their meaning. Some native inhabitants
became only nominal Christians. At any rate, there is no denying the fact that many Filipinos
defended the Catholic faith devotedly.
Through the Church and its zealous missionaries, the Filipinos learned new techniques
and procedures involving the cultivation of agricultural crops introduced from Mexico, one of
Spain’s colonies in the New World. For example, prior to the imposition of Castilian rule, the
Filipinos practiced swiddening or slash-and-burn agriculture. This farming technique involved
clearing a hillside or a patch of land, cutting down the trees, burning the trunks, the branches
and the leaves, removing the rocks, and then planting through the use of a pointed stick to
create a hole on the ground into which seeds were thrown. Then the farmer simply waited for
harvest time to arrive. This situation changed when the missionaries taught the Filipino natives
horticultural techniques requiring intensive cultivation of land through better irrigation and water
management so as to lessen their dependency on rainfall. In addition to teaching the Filipinos
new farming methods and introducing to them new crops such as maize, avocado, tomato, and
cacao, from which the nutritious drink of chocolate was derived, the Spanish friars taught the
 rudiments of reading and writing to the natives, not to mention useful trades such as painting,
baking and locksmithing.

IV. Artistic and Culinary Legacies

In the course of Spanish colonization in the Philippines, the friars constructed opulent
Baroque-style church edifices. These structures are still found today everywhere across the
country and they symbolize the cultural influence of Spain in Filipino life. The opulence of these
edifices was clearly visible in the ornate facades, paintings, and sculpture, as well as in the
behavioral patterns of the people and in the intricate rituals associated with Roman Catholic
churches. While it is true that the Spaniards exploited labor in the construction of the imposing
Baroque-style sanctuaries for Roman Catholic worship, it is also true that these same edifices
became the means by which Filipino artistic talents and inclinations were expressed. The
carpenters, masons, craftsmen, and artisans were mainly Filipinos. In this way, the Roman
Catholic Church and religion influenced Filipino architectural and building style, even as the
rituals and festivities of the Church influenced Filipino dances, songs, paintings, and literary
writings. Through these influences, the Church afforded the Filipinos abundant opportunities for
both solemn rites and joyous festivities and celebrations known as "fiestas." The services
inside the Catholic churches often spilled out into the thoroughfare in the form of colorful and
pageant-filled religious processions in which the rich and the poor participated. Dining, drinking,
and merrymaking often followed or accompanied such religious activities. During these feasts,
Spanish culinary specialties like "paella" (a dish consisting of a mixture of rice, chicken and
shellfish), "arroz valenciana" (glutinous rice and chicken cooked in coconut milk), and "lengua"
(sauteed ox-tongue usually with mushroom sauce) became part of the local table fare. The
rites and feasts served to provide relief from the drudgery of humdrum village existence, to
release pent-up social and economic frustrations, or to foster community spirit and unity.

V. Linguistic Legacy
It is worth mentioning that the Spaniards enriched the Filipino languages through
lexicographic studies produced by the friars. Many Spanish words found their way into the
Tagalog and Visayan languages. The Spanish words somehow fitted into the phonetic patterns
of the Filipino languages. These Spanish words like "mesa" (table), "adobo" (marinated cooked
food), and others are commonly used today in the daily practical transactions of the Filipinos
with each other. Ironically, the friars came up with excellent studies on Filipino culture and
languages even as they sought to overthrow this same culture through their implantation of
Spanish civilization.

The influences from Spain have become permanently embedded in Filipino culture. The Filipino
people themselves have internalized them. They cannot be undone anymore. For good or bad, they
have catapulted the Filipinos into the world of Spanish culture, into the world of Spanish civilization and
its products. Nevertheless, it must be said that the Filipinos did not receive the cultural influences from
Spain sitting down. They responded in a way that demonstrated their capacity to master the new and to
balance the new against the old, in a way that called for their capacity to bring values and principles to
bear with a critical and informed judgment, and in a way that called for them to be able to sift what is
essential from what is trivial. Thus they responded selectively to the novelties the Spaniards brought
with them to the Philippine Islands. The Filipinos accepted only those that fitted their temperament, such
as the "fiesta" that has become one of the most endearing aspects of life in these islands, and made
them blend with their indigenous lifestyle to produce a precious Philippine cultural heritage.
SUMMARY:
 Spain definitely lost its world empire in 1898 after the defeat toward the United States army,
dedicating since then its colonial efforts exclusively to Equatorial Guinea and Morocco, in the
African continent.
 Wine was the predominant Spanish export product during the prewar period, being also the only
commodity that was sold in quantities that did not fluctuated much. It was followed in importance by
canned foods and ores. The imports were mainly semi-manifactured goods, with specific items from
each country, such as Japanese silk or Philippine tobacco or sugar, as well as occasional imports
as rice.
 It is very difficult, however, to know both the exact figures and the specific features, mainly because
much of the merchandise proceeding from or destined to the Far East was exchanged in the ports
of Singapore, Hong-Kong or Port Said, near the Suez Channel.
 Among the cultural ties between Spain and East Asia, it is convenient to distinguish the territories
which had been colonies from those that had not been.
 The most useful way of dividing the Spanish communities in the Asia-Pacific area during these
years can be into lay and clerical groups, the latter prevailing in all the territories except in the
Philippines.

----------------------------------------------SELF-ASSESSMENT----------------------------------------------
Read and analyze the following questions below. This will test the basic knowledge that you have
gained this semester. Answer key is provided at the references page.
I. IDENTIFICATION
1. A revolution in this European country had fostered ideas of freedom in Spain; the growth of liberalism
in Spain has its repercussions in her colonies including the Philippines.
2. Under Governor General Jose Basco, Spain’s economic policies which aimed to develop the local
economy as a better source of revenue brought new hardships to the people. The Ilocanos were among
the hardest hit since one component of this policy is to monopolize what particular agricultural product?
3. This is the most dominant Spanish product exported globally since the 19th century.
4. Ancient Visayan laws were believed to be inscribed in a document called, The Code of Kalantiaw,
but was proven to be a clever hoax. According to Gregorio Zaide, the hoax was done by Jose E. Marco,
an antique collector from Negros Occidental. Datu Kalantiaw II was supposedly the source of this code.
The kingdom of Madya-as led by Datu Kalantiaw is presently called as ______.
5. A widely-accepted historical data presents that the first catholic mass in the country was held in
Limasawa. This was based on the accounts of ________.

II. TRUE or FALSE

1. Philippines was not yet civilized before Magellan’s arrival.
2. It was Lapu-lapu himself who killed Magellan
3. Pope Gregory divided the planet for conquest before Spain and Portugal. This treaty is known as the
Treaty of Tordesillas.
4. Adobo was a dish influenced by Spanish culinary culture.
5. The religious legacy of Spain is marked by the influx of Protestant Christianity.
 PHILIPPINE HISTORY: ROOTS AND DEVELOPMENT
MIDTERM

References and Resources:

Kobrin, David. Beyond the Textbook: Teaching History Using Primary Sources. Portsmouth, NH:
Heinemann, 1996.

Lesh, Bruce. "Why Won't You Just Tell Us the Answer?" Teaching Historical Thinking in Grades
7-12." Portsmouth,Stenhouse, 2011.

Loewen, James. Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got
Wrong. New York: Touchstone, 1995.

National Center for Education Statistics. National Assessment of Educational Progress: Nation’s
Report Card. 2003. <[1]> (last accessed 29 June 2004).

National Center for History in the Schools. National Standards for History. 1996. <[2]> (last
accessed 14 February 2011).

Stearns, P., Seixas, P, Wineburg, S (Eds.). Knowing, Teaching and Learning History: National
and International Perspectives. New York: NYU Press, 2000.

Wineburg, Sam. Historical Thinking and Other Unnatural Acts. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University
Press, 2001.

Online References:

http://bauzon.ph/leslie/papers/spinfluence.html

Reviewed and Approved by:

MARILYN T. ALCALA, LPT, Ph. D.

Dean

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