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MIDTERM PRIMER

SUBJECT: SOCIAL SCIENCE APPLIED TO DOMESTIC CHALLENGES

Term Outcomes:
 Bridge the social ecology gaps between rural and urban societies.
 Identify the general principles of socialization and its impact to micro-social behavior.
 Examine the sociological and legal perspectives on deviance.
 Relate the emergence of urban community and the depletion of rural life and culture.

TOPICS:
1. Socialization, Deviance, and the Nature of Law
2. Models of Urban Planning, Settlement, and Resettlement
3. Principles of Rural Development

PERFORMANCE TASK: Comprehensive Urban Development Plan

Goal : To exhibit mastery in sustainable urban development emphasizing the significant role
of education in the macro-level of social analysis.
Skill/s Required : Social-analysis, Research, Logistics
Integral Values : Creativity and Sustainability

Methods:
1. Individually, select an LGU (City or Municipality), preferably your own locality.
2. Make a comprehensive urban development plan (.doc file) containing the following parts:
a) Background of the LGU (City/Town Vision, historical, economic, and political description)
b) Socio-economic Profile
i. Population (latest total population)
ii. Land Area (total land area, urban and rural)
iii. Major Source of Income (at least 5 and provide the estimated income from each source)
iv. Economic Establishments (list at least 15 and provide basic information)
v. Educational Establishments (provide basic information for each institution)
c) Sketch of the Urban Area (specific area for urban development intervention with relevant
development plans)
i. Sketch 1 - Present Status of the Area (with label)
ii. Sketch 2 - Proposed Development Plan (with label)
d) Development Goals (5 point goals for the future of the LGU)
3. Save your works in .doc format. Submit by turning in your file in Google Classroom. The file
should be named using this format: Name_LGU_CUDP_DegreeProgram.
Example: JuanDelaCruz_KabankalanCity_CUDP_BEED
4. Deadline shall be during the last day of Midterm Examination.

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MODULE 4
DEVIANCE AND THE NATURE OF LAW
Lvl. 4.1 - Limasawa Rerebrace

Most Essential Learning Outcomes

At the end of this module, the learners are expected to:
 Discuss basic theories of deviance
 Explain the nature of law and crimes
 Analyze simple cases involving criminal actuation

Motivational Activity: If there is one day when all laws, morals, and values will not be given credit,
(which means that whatever things you want to do, no matter how ridiculous or immoral it may seem,
you will not receive negative judgement from people and the law), what are the things that you will do?

LESSON INPUT

What Is Deviance?
The term deviance does not mean perversion or depravity. Deviance is behavior that violates
the standards of conduct or expectations of a group or society. In the Philippines, alcoholics,
compulsive gamblers, and people with mental illness would all be classified as deviants. Being late for
class is categorized as a deviant act; the same is true of wearing jeans to a formal wedding. On the
basis of the sociological definition, we are all deviant from time to time. Each of us violates common
social norms in certain situations (Best 2004).
Is being overweight an example of deviance? Here in the Philippines and many other cultures,
unrealistic standards of appearance and body image place a huge strain on people—especially women
and girls—based on how they look. Journalist Naomi Wolf (1992) has used the term beauty myth to
refer to an exaggerated ideal of beauty, beyond the reach of all but a few females, which has
unfortunate consequences. In order to shed their “deviant” image and conform to unrealistic societal
norms, many women and girls become consumed with adjusting their appearances. Yet what is deviant
in one culture may be celebrated in another.
Deviance involves the violation of group norms, which may or may not be formalized into law. It
is a comprehensive concept that includes not only criminal behavior but also many actions that are not
subject to prosecution. The public official who takes a bribe has defied social norms, but so has the high
school student who refuses to sit in an assigned seat or cuts class. Of course, deviation from norms is
not always negative, let alone criminal. A member of an exclusive social club who speaks out against a
traditional policy of not admitting women, Blacks, and Jews is deviating from the club’s norms. So is a
police officer who blows the whistle on corruption or brutality within the department.
From a sociological perspective, deviance is hardly objective or set in stone. Rather, it is subject
to social definition within a particular society and at a particular time. For that reason, what is considered
deviant can shift from one social era to another. In most instances, those individuals and groups with
the greatest status and power define what is acceptable and what is deviant. For example, despite
serious medical warnings against the dangers of tobacco, made since 1964, cigarette smoking
continued to be accepted for decades—in good part because of the power of tobacco farmers and

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cigarette manufacturers. Only after a long campaign led by public health and anticancer activists did
cigarette smoking become more of a deviant activity. Today, many state and local laws limit where
people can smoke.
The definition of acceptable behavior changes over time. For example, in the university where I
came from, colored hair were long considered inappropriate for students and pregnant ladies without
getting married will result into expulsion. Recently, the university council lifted these two prohibitions to
conform the present social and cultural realities.

Deviance and Social Stigma

A person can acquire a deviant identity in many ways. Because of physical or behavioral
characteristics, some people are unwillingly cast in negative social roles. Once assigned a deviant role,
they have trouble presenting a positive image to others and may even experience lowered self-esteem.
Whole groups of people— for instance, “short people” or “redheads”—may be labeled in this way.
The interactionist Erving Goffman coined the term stigma to describe the labels society uses to devalue
members of certain social groups (Goffman 1963; Heckert and Best 1997). In the aftermath of the 2012
school shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, the issue of mental illness surfaced almost immediately, amid
rumors that the shooter suffered from an untreated mental disorder. In many people’s eyes, such
assumptions stigmatize all people with mental illness, whatever the definition of the term, as potentially
violent criminals. Overwhelming evidence shows that the opposite is true, however: the vast majority of
people with psychiatric disorders do not commit violent acts. Only 4 percent of violent crimes in the
United States can be attributed to people with mental illness (R. Friedman 2012; Nocera 2012).
Stigmatization also affects people who look different from others in the eyes of their peers.
Prevailing expectations about beauty and body shape may prevent people who are regarded as ugly or
obese from advancing as rapidly as their abilities permit. Both overweight and anorexic people are
assumed to be weak in character, slaves to their appetites or to media images. Because they do not
conform to the beauty myth, they may be viewed as “disfigured” or “strange” in appearance, bearers of
what Goffman calls a “spoiled identity.” However, what constitutes disfigurement is a matter of
interpretation. Of the 16 million cosmetic procedures done every year in the United States alone, many
are performed on women who would be defined objectively as having a normal appearance. And while
feminist sociologists have accurately noted that the beauty myth makes many women feel
uncomfortable with themselves, men too lack confidence in their appearance. The number of males
who choose to undergo cosmetic procedures has risen sharply in recent years (American Society of
Plastic Surgeons 2016).
Often people are stigmatized for deviant behaviors they may no longer engage in. The labels
“compulsive gambler,” “ex-convict,” “recovering alcoholic,” and “ex–mental patient” can stick to a person
for life. Goffman draws a useful distinction between a prestige symbol that draws attention to a positive
aspect of one’s identity, such as a wedding band or a badge, and a stigma symbol that discredits or
debases one’s identity, such as a conviction for child molestation. While stigma symbols may not
always be obvious, they can become a matter of public knowledge. Starting in 1994, many states
required convicted sex offenders to register with local police departments. Some communities publish
the names and addresses, and in some instances even the pictures, of convicted sex offenders on the
web.
While some types of deviance will stigmatize a person, other types do not carry a significant
penalty. Examples of socially tolerated forms of deviance can be found in the world of high technology.

Deviance and Technology

Technological innovations such as pagers and voice mail can redefine social interactions and
the standards of behavior related to them. When the Internet was first made available to the general
public, no norms or regulations governed its use.
Because online communication offers a high degree of anonymity, uncivil behavior—speaking
harshly of others or monopolizing chat room space—quickly became common. Online bulletin boards

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designed to carry items of community interest became littered with commercial advertisements. Such
deviant acts are beginning to provoke calls for the establishment of formal rules for online behavior. For
example, policymakers have debated whether to regulate the content of websites featuring hate speech
and pornography.
Some deviant uses of technology are criminal, though not all participants see it that way. On the
street, the for-profit pirating of software, motion pictures, and music has become a big business. On the
Internet, the downloading of music by individual listeners, which is typically forbidden by copyright, is
widely accepted. The music and motion picture industries have waged much publicized campaigns to
stop these illegal uses of their products, yet among many people, no social stigma attaches to them.
Deviance, then, is a complex concept. Sometimes it is trivial, sometimes profoundly harmful.
Sometimes it is accepted by society and sometimes soundly rejected.

Sociological Perspectives on Deviance

Why do people violate social norms? We have seen that deviant acts are subject to both
informal and formal social control. The nonconforming or disobedient person may face disapproval, loss
of friends, fines, or even imprisonment. Why, then, does deviance occur?
Early explanations for behavior that deviated from societal expectations blamed supernatural
causes or genetic factors (such as “bad blood” or evolutionary throwbacks to primitive ancestors). By
the 1800s, substantial research efforts were being made to identify biological factors that lead to
deviance, and especially to criminal activity. Though such research was discredited in the 20th century,
contemporary studies, primarily by biochemists, have sought to isolate genetic factors that suggest a
likelihood of certain personality traits. Although criminality (much less deviance) is hardly a personality
characteristic, researchers have focused on traits that might lead to crime, such as aggression. Of
course, aggression can also lead to success in the corporate world, in professional sports, or in other
walks of life.
The contemporary study of the possible biological roots of criminality is but one aspect of the larger
debate over sociobiology. In general, sociologists have been critical of any emphasis on the genetic
roots of crime and deviance. The limitations of current knowledge about the link between genetics and
antisocial behavior have led them to draw largely on other approaches to explain deviance (Walsh
2000).

Functionalist Perspective
According to functionalists, deviance is a common part of human existence, with positive as well as
negative consequences for social stability. Deviance helps to define the limits of proper behavior.
Children who see one parent scold the other for belching at the dinner table learn about approved
conduct. The same is true of the driver who receives a speeding ticket, the department store cashier
who is fired for yelling at a customer, and the college student who is penalized for handing in papers
weeks overdue.

Durkheim’s Legacy
Emile Durkheim ([1895] 1964) focused his sociological investigations mainly on criminal acts,
yet his conclusions have implications for all types of deviant behavior. In Durkheim’s view, the
punishments established within a culture (including both formal and informal mechanisms of social
control) help to define acceptable behavior and thus contribute to stability. If improper acts were not
sanctioned, people might stretch their standards of what constitutes appropriate conduct.
Sociologist Kai Erikson (1966) illustrated the boundarymaintenance function of deviance in his
study of the Puritans of 17th-century New England. By today’s standards, the Puritans placed
tremendous emphasis on conventional morals. Their persecution and execution of women as witches
represented a continuing attempt to define and redefine the boundaries of their community. In effect,
their changing social norms created crime waves, as people whose behavior was previously acceptable

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suddenly faced punishment for being deviant (R. Schaefer and Zellner 2015).
Durkheim ([1897] 1951) introduced the term anomie into sociological literature to describe the loss
of direction felt in a society when social control of individual behavior has become ineffective. Anomie is
a state of normlessness that typically occurs during a period of profound social change and disorder,
such as a time of economic collapse. People become more aggressive or depressed, which results in
higher rates of violent crime and suicide. Since there is much less agreement on what constitutes
proper behavior during times of revolution, sudden prosperity, or economic depression, conformity and
obedience become less significant as social forces. It also becomes much more difficult to state exactly
what constitutes deviance.

Merton’s Theory of Deviance

What do a mugger and a teacher have in common? Each is “working” to obtain money that can
then be exchanged for desired goods. As this example illustrates, behavior that violates accepted
norms (such as mugging) may be based on the same basic objectives as the behavior of people who
pursue more conventional lifestyles.
On the basis of this kind of analysis, sociologist Robert Merton (1968) adapted Durkheim’s notion of
anomie to explain why people accept or reject the goals of a society, the socially approved means of
fulfilling their aspirations, or both. Merton maintained that one important cultural goal in the United
States is success, measured largely in terms of money. In addition to providing this goal for people, our
society offers specific instructions on how to pursue success—go to school, work hard, do not quit, take
advantage of opportunities, and so forth.
What happens to individuals in a society with a heavy emphasis on wealth as a basic symbol of
success? Merton reasoned that people adapt in certain ways, either by conforming to or by deviating
from such cultural expectations. His anomie theory of deviance posits five types of behavior or basic
forms of adaptation.

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 The other four types of behavior represented in the table above all involve some departure from
conformity. The retreatist has basically retreated (or withdrawn) from both the goals and the means of
society. In the United States, drug addicts and vagrants are typically portrayed as retreatists. Concern
has been growing that adolescents who are addicted to alcohol will become retreatists at an early age.
In Merton’s typology, the innovator accepts the goals of society but pursues them with means that
are regarded as improper. For instance, a safecracker may steal money to buy consumer goods and
expensive vacations.
The ritualist has abandoned the goal of material success and become compulsively committed to
the institutional means. Work becomes simply a way of life rather than a means to the goal of success.
An example would be the bureaucratic official who blindly applies rules and regulations without
remembering the larger goals of the organization. Certainly that would be true of a welfare caseworker
who refuses to assist a homeless family because their last apartment was in another district.
The final type of behavior or adaptation identified by Merton reflects people’s attempts to create a
new social structure. The rebel feels alienated from the dominant means and goals and may seek a
dramatically different social order. Members of a revolutionary political organization, such as a militia
group, can be categorized as rebels according to Merton’s model.
Merton made a key contribution to the sociological understanding of deviance by pointing out that
deviants such as innovators and ritualists share a great deal with conforming people. The convicted
felon may hold many of the same aspirations as people with no criminal background. The theory helps
us to understand deviance as a socially created behavior rather than as the result of momentary
pathological impulses. However, this theory of deviance has not been applied systematically to real
world crime.

The Nature of Law

Law is a system of principles and processes promulgates and strictly enforced by the State to
regulare the conduct of its citizens as a means of resolvingconflicting interests.
There are three general sources of law:
1. Constitution - the fundamental law of the land (1987 Philippine Constitution)
2. Legislation or Statutory Laws - laws enacted by the law-giving body of the State (Congress). Any
statutory law should observe the provisions of the Constitution, otherwise, it is unconstitutional and
hence loses the comanding and binding power of the law.
3. Common Law/Judicial Opinions - the body of principles that evolves from court decisions

Drawn from Black’s Law Dictionary, Diaz (2003) spelled out the kinds of laws or statutes and the
gist made their distinctions into:
1. General - a law that affects the entire people of the state.
2. Special - a law that is prescribed to a specific group or community on specific subject, purpose, and
operation different from others.
3. Local - a law that operates on specific purpose and locality or jurisdiction and authority.
4. Public - a law of general nature and applicable to all whether local, national or international involving
the relationship between people and states, involving rights, duties, responsibilities, and
accountabilities.
5. Private - this focuses on the definition, regulations, enforcement and administrations of measures
governing the relationship among individuals, associations and corporations.
6. Remedial - this law prescribes the ways and means through which the grievances are remedied,
issues are heard and adjucated, and wrongdoings are punished.
7. Penal - defines criminal offenses and imposes fines and punishments or imprisonment thereof.
8. Substantive - sets rights and duties of every person.

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Basics of Criminal Law

Reyes (2001) pointed out the following characteristics of criminal law:

1. General. The law is binding on all persons who live or sojourn in Philippine territory.
2. Territorial. The law undertakes to punish crimes committed within Philippine territory hence it is
enforceable only within its territory.
Exceptions:
A) An offense while on a Philippine ship or airship
B) Forge or counterfeit any coin or currency note of the Philippines or obligation and
securities issued by the Philippine government, and the acts connected with the introduction into
the Philippines of the same.
C) Public officers or employees committing an offense in the excercise of their functions
D) Crimes against national security and the law of nations
3. Prospective. The law cannot make an act punishable in a manner in which it was not punishable
when committed, hence, punishes only the offense under the law in force at the time of commission.

The Nature of Crime

The Revised Penal Code (Act. No. 3815) of the Philippines provides the following features:
Crime. A crime is committed by any person for anys and omissions punishable by law (felonies
or “delitos”) not only by means of deceit (dolo) but also by means of fault (culpa) against persons or
property.
Deceit and Fault. There is deceit (dolo) when the act is performed with deliberate intent; and
there is fault (culpa) when the wrongful act results from imprudence, negligence, lack of foresight or lack
of skill.
Penalty for crimes. A commission of any crime carries a penalty of imprisonment and civil
liability for and in consideration of the degree of malice and injury caused.
Requisites of Malice. To qualify a claim of malice, it must meet the presence of 1) freedom, 2)
intelligence, and 3) intent.
Classification. The crime are classified into these 14 titles: against national security and the law
of nations, against the fundamental law of the state, against public order, against public interest; relative
to opium and other prohibited drugs, against public morals, committed by public officers, against
persons, against personal liberty and security, against property, against chastity, against civil status of
persons, against honor, and quasi-offenses.

Degree of Crime Commission, Participation, and Liability

Degree of Commission. A crime may be committed in degrees of consumates, frustrated, and
attempted. Art. 6 of the Revised Penal Code provides:
I. Consummated - when all the elements necessary for its execution and accomplishment are
present;
II. Frustrated - when the offender performs all the acts of execution which would produce the
felony as a consequence but which, nevertheless, do not produce it by reason of causes independent of
the will of the perpetrator.
III. Attempted - when the offender commences the commission of a felony directly or over acts,
and does not perform all the acts of execution which should produce the felony by reason of some
cause or accident other than this own spontaneous desistance.

Degree of Participation. The degree of criminal participation is classified into:

Principals. — The following are considered principals:

1. Those who take a direct part in the execution of the act;

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 2. Those who directly force or induce others to commit it;
3. Those who cooperate in the commission of the offense by another act without which it would
not have been accomplished.
Accomplices. — Accomplices are those persons who, not being included in (as principals) Art. 17,
cooperate in the execution of the offense by previous or simultaneous acts.
Accessories. — Accessories are those who, having knowledge of the commission of the crime, and
without having participated therein, either as principals or accomplices, take part subsequent to its
commission in any of the following manners:
1. By profiting themselves or assisting the offender to profit by the effects of the crime.
2. By concealing or destroying the body of the crime, or the effects or instruments thereof, in
order to prevent its discovery.
3. By harboring, concealing, or assisting in the escape of the principals of the crime, provided
the accessory acts with abuse of his public functions or whenever the author of the crime is
guilty of treason, parricide, murder, or an attempt to take the life of the Chief Executive, or is
known to be habitually guilty of some other crime.

Classification of Criminals
A. Recidivist - is one who, at the time of his trial for one crime, shall have been previously convicted by
final judgement of another crime embraced in the same title of the RPC
B. Quasi-recidivist - is one who commits another crime after having been convicted by final judgement
of a crime falling under either the RPC of Special Law, before beginning to serve such sentence or while
serving the same
C. Habitual Delinquent - is one who, within a period of 10 years from the date of his release or last
conviction of the crimes of serious or less serious physical injuries, robbery, estafa, or falsification, is
found guilty of any of the said crimes for the third time or oftener
Circumstances Affecting Criminal Liability

Justifying circumstances. — The following do not incur any criminal liability:

1. Anyone who acts in defense of his person or rights, provided that the following
circumstances concur;
First. Unlawful aggression.
Second. Reasonable necessity of the means employed to prevent or repel it.
Third. Lack of sufficient provocation on the part of the person defending himself.
2. Any one who acts in defense of the person or rights of his spouse, ascendants, descendants,
or legitimate, natural or adopted brothers or sisters, or his relatives by affinity in the same
degrees and those consanguinity within the fourth civil degree, provided that the first and second
requisites prescribed in the next preceding circumstance are present, and the further requisite, in
case the revocation was given by the person attacked, that the one making defense had no part
therein.
3. Anyone who acts in defense of the person or rights of a stranger, provided that the first and
second requisites mentioned in the first circumstance of this Art. are present and that the person
defending be not induced by revenge, resentment, or other evil motive.
4. Any person who, in order to avoid an evil or injury, does not act which causes damage to
another, provided that the following requisites are present;
First. That the evil sought to be avoided actually exists;
Second. That the injury feared be greater than that done to avoid it;
Third. That there be no other practical and less harmful means of preventing it.

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 5. Any person who acts in the fulfillment of a duty or in the lawful exercise of a right or office.
6. Any person who acts in obedience to an order issued by a superior for some lawful purpose.

Exempting Circumstances. — the following are exempt from criminal liability:

1. An imbecile or an insane person, unless the latter has acted during a lucid interval.
When the imbecile or an insane person has committed an act which the law defines as a felony
(delito), the court shall order his confinement in one of the hospitals or asylums established for
persons thus afflicted, which he shall not be permitted to leave without first obtaining the
permission of the same court.
2. A person under nine years of age.
3. A person over nine years of age and under fifteen, unless he has acted with discernment, in
which case, such minor shall be proceeded against in accordance with the provisions of Art. 80
of this Code.
When such minor is adjudged to be criminally irresponsible, the court, in conformably with the
provisions of this and the preceding paragraph, shall commit him to the care and custody of his
family who shall be charged with his surveillance and education otherwise, he shall be
committed to the care of some institution or person mentioned in said Art. 80.
4. Any person who, while performing a lawful act with due care, causes an injury by mere
accident without fault or intention of causing it.
5. Any person who act under the compulsion of irresistible force.
6. Any person who acts under the impulse of an uncontrollable fear of an equal or greater injury.
7. Any person who fails to perform an act required by law, when prevented by some lawful
insuperable cause.

Mitigating circumstances. — The following are mitigating circumstances;

1. Those mentioned in the preceding chapter, when all the requisites necessary to justify or to
exempt from criminal liability in the respective cases are not attendant.
2. That the offender is under eighteen year of age or over seventy years. In the case of the
minor, he shall be proceeded against in accordance with the provisions of Art. 80.
3. That the offender had no intention to commit so grave a wrong as that committed.
4. That sufficient provocation or threat on the part of the offended party immediately preceded
the act.
5. That the act was committed in the immediate vindication of a grave offense to the one
committing the felony (delito), his spouse, ascendants, or relatives by affinity within the same
degrees.
6. That of having acted upon an impulse so powerful as naturally to have produced passion or
obfuscation.
7. That the offender had voluntarily surrendered himself to a person in authority or his agents,
or that he had voluntarily confessed his guilt before the court prior to the presentation of the
evidence for the prosecution;
8. That the offender is deaf and dumb, blind or otherwise suffering some physical defect which
thus restricts his means of action, defense, or communications with his fellow beings.
9. Such illness of the offender as would diminish the exercise of the will-power of the offender
without however depriving him of the consciousness of his acts.
10. And, finally, any other circumstances of a similar nature and analogous to those above
mentioned.

Aggravating circumstances. — The following are aggravating circumstances:

1. That advantage be taken by the offender of his public position.
2. That the crime be committed in contempt or with insult to the public authorities.

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 3. That the act be committed with insult or in disregard of the respect due the offended party on
account of his rank, age, or sex, or that is be committed in the dwelling of the offended party, if
the latter has not given provocation.
4. That the act be committed with abuse of confidence or obvious ungratefulness.
5. That the crime be committed in the palace of the Chief Executive or in his presence, or
where public authorities are engaged in the discharge of their duties, or in a place dedicated to
religious worship.
6. That the crime be committed in the night time, or in an uninhabited place, or by a band,
whenever such circumstances may facilitate the commission of the offense.
Whenever more than three armed malefactors shall have acted together in the commission of
an offense, it shall be deemed to have been committed by a band.
7. That the crime be committed on the occasion of a conflagration, shipwreck, earthquake,
epidemic or other calamity or misfortune.
8. That the crime be committed with the aid of armed men or persons who insure or afford
impunity.
9. That the accused is a recidivist.
A recidivist is one who, at the time of his trial for one crime, shall have been previously
convicted by final judgment of another crime embraced in the same title of this Code.
10. That the offender has been previously punished by an offense to which the law attaches an
equal or greater penalty or for two or more crimes to which it attaches a lighter penalty.
11. That the crime be committed in consideration of a price, reward, or promise.
12. That the crime be committed by means of inundation, fire, poison, explosion, stranding of a
vessel or international damage thereto, derailment of a locomotive, or by the use of any other
artifice involving great waste and ruin.
13. That the act be committed with evidence premeditation.
14. That the craft, fraud or disguise be employed.
15. That advantage be taken of superior strength, or means be employed to weaken the
defense.
16. That the act be committed with treachery (alevosia).
There is treachery when the offender commits any of the crimes against the person, employing
means, methods, or forms in the execution thereof which tend directly and specially to insure its
execution, without risk to himself arising from the defense which the offended party might make.
17. That means be employed or circumstances brought about which add ignominy to the
natural effects of the act.
18. That the crime be committed after an unlawful entry.
There is an unlawful entry when an entrance of a crime a wall, roof, floor, door, or window be
broken.
20. That the crime be committed with the aid of persons under fifteen years of age or by means
of motor vehicles, motorized watercraft, airships, or other similar means. (As amended by RA
5438).
21. That the wrong done in the commission of the crime be deliberately augmented by causing
other wrong not necessary for its commissions.

Alternative circumstances are those which must be taken into consideration as aggravating or
mitigating according to the nature and effects of the crime and the other conditions attending its
commission. They are the relationship, intoxication and the degree of instruction and education of the
offender.
The alternative circumstance of relationship shall be taken into consideration when the offended party in
the spouse, ascendant, descendant, legitimate, natural, or adopted brother or sister, or relative by
affinity in the same degrees of the offender.

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The intoxication of the offender shall be taken into consideration as a mitigating circumstances when
the offender has committed a felony in a state of intoxication, if the same is not habitual or subsequent
to the plan to commit said felony but when the intoxication is habitual or intentional, it shall be
considered as an aggravating circumstance.

Table 1. Classification and Duration of Penalty

Classification Penalty Duration

Afflictive Reclusion Perpetua 20 yrs and 1 day to 40 yrs

Reclusion Temporal 12 yrs and 1 day to 20 yrs

Prision Mayor or Temporary Disqualification 6 yrs and 1 day to 12 yrs

Correctional Prision Menor Correccional, suspension and 6 months and 1 day to 6

destierro yrs
Arresto Mayor 1 month and 1 day to 6
months
Light Arresto Menor 1 day to 30 days
Common Bond to Keep the Peace At the court’s discretion

SUMMARY:
Conformity and deviance are two ways in which people respond to real or imagined pressure
from others. In this chapter we examined the relationships among deviance and conformity, crime and
social control. We studied the mechanisms societies use, both formal and informal, to encourage
conformity and discourage deviance, paying particular attention to the law and how it reflects our social
values.
1. Deviant behavior violates social norms. Some forms of deviance carry a negative social
stigma, while other forms are more or less accepted.
2. A society uses social control to encourage the acceptance of basic norms.
3. Stanley Milgram defined conformity as going along with one’s peers; obedience is defined as
compliance with higher authorities in a hierarchical structure.
4. Some norms are so important to a society, they are formalized into laws. Socialization is a
primary source of conforming and obedient behavior, including obedience to law.
5. From a functionalist point of view, deviance and its consequences help to define the limits of
proper behavior
6. Law, in the context of deviance, maintains social order by enforcing legal liabilities which can
be civil or criminal
7. A crime is committed by any person for anys and omissions punishable by law (felonies or
“delitos”) not only by means of deceit (dolo) but also by means of fault (culpa) against persons
or property.
8. Criminal liabilities are for those who inflicts greater gravity of offense and shall incur either
afflictive,correctional, light, and common

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MODULE 5
MODELS OF URBAN PLANNING,
SETTLEMENT, AND RESETTLEMENT
Lvl 4.2 - Limasawa Rerebrace

Most Essential Learning Outcomes

At the end of this module, the learners are expected to:
➤ Explain the main patterns displayed by the physical structure of cities.
➤ Find out the main processes that create and reshape the urban fabric.
➤ Discuss the main socio-economic dimensions of city structure and how are they manifest
geographically.
➤ Elucidate the main differences in the quality of life in cities.

Introduction:
In parallel with the tradition of regionalization within the discipline as a whole, urban social
geographers have sought to ‘regionalize’ towns and cities in attempts to produce high-level
generalizations about urban form and structure. These generalizations can be thought of as capturing
the outcome, at a particular point in time, of the sociospatial dialectic. They provide useful models with
which to generate and test hypotheses and theories concerning urban growth processes and patterns of
social interaction in cities. Whatever the perspective, the initial objective is to identify areas within
cities that exhibit distinctive characteristics and which can be shown to be relatively homogeneous.
The word relatively is crucial here for we when labelling such areas, not to assume that all the
inhabitants share similar characteristics, for there is diversity and difference in even the most
homogeneous-looking urban areas. Nevertheless, cities do display distinctive spatial patterns. In this
module, we shall establish the fundamental patterns that occur in both the physical and the
socioeconomic dimensions of contemporary cities and describe them from a variety of perspectives.

LESSON INPUTS

Urban morphology and the physical structure

of cities

The study of the physical qualities of the

urban environment is one of the
longest-established branches of social science,
especially in Europe, where the study of
‘townscapes’ and ‘morphological regions’ has
occupied a prominent place in urban studies.

House types, building lots and street layouts

To a large extent, morphological patterns
are based on two fundamental elements: the
size and shape of plots of land, and the layout
of streets. Both vary according to historical

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period, economics and sociocultural ideals. Where there is a shortage of building land, or where as
many buildings as possible have to be accommodated along a given frontage (as on a waterfront or
around a market square), small, deep plots tend to result. Elsewhere, the size and form of the plot tend
to be determined by the predominant house type (for example, the towns of England, the Netherlands
and the north German coast were historically characterized by small, rational house types that required
small plots with only a narrow (5-metre) frontage; the standard nineteenth-century tenement building of
American cities required only a 9-metre frontage; whereas the standard apartment house needed 32
metres of frontage).

Morphogenesis
Morphogenesis refers to the processes that create and reshape the physical fabric of urban form.
Over time, urban morphology changes, not only as new urban fabric is added but also as existing fabric
is modified. Basic forms, consisting of house, plot and street types of a given period, become hybridized
as new buildings replace old, plots are amalgamated or subdivided, and street layouts are modified.
Each successive phase of urban growth is subject to the influence of different Figuresocial,
1. Growth economic
phases in Dublin,and
Ireland
cultural forces, while the growth
of every town is a twin process of
outward extension and internal
reorganization.
Each phase adds new
fabric in the form of accretions
and replacements. The process
of outward extension typically
results in the kind of annular
patterns of accretion shown in
figure1. The process of
reorganization is illustrated by
figure2, which shows the
changes that occurred in part of
Liverpool as institutional land
users (including the university,
the Roman Catholic Cathedral
and hospitals and clinics)
encroached into the
nineteenth-century street pattern,
replacing the fine grain of
residential streets with a much
coarser fabric of towers and slab
blocks.
The oldest, innermost
zones of the city are especially
subject to internal reorganization,
with the result that a distinctive
morphological element is created,
containing a mixture of residential,
commercial and industrial
functions, often within physically
deteriorating structures.
Small factories and
workshops make an important
contribution to the ambience of

Figure 2. Morphological reorganization of the university district in Liverpool

14
such areas. Some of these factories may be residual, having resisted the centrifugal tendency to move
out to new sites, but a majority are ‘invaders’ that have colonized sites vacated by earlier industries or
residents. Typically, they occupy old property that has become available in side streets off the shopping
thoroughfares in the crowded but decaying residential zone surrounding the CBD.
Beyond this inner zone, industrial, commercial and residential morphological elements tend to
be clearly differentiated, although typically arranged in an imperfect zonation, interrupted by radial
arteries of commercial and industrial development and by major roads and railway tracks, and distorted
by the peculiarities of site and situation. In addition, a good deal of urban development is characterized
by the persistence of enclaves of relict morphological units (e.g. castles, cathedrals, university precincts,
boulevards, public parks and common lands, all of which tend to resist the logic of market forces and so
survive as vestigial features amid newly developed or redeveloped neighborhoods). These relict units
tend to impair the symmetrical pattern that may otherwise emerge.
Even in relatively new and homogeneous suburban residential areas a good deal of
morphological reorganization can take place. Figure 3 shows the extent of morphological reorganization
(between the mid-1950s and the late 1980s) in sample sites taken from both the inner and the outer
reaches of suburban neighbourhoods of towns in south-east England. In this case, reorganization
resulted from pressure for more intensive residential development that arose because of a combination
of a reduction in the average size of households and increases in population, employment opportunities
and incomes in south-east England. The result, reflflected in all of the sample sites shown in Figure 3, is
a considerable degree of plot subdivision (the truncation of corner plots, the subdivision of original
parcels, or both) and redevelopment (including the residential development of previously non-residential
land). Such patterns represent an important dimension of change – piecemeal infill and redevelopment
– that is central to the sociospatial dialectic of the ageing suburbs of cities throughout the developed
world.
The sociospatial dialectic is indeed an important aspect of morphogenesis. Over the broader
sweep of time, morphogenesis is caught up in the continual evolution of norms and aesthetics of power,
space and design. Successive innovations in urban design are not only written into the landscape in the
form of extensions and reorganizations but also come to be symbolic of particular values and attitudes
that can be evoked or manipulated by subsequent revivals or modififications.
Within this context, innovations in transport technology are of particular importance, since they
not only contribute to the evolution of the norms and aesthetics of power, space and design (as in the
development of subdivisions based on culs-de-sac and loop roads in response to the intrusiveness of
automobiles) but also exert a direct influence on the overall physical structure of urban areas. Major
innovations in transport technology (the railway, the streetcar, rapid transit, automobiles, trucks and
buses) have the effect of revolutionizing urban structure because they allow for radical changes in
patterns of relative accessibility. The result is a pattern of physical development that is the product of
successive epochs of transport technology.

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 Figure 3. Plot-subdivision and redevelopment in England

SUMMARY
1. The physical structures of cities display complex patterns that reflect many processes
superimposed over the years. There are wide variations in environmental quality in cities. Urban areas
also have distinctive characteristics that can often best be captured through subjective written
descriptions that reflect the ‘feel’ of a neighbourhood.
2. Studies of cities reveal interrelationships between groups of variables reflecting three main
dimensions: economic inequalities, family status and ethnicity, which are often reflected respectively in
sectors, concentric rings and clusters. There are, however, many variations in residential structure
reflecting the distinctive processes to be found within cities. Territorial social indicators also reveal wide
variations in the quality of life in cities. Often these indices overlap to reveal multiple deprivation.

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MODULE 6
PRINCIPLES OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT
Lvl. 6 - Panay Cuisses

Most Essential Learning Outcomes:

At the end of this module, the learners are expected to:

 Discuss the social and cultural transformation that happened in the rural areas through the
years
 Assess the current status of rural stratification
 Evaluate the challenges in rural development

INTRODUCTION
Here is a narrative of 1990’s rural Filipino community:
In 1990, nearly six out of every ten Filipinos lived in villages or barangays. Each barangay
consisted of a number of sitios (neighborhoods), clusters of households that were the basic
building blocks of society above the family. Each sitio comprised 15 to 30 households, and
most barangays numbered from 150 to 200 households. As a rule, barangays also contained
an elementary school, one or two small retail stores, and a small Roman Catholic chapel. They
were combined administratively into municipalities.
In the larger center, one could find a much more substantial church and rectory for the
resident priest, other non-Roman Catholic churches, a number of retail stores and the weekly
marketplace, a full six-year elementary school and probably a high school, a rice and corn mill,
a pit for cockfights, and the homes of most landowners and middle-class teachers and
professionals living in the municipality. This urban concentration was not only the
administrative center but also the social, economic, educational, and recreational locus. This
was particularly so where the center was itself a full-scale town, complete with restaurants,
cinemas, banks, specialty stores, gas stations, repair shops, bowling alleys, a rural health clinic,
and perhaps a hospital and hotel or two. Television sets were found in most homes in such
towns, whereas some barangays in remote areas did not even have electricity.

LESSON INPUTS

In the rural Philippines, traditional values remained the rule. The family was central to a Filipino's
identity, and many sitios were composed mainly of kin. Kin ties formed the basis for most friendships
and supranuclear family relationships. Filipinos continued to feel a strong obligation to help their
neighbors-- whether in granting a small loan or providing jobs for neighborhood children, or expecting to
be included in neighborhood work projects, such as rebuilding or reroofing a house and clearing new
land. The recipient of the help was expected to provide tools and food. Membership in the cooperative
work group sometimes continued even after a member left the neighborhood. Likewise, the recipient's
siblings joined the group even if they lived outside the sitio. In this way, familial and residential ties were
intermixed.
Before World War II, when landlords and tenants normally lived in close proximity, patron-client
relationships, often infused with mutual affection, frequently grew out of close residential contact. In the
early 1990s, patron-client reciprocal ties continued to characterize relations between tenants and those

17
landlords who remained in barangays. Beginning with World War II, however, landlords left the
countryside and moved into the larger towns and cities or even to one of the huge metropolitan centers.
By the mid-1980s, most large landowners had moved to the larger cities, although, as a rule, they also
maintained a residence in their provincial center. Landowners who remained in the municipality itself
were usually school teachers, lawyers, and small entrepreneurs who were neither longstanding large
landowners (hacenderos) nor owners of more than a few hectares of farmland.
In the urban areas, the landowners had the advantages of better education facilities and more
convenient access to banking and business opportunities. This elite exodus from the barangays,
however, brought erosion of landlord-tenant and patron-client ties. The exodus of the wealthiest families
also caused patronage of local programs and charities to suffer.
The strength of dyadic patterns in Philippine life probably caused farmers to continue to seek new
patron-client relationships within their barangays or municipalities. Their personal alliance systems
continued to stress the vertical dimension more than the horizontal. Likewise, they sought
noninstitutional means for settling disputes, rarely going to court except as a last resort. Just as the local
landlord used to be the arbiter of serious disputes, so the barangay head could be called on to perform
this function.
The traditional rural village was an isolated settlement, influenced by a set of values that
discouraged change. It relied, to a great extent, on subsistence farming. By the 1980s, land reform and
leaseholding arrangements had somewhat limited the role of the landlords so that farmers could turn to
government credit agencies and merchants as sources of credit. Even the categories of landlord and
tenant changed, because one who owned land might also rent additional land and thus become both a
landlord and a tenant.
In many barangays, the once peaceful atmosphere of the community was gone, and community
cohesion was further complicated by the effects of the New People's Army (NPA) insurgency. If
residents aided the NPA, they faced punishment from government troops. Government troops could not
be everywhere at all times, however, and when they left, those who aided the government faced
vengeance from the NPA. One approach that the government took was to organize the villagers into
armed vigilante groups. Such groups, however, have often been accused of extortion, intimidation, and
even torture.
Economic organization of Philippine farmers has been largely ineffective. This fact has worked to
the disadvantage of all of the farmers, especially the landless farm workers who were neither owners
nor tenants. These landless farmers remained in abject poverty with little opportunity to better their lot or
benefit from land reform or welfare programs.
Even in the 1990s, the pace of life was slower in rural than in urban areas. Increased
communication and education had brought rural and urban culture closer to a common outlook,
however, and the trend toward scientific agriculture and a market economy had brought major changes
in the agricultural base. Scientific farming on a commercialized basis, land reform programs, and
increased access to education and to mass media were all bringing change. In spite of migration to
cities, the rural areas continued to grow in population, from about 33 million in 1980 to nearly 38 million
in 1985. Rural living conditions also improved significantly, so that by the early 1990s most houses,
except in the most remote areas, were built of strong material and equipped with electricity and indoor
plumbing.

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SUMMARY:
 Social stratification remained the most prominent issue that both urban and rural community face.
 In terms of peace and security, rural area poses a threat due to perils of insurgencies.
 Barangay system was an effective measure to promote local governance of public community
affairs in the rural areas.
 There is still a need to address poor educational interventions and political presence.
 The rise of cooperatives and people’s organizations is perceived as the most sustainable way to
improve life in the rural areas.

----------------------------------------------SELF-ASSESSMENT----------------------------------------------
Read and analyze the following questions below. This will test the basic knowledge that you have
gained this semester. Answer key is provided at the references page.
1. What does it mean when it is being said that “there is no act that is inherently deviant”?
a) Deviance might change over time
b) Deviance vary among cultural patterns
c) Deviant act from one society might not be considered deviant to the other
d) All of the above

2. Which of the following is an example of blue-collar crimes?

a) Betrayal of Public Trust b) Robbery c) Espionage d) Flight to enemy country

3. Which source of law originates in the congress?

a) Legislation b) Constitution c) Judicial Opinion d) None of the above

4. Based on Merton, this means embracing the society's definition of success and adhering to the
established and approved means of achieving success.
a) Conformity b) Ritualism c) Innovation d) Retreatism

5. This is the use of illicit means to reach approved goals

a) Conformity b) Ritualism c) Innovation d) Retreatism

6. The poorest sector in the country today is __________.

a) Farming b) Fishery c) Forestry d) Mining

7. The barangay came from the Malayan word, balangay has its roots in _________ era.
a) Spanish b) Japanese c) American d) Pre-colonial

8. In rural communities, leisure time consists of visiting and chatting with friends. What particular
socio-religious annual activity that is always looked forward to by rural folks in honor of their patron saint?
a) Panguingue b) Fiesta c) Pamamanhikan d) Pustahan

9. It serves as the focal point of a city where the commercial, office, retail, and cultural centers are located. It
is also usually the center point for transportation networks.
a) Central Business District b)Transportation Zone c)Urban-Rural Fringe

10. Which of the following choices is not strategically located in the Central Business District?
a) Stadium b) Museum c) Town Hall d) Chocolate Factory

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 SOCIETY AND CULTURE WITH POPULATION EDUCATION
MIDTERM

References and Resources:

Alain, Michel. 1985. “An Empirical Validation of Relative Deprivation.” Human Relations 38
(8):739–749.
Alarcón, Arthur L., Paula M. Mitchell, Laurie L. Levenson, and James P. Gray. 2011. “Death
Penalty Reform.” Loyola of Los Angeles Review 44 (Special Issue).
Alba, Richard D. 1990. Ethnic Identity: The Transformation of White America. New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press.
Bell, Wendell. 1981. “Modernization.” Pp. 186–187 in Encyclopedia of Sociology. Guilford, CT:
DPG Publishing.
Beller, Emily. 2009. “Bringing Intergenerational Social Mobility Research into the Twenty-first
Century: Why Mothers Matter.” America Sociological Review 74 (August):507–528.
Carlton-Ford, Steve. 2010. “Major Armed Conflicts, Militarization, and Life Chances.” Armed
Forces and Society 36 (October):864–899.
Department of Homeland Security. 2010. Haiti Social Media: Disaster Monitoring Initiative.
January 21. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Homeland Security.

Reviewed and Approved by:

MARILYN T. ALCALA, LPT, Ph. D.

Dean

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