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Research 4293pdf
Research 4293pdf
HEALTHCARE AYURVEDIC
SPA INTERIOR
Submitted by
ENR.NO: 4293
On
23/03/2022
To Bro. Stany
Mittathanickal
St. Francis Institute of Art & Design
Borivali (W), Mumbai
MEANING:
Recognizing the need to cater to the physical and mental needs of the middle-class, large
corporations have explored different services and products. Increasingly, the
developments of services and products that focus on holistic lifestyle and holistic
medicine have caught the imagination of big and small corporations – as well as that of
the middle class, who become ready consumers. Aggressive marketing for ‘wellness and
spa culture’ under the banner of ayurveda is an indicator of ‘new age desire’. The
commodifi cation of ayurveda started in India when the large ayurvedic drug
manufacturers started to link commercially- prepared ayurveda to Indian civilization, and
as a symbol of it, with a revivalist inspiration (Nichter, 1996, p. 292). Today, ayurveda
has largely become a middle class urban phenom- enon and has turned into fast moving
consumer goods (Bode, 2008) that are offered as remedies for the urban middle class
diseases of affl uence, suchas obesity, stress, impotence, etc., as well as to enhance
body–beauty–health conscious-ness.
The branding of ayurveda as a market strategy for the health consumer has become an
important factor in the creation of‘NewAge orientalist desire’. UsingVedicVillage asa
case, thispaper showshownew age orientalism hasbeen spread in modern India to middle
class professionals, entrepreneurs and overseas health tourists. With this representa- tion,
ayurveda hasbecome awellnesstherapyinsteadofameanstorestorehealth,andaffluent
peoplecannowbuy a package of ‘ayurvedic healthy life’ without changing their lifestyles.
In addition to Euro–American health tourists, emerging middle classprofessionals and
entrepreneurs inmodernIndia have alsobecome anintegral partoftheprocess of‘newage
orientalization’.Thispaperconcludesthatthecommodifiedversionofayurveda, whichhas
beendevel- opedintheWestaspart of‘wellness andspaculture’, hasbecome popular among
theaffluent middle classinIndia andabroadtoday, andthroughthistheWesthasclaimed and
justifiesauthorityoverEastern medicine.
Various advertise-ments for dietary routines and physical exercises proclaim how
individuals can infl uence and control their physical and mental images (Laws, 1996).
Many advertisements and web pages for such health tourist resorts use Western actors
and actresses and show Westerners enjoying healthy lives, thanks to Indian medical
systems.This paper examines the development of the notion of ayurvedic holistic lifestyle
services and products in response to modern demands. A case study of the Vedic Village
will enable us to understand how the indigenous ayurvedic health system has been
commodifi ed to cater to both local and global consumers.
The field work was conducted in the Vedic Village, a recently-built ayurvedic tourist resort
and spa which middle class and wealthy patients and clients visit. It has been developed by
a pri-vate commercial enterprise based in Kolkata, the Sanjeevani Group. It is located in
Rajarhat, a rural area approximately 40 minutes drive from Kolkata city centre and only 20
minutes drive (around 15 kilometres) from Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose International
Airport. The major reason for choosing Kolkata is my language advantage. It is a city
habited predominantly by the Bangla-speaking ethno-linguistic group to which I
belomodern culture and cater to upper-middle-class lifestyle requirements. Currently,
there are 40 ng. The well-appointed villas and rooms present an environment of character
and well-equipped villas available for health tourists to stay in. However, the target is to
build approxi-mately 500 houses inside the village compound and sell them as vacation
houses to outsiders of the upper middle classes who aspire to such a lifestyle.
Many owners of these houses stay in the Village for a period of time each year; at other
periods the Sanjeevani Group manages the villas and fi lls them with tourists. As in many
resorts with privately-owned housing units, this system guarantees a source of income for
the owner, depending on the occupancy rate. The total village complex occupies 120 acre
of land and is surrounded by lakes and ponds.
During fieldwork, there were five professionally trained ayurvedic and alternative
physicians working in the Vedic Village spa resort, including two ayurvedacharya with
Bachelor of Ayurvedic Medicine and Surgery (BAMS) degrees and three holistic doctors
holding Bachelor of Homoeopathic Medicine and Surgery (BHMS) degrees. One of the
holistic doctors had professional training in Naturopathy, while the others had expertise in
acupuncture in addition to their BHMS degrees. Apart from these trained physicians, there
was a professionally trained Yoga master and dozens of ayurvedic therapists working in the
Vedic Village wellness centre and health spa to provide Yoga session and ayurvedic
massage therapy. The largest number of service providers were ayurvedic-trained
therapists, who held diploma degrees in ayurvedic therapy – most of them were from
Southern India, particularly Kerala state.
The Vedic Village today offers three types of alternative therapies: ayurvedic therapies, spa
massages, and wellness therapeutics. All these include different massages of various
duration and price. Many health tourists are attracted because of the therapeutic services
that Vedic Village offers in a tranquil environment.
The fieldwork was completed in two phases, during August–September 2004 and
JulySeptember 2005. The major data collection techniques for primary data gathering
employed in this research consisted of individual interviews with semi-structured
questionnaire2, and participant observation. Statistics from the Vedic Village client register
book were also collected.
Ayurveda is the systematisation of the Vedic medical knowledge and healing practices that
were present during the Vedic era. The word ayurveda consists of two Sanskrit terms: ‘veda’
means ‘knowledge’ or ‘science’, while ‘ayu’, means ‘life’ or ‘duration of life’. Ayurveda thus
refers to the knowledge of life or the science of life. Ayurveda defi nes ayu, or life, as a
combination and coordination of four parts: atta (the soul), mona (the mind), indrio (the
senses) and sharer (the body) (Joshi, 1997). Each of these parts has a specifi c function in
maintaining the balance of the body (Joshi, 1997, p. 15).
Whenever there is a disconnection among these four elements an immediate physical,
mental or spiritual imbalance arises.
The two most famous classical ayurvedic epics, the Caraka Samhita and the Susruta Samhita,
were written in Sanskrit and are part of the Brahmanic tradition. According to ayurvedic
thought, the human being is a creation of panchamabhuta (fi ve cosmic elements: space, air,
fi re, water and earth) and atta (soul; Susruta, sutro sthnas, chapter 1, paragraph 18)3.
Another powerful conceptual tool in ayurveda is that of the three dosha (humours). The fi
ve elements of panchamabhuta have different impacts on dosha because of their changing
natures according to time and season (Joshi, 1997, pp. 8–9). According to the Caraka
Samhita, ‘all the physiological diseases are originated and caused by the alteration
of(bayupitto-koph (air, bile and phlegm) or the functional capacity of dosha’ (Caraka, sutro
sthna, chapter 1). As a result, if the equilibrium of the dosha is maintained, disease cannot
occur in the body. It is mentioned in the Susruta Samhita that ayurveda has two purposes: fi
rstly, to cure patients; and secondly, to maintain the health of healthy persons.
The text also recognizes that the body and the mind are the two comple-mentary
constituents of a living being and the sources of disease: some diseases emerge from the
body, others from the mind, and a few are both from the body and mind (Susruta, sutro
sthna, chapter 1, paragraph 20).
Edward Said argued that orientalism is a mir-ror for looking at the Orient and/or to enter
oriental society’ for Occidentals. Said per-ceived orientalism as an ideological category
rather than a geographical one; for him, orientalism expresses a ‘mode of discourse with
supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery, doctrines, even colonial
bureaucracies and colonial styles’ (Said, 1987, p. 2). Under the shadow of orientalism, the
West not only dominated the Orient but also restructured and claimed authority over the
Orient. The relationship between Occident and Orient is one of power domination and
complex hegemony. (Said, 1987, pp. 2–3).
India was constructed by the orientalist ‘as the domain of spirituality’, although ‘inferior to
the real sacrament, Christianity’ (Prashad, 2000, p. 42). It was also the favorite ‘Object of
Western fantasy’ and of the ‘German Romantics’, who considered India to be an abode of
Spirit (Lopez, 1998, p. 6). One of the popular manifestations of such European romance
about India is the attempt to fi nd the answer to occidentals’ own perceived lacks ‘through a
process of projection’ (Lopez, 1998). However, the situation became reversed as European
colonial interest accelerated, and ‘Indian colonial rule was justifi ed by the argument that
the British were an enlight-ened and rational race of rulers who had to lead and develop the
Indian people, steeped as they were in ancient prejudices’ (Veer, 1998, p. 483).
The orientalist ‘play of opposites’, as noted by Lopez (1998), has been found throughout the
history of Europe’s relation to India. This opposition, as concerns ayurveda, has shifted
several times during the colonial and postcolonial eras. During the early phase of the East
India Company regime, many company offi cials consulted ayurvedic practitioners, in
addition to European doctors, who also served as con-sultants to members of the Indian
elite (Jeffery, 1988, pp. 50–51). At the same time, the Court of Directors in London
encouraged its employ-ees to investigate the value of local Indian ayurvedic medicine and
medical texts (Jeffery, 1988, p. 51). Later, colonial expansion and Western medical
intervention during the nineteenth century did not simply determine the rise of allopathic
medicine or an ideology of imperial control. Rather, they showed how each ‘played off the
other within the unfolding of a particular historical process’ (Comaroff & Comaroff, 1992, p.
216). As it was uneconomical to import med-ical professionals trained in Western medicine
from Europe to provide health care in India, the colonial administration founded the School
of Native Doctors in Kolkata in 1822, where lec-tures were given on modern (allopathic)
medical subjects side by side with ayurveda (Jaggi, 1979). This illustrates a sympathetic
attitude and tolerance of the colonial administration to a synthesis of ayurveda and Western
medicine in India.
This situation however, was reversed after the foundation of Calcutta Medical College in
1835, by which time colonial rule was already rooted strongly in Indian soil. This was a
pioneer Western medical educational institution in India. Several other colleges and schools
were opened for teaching Western allopathic medicine by the second half of the nineteenth
century (Jaggi, 1979, p. 11). Thus, nineteenth century Western medical intervention and the
colonizing project were inseparable in many senses, and the interrelation between them
was dialectical. Although the imperial establishment and biomedical intervention did not
engage in the same reciprocal relationship in some parts of the European colonial regime,
there was a clear ‘elective affi nity’ (Comaroff & Comaroff, 1992) p. 232). Bythe second half
of the nineteenth century, however, ayurveda was clearly opposed by Western medical
practice in India. The pre-dominant Hindu community was depicted as superstitious and
sometimes religiously extrem-ist. As ayurveda was inseparable from the Hindu community
in India it was thus stigmatised as a form of religious healing. Ayurvedic education was then
shifted to Sanskrit colleges, and practi-tioners trained in ayurveda were not allowed to
practice as registered medical practitioners. . START-224
Western medical intervention in India was a ‘colonizing process’ which ‘illustrate[d] the
more general nature of colonial power and knowledge and [illuminated] its hegemonic as
well as its coercive processes’ (Arnold, 1993, p. 8). Colonialism was not a one-way project in
which colonizers imposed their mission upon colonized; nor was it a two-sided affair in
which the colonized had some infl uences on the way the colonizers acted. Rather, it was a
‘complex business’, and the colonizing mission underwent a continuous reconstructing
process, which Comaroff and Comaroff (1992, pp. 232–293) called ‘the colonization of
consciousness and the consciousness of colonization’.
In India, the trend of integration could pro-long the hegemonic presence of colonial
medicine beside ayurveda; and in fact this eventually led to a gradual decline of ayurveda.
By the end of the nineteenth century ayurvedic practitio-ners had already widely recognized
that, in order to combat the increasingly widespread European medical intervention, it
would be necessary to adopt ‘certain forms of European institutional practice’ (Langford,
2002, p. 7; Leslie, 1976). It was thus not uncommon to fi nd Western medi-cine practiced by
the ayurvedic graduates in the later period of colonial rule, as a result of their integrated
education backgrounds and many modern ayurvedic graduates are able to prac-tice
medicine from an allopathic perspective and dispense allopathic drugs (Welch, 2008, p.
130).
The fi nal phase of orientalist play has emerged during the post-colonial revival era, when
India was presented in the context of a ‘generalized Orient’ but one in which the beautiful
mystery of India has been used in a variety of ways in the US (Prashad, 2000, p. 21). The
emerging rise and growth of ayurvedic ‘wellness and spa culture’ in the West (Euro–
America), and also in the East (India), in recent decades is relevant to the analysis of
‘Orientalism’. This trend can be described as ‘New Age Orientalism’, under the infl uence of
which the term ‘ayurveda’ has become a brand name in the West, where marketing strategy
targets middle class Western health consumers (Selby, 2005). Vedic Village is a
representative of such development – the objective is to recreate a simplicity of lifestyle
under the ‘Vedic’ brand. To enable individualsto experience holistic living, the Vedic Village
offer a comprehensive ayurvedic medication program under its wellness plan.
New age orientalism, in contrast, is about ‘authority’, where the ‘play of opposites’ is
complementary rather than disputative. Ayurveda has been regarded as alternative
medicine, holistic medicine, indigenous medicine, complemen-tary medicine, etc., and
dissimilar to Western medicine. All these idioms have ensured that the ‘authority’ of the
Western medical system over the Eastern medical systems is in place but is not in dispute.
However, both orientalism and new age orientalism symbolize the romanticizing of the East
by the West.
There are various distinctive features of new age orientalism in reference to ayurveda.
Firstly, new age orientalism emerged as part of the New Age Movement to cater the need of
the urban middle class in the West, and has gradually shifted to the East and became
popular among emerging middle class entrepreneurs – those having disposable income.
Vedic Village is an example of this, as both affl uent Indian entre-preneurs and overseas
health tourists head there to fi nd relaxation and rejuvenation and to revit-alise body–mind–
sprit. As one health worker commented,
Two kinds of peoples generally visit Vedic Village health spa. A large group of peoples come
for relaxation and rejuvenation. They are very much concerned about cost of ther-apy,
duration of therapeutic session and satis-faction. This group of clients are particularly
demanding about their satisfaction during we provide therapies. They also contributed a
large share of our income. However, a minor-ity group of clients also come for truly medi-cal
reason. They are reluctant about the cost of treatment or time but desperate to get a cure
from ayurvedic or alternative treat-ment which they did not get from allopathic treatment
Over the last few decades, the New Age Movement has emerged from a crisis of modernity,
which has created a new desire for healthy life among some modern people who have come
to perceive modernity as, indeed, in crisis. Such people are dissatisfi ed with modernity and
have lost faith in the certain-ties of capitalism. The New Age Movement has offered an
alternative way to look at life, particularly for middle- or upper-class people in capitalist
society whose lives are not work-ing well (Heelas, 1996, p. 138). Capitalism has signifi cantly
damaged the social concern of individuals for their fellows, and some have started to search
for spiritual forces to rescue themselves from the ‘slough of despondence and sensuality in
which civilization seems to be perishing’ (Prashad, 2000, p. 45). Spiritualism from the East
has thus become an alternative and lucrative choice for this group of people to rescue
themselves from alienation (Prashad, 2000, p. 45). In the health fi eld, such people criticise
the mainstream capitalist medical establishment, and especially allopathic domi-nance in
health care. They are especially dis-satisfi ed with the isolation of Western medical practice
from the decision-making process, so that they attempt to dip into ‘spirituality’ in
alternative healing (Heelas, 1996, p. 141). One foreign health tourist recalled her experience
at Vedic Village. Marita,4 from the USA, vis-ited Vedic Village for her broken bone. She
subscribed to an ayurvedic package treatment. Marita commented:
In 2004, my foot was crushed, with a bro-ken bone. During the treatment in the US, I was
informed that the nerve of my leg was damaged. It is called complex regional pain
syndrome. I took physical therapy for seven months but it did not really work well. Finally I
switched to surgery. After the surgery my leg became very painful and turned a blue colour.
I was fascinated about Asia and clas-sical ancient cultures of Asia and medicines. There are
many sensitivity centres or energy activity centres in NY called Shakra. Before I came here, I
did research on the internet and knew about ayurveda. But lots of things here depend on
faith, because I am delivering my body to the therapist. I know about the Vedic Village from
my friend who suggested me to come here. Her health improved tremendously after the
treatment she received here. I feel very good after taking this ayurvedic treatment. I
improved so much. My digestion and walking also improved a lot. I have good times and bad
times. I had headache, indigestion problems, but overall I feel better. I came in India for
ayurvedic therapy only because I can’t afford the ayurvedic therapy in New York. I can also
get the relevant food related to my therapy which I can’t get in NY
Secondly, commodifi cation and commer-cialization of the East for the Western con-sumer,
and recently for the Eastern consumer, is a popular feature of new age orientalism.
‘Wellness and spa culture’, which is a relatively new phenomenon in modern Indian society,
is a good example of how ‘Eastern remedies’ are commodifi ed for consumers in India and
overseas. This ‘culture’ involves the emergence of health tourist resorts, which provide
alterna-tive medical and health services, in India and elsewhere. For the months of January,
April and July of 2005, 73% of the clients visited Vedic Village for ayurvedic therapy, 17%
went for massages and relaxation services, and only 10% of the total number of clients
consulted an ayurvedic physician5. The primary aim in visiting the Vedic Village is for
relaxation and stress reduction. The Central Council of Indian Medicine (CCIM) under the
Ministry of Health and Family Welfare recognized the potential of ayurvedic tourism in the
National Policy on Indian Systems of Medicine & Homoeopathy – 2002, which stated that
‘facilities for pancha-karma and yoga would be encouraged to be offered in hotels. Indian
System of Medicine parks would be developed in collaboration with state tourism
authorities’ (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India, 2002, article,
16.17). This growing interest in indigenous medicine has inspired Indian indig-enous drug
manufacturers, ‘who see in this a massive export potential’ (Banerjee, 2000). A massive
growth of ayurvedic resorts, spas and vacation housing under private initiative is also a
signifi cant trend. Many resorts are located at beaches and carry out aggressive market-ing
campaigns to attract international health tourists. Most visitors coming for alternative
healing take part in wellness and spa activities, favouring ayurveda for rejuvenation
purposes. Most are Indians from the upper middle class, tourists from Western countries, or
wealthy and affl uent Indians living overseas. Many of the wellness packages are targeted at
profes-sional middle and upper class clients who have suffi cient disposable income to
engage in such consumption.
Statistics from the month of January, April and July 2005 show that about 90% of the total
income of the Vedic Village wellness centre is generated from ayurvedic therapies, 6% of the
income from massages, and only 4% of the income fromdoctor’s consultations6. This is a
clear indication that ayurveda isclosely associated with ‘relaxation therapy’ and less with
medicaltreatment options. Thus the response for well-ness services hasbeen overwhelming.
There has been a consciousness in the number of people, both local and overseas visitors,
visiting and using the various wellness facilities in the Vedic Village.
One local visitor described his experience in the Vedic Village thus:
I don’t have any idea about ayurvedic treat-ment. I joined the program for my weight loss
after seeing the advertisement where they advocated that the therapy they are provid-ing
is ayurvedic. I have never experienced any ayurvedic treatment. I still don’t know much
about ayurveda and even I don’t know any-thing outside my celluloid weight loss therapy.
Before visiting Vedic Village, I took some Kerala massage to reduce pain. They told me to
take some health package but I couldn’t take it due to my business. So I only can give time
for 1 hour on Sunday and even sometimes I can’t come on Sunday because of emergency. I
saw the advertisements of the Vedic Village and its activities in newspapers and on
television and fi nally decided to come here.
The third popular feature of new age orien-talism is the increased feminization and
naturalization of ayurveda. Classical ayurvedic texts mention ayurvedic treatments as
contributing to the health of kings and court leaders, soldiers, and male members of upper
castes (Dunn, 1976). The representation of ‘female’, as depicted in the ayurvedic discourse
of the early medieval period, was a gendered one, and ‘women were margin-alized, if not
altogether excluded’ (Shah, 2006, p. 45). Women’s sexuality in the ayurvedic texts
reproductive health discussed in classical ayurvedic texts has been replaced by the ‘beauty
paradigm’, and natural beauty, which can be achieved through using ayurvedic products
and services, has become an important part of Indian femininity.
However, proponents of the Euro-American New Age have transformed early ayurvedic
ideas about women’s health into an essential segment of the modern wellness industry, and
medicine is transformed into wellness (Selby, 2005, p. 120). The beauty of women has
become a prime consumer target for the recent development of wellness and spa culture,
and middle class profes-sionals are the clients buying alternative health service packages
provided by the wellness cen-tres. Beauty has become an exclusive ayurvedic commodity,
particularly for middle class elite women, who spend a large amount of their incomes for
body–beauty care – and in Vedic village, there were more female than male cli-ents. From
January, April and July 2005 statis-tics, it is shown that a total of 321 female clients visited
Vedic village wellness center, while the number of male clients was 2487. Most of thefemale
clients received therapy for back pain or weight loss, or got facial massages. Their main
concern was to undergo ‘natural’ treatment with minimum side-effects. Many who visit the
Vedic Village went as couples, but sometimes women visited on their own or with other
women.
Today, a trend of wealthy women routinely visiting health tourist destinations and spas, and
indulging in massages and natural herbal health services, is emerging in India. This increase
in women’s visits has also affected the consump-tion of ayurvedic products and services for
wellness and beauty purposes. Ayurveda was traditionally male dominated in terms of its
mythological origin and historical develop-ment. Increasing female involvement refl ects a
growth of Ayurevedic products and services in recent years providing a clear indication of
feminization bought about by corporations such as Vedic Village. As noted earlier the
develop-ment of the ayurvedic wellness and spa indus-try in India promotes ayurvedic
products and services as an integral part of the process of the new age orientalization where
ayurveda has been presented as wellness therapy for rejuvena-tion or beauty instead of a
complete way of life to restore health. Under this effort, the impor-tance of women’s
reproductive health discussed in classical ayurvedic texts has been replaced by the ‘beauty
paradigm’, and natural beauty, which can be achieved through using ayurvedic products and
services, has become an important part of Indian femininity.
Questioning enlightenment values of the West and celebrating the East are other popular
characteristics of new age orientalism (Reddy, 2004). If the Enlightenment values of the
West were promoted by the discourse of modernity, new age orientalist values are inspired
by a post-modern discourse. Under these new values, the orientalist discourse of ayurveda
has been ‘deconstructed’ and is no longer in dispute with conventional Western medicine.
The ‘Vedic’ daily routine promoted by the Vedic Village is an example of how the Vedic idea
of dinacharya (daily regimen), which is prescribed in the ayurvedic text Ashtangahridaya,
written by Maharshi Bagbhat, has been celebrated as the glory of Eastern ayurvedic
medicine. The text prescribes vari-ous rules and regulations leading to a healthy life, on a
daily basis. However, the dinacharya described in the text is far from the dinacharya
promoted by the Vedic Village. For example, to obtain wellness of the body–mind–sprit, the
promoted by the Vedic Village. For example, to obtain wellness of the body–mind–sprit, the
ayurvedic routine in the Vedic Village includes the process of cleansing/purifi cation,
correction, dietary change, and behavioral motiva-tion. In the text are regulations pertaining
to physical motivation, purifi cation and postures for sleeping and waking hours; and for
personal hygiene, physical exercise, and dietary intake. However, it also prescribes
acceptable behaviour and moral and social values that individuals should uphold
(Ashtangahridaya, sutra sthna, chapter 2). Many of these values are closely related to the
Hindu/Buddhist teachings of morality.
In the Vedic Village, the dinacharya regi-men consists of several sessions, starting with the
Brahma muhurta. A photo of the Hindu god hangs on the wall of a small therapeutic room in
the Vedic Village, in front of which clients pray. After the prayer, vaktra shuddhi, or oral
hygiene, begins – a neem twig is crushed at one end and used as a toothbrush, with herbal
tooth pow-der, the entire process being called dantadhavana. Afterwards, clients take a
sunrise walk and assem-ble at the Yoga Hall for a Yoga session. Although Yoga is a different
medical practice having its own principles and philosophy, because of its recent popularity
among the middle class, Yoga has been incorporated and promoted under the ayurvedic
dinacharya program – although there is no mention of Yoga in the dinacharya (daily
regimen) described in the Ashtangahridaya text. This is followed by abhyangam shirodhara,
a traditional oil massage therapy from the Indian state of Kerala is given. It should be noted
here that the ayurvedic text Ashtangahridaya suggests to massage oil on the body gently at
least once a day, or every second day (Ashtangahridaya, sutra sthna, chapter 2, paragraph
8– 9). However, the Vedic Village dinacharya program presents such practice as oil massages
therapy in a manner that hinders an understanding of the true meaning ofayurvedic oil
massage8. The entire Dinacharya package offered by the Vedic Village symbolizes how
ayurveda has been contaminated as a result of its new age orientalist celebration.
Last but not least, new age orientalism is rooted in the process of the presentation of
ayurveda as holistic healing and consumption of spirituality. While European orientalism has
presented the East as uncivilized, barbaric or savage, American orien-talism perceived the
East as a domain of spiritu-ality (Reddy, 2004). Modern spiritualism, which originated in the
eighteenth century in an orien-talist-romanticist fashion, has become a ‘wellbeing’ culture
today. In this new culture people consume spirituality as part of an extension of capitalism
(Heelas, 2008). Ideologically the concept of well-ness requires a lifestyle change, which
combines physical activity with relaxation of the mind and intellectual stimulus – basically a
kind of fi tness of body, mind, and spirit (Schobersberger, Greie, & Humpeler, 2004, pp.
199– 200). There are two major aspects of this concept of wellness, the phys-ical aspect and
the spiritual aspect. The physical aspect emphasizes exercise or fi tness, dietary prac-tice,
and behavioural motivation – what is called ‘lifestyle change’, or rectifi cation (shonsodhon)
in ayurveda. The spiritual element of wellness consists of purifi cation and revitalization of
mind and soul.
The key Vedic Village practices in its wellness program are based on the Susruta Samhita
chapters on ritucharya (seasonal practices). According to the text there are six seasons
(ritu): winter, spring, summer, rainy, autumn and dewy. The six seasons each bring different
natural and envi-ronmental conditions, which influence the func-tioning of the human body,
mind and humor (bayu-pitto-koph – air, bile and phlegm; Susruta, sutro sthna, chapter 6).
As a result, the human body experiences different conditions and develops various adaptive
mechanisms to main-tain its balance with the natural environment. Vedic Village provides
lessons on ritucharya (sea-sonal practices) for their clients, which primarily demand a
lifestyle change. For example, the text outlines that, during rainy, autumn and dewy
seasons, the moon (which is considered a god) becomes stronger. During these seasons,
salt, food, and honey are produced in abundance and all living species become stronger. On
the other hand, during winter, spring and summer, the sun (also a god) becomes stronger,
bitter humors in nature increase and all living species become weaker. Living species have to
take necessary action in order to adapt to the different environ-mental conditions.
However, out of 15 clients interviewed, 11 engaged in ayurvedic thera-pies for relaxation
and rejuvenation, and were not aware of how seasonal practices affect their state of health.
None of them were living per-manently on the village campus which is full of duplex villas
with all modern amenities to cater to the modern upper middle class lifestyle. Vedic texts
have thus been romanticised, and particular concepts have been manipulated to cater to
the needs of New Age health desire.
.
Another development is that ayurveda has been promoted as holistic healing and equated
with many other massage therapies without any distinction. For example, the Sanjeeva Spa
treat-ment, the Kerala Ayurvedic Therapy, the One-hour Wellness Therapy, and a one-day
Sanjeeva healing package called the Sanjeeva Glow one-day package are all offered under
‘holistic heal-ing’, and clients often misunderstand all these services as ayurvedic.
Furthermore, three out of the fi ve practitioners working at Vedic Village hold the title of
‘holistic doctor’, although they graduated in BHMS (Bachelor of Homoeopathic Medicine
and Surgery) and hold that degree.
With clever marketing in media, the Vedic Village has begun to gain a reputation both at
home and overseas as a reputed ayurvedic well-ness provider, which provides holistic
therapeutic treatments in a safe natural environment. Such a reputation has led to a steady
stream of foreign visitors to the Vedic Village for alterna-tive treatments and lifestyle
experiences. As the fi ndings have shown, local visitors to the Vedic Village are mostly Indian
middle class profes-sionals or wealthy business persons who come for relaxation therapy.
Their main objective isto rejuvenate themselves and/or to relieve stress. The majority of the
Indian visitors do not con-sider Vedic Village as a place for ayurvedic med-ical treatment but
one for massage therapy spa treatments for rejuvenation and removing stress.
CONCLUSION
This paper has shown that ‘ayurvedic wellness and spa culture’ has become popular in recent
decades, for several reasons. Firstly, ‘ayurvedic wellness and spa culture’ has become popular in the
West to cater to middle-class consumers in search of treatments for health rejuvenation and
relaxation. As part of the New Age Movement in the West, a commodifi ed version of ayurveda has
been popularized as an alternative remedy to sat-isfy middle class health consumers. As a result of
globalization, this has also attracted middle class professionals and entrepreneurs in India who do
not consider ayurveda as their primary mode of treatment. For entrepreneurs, the ayurvedic health
tourism and wellness industry is a way to make money. Likewise, for the Indian govern-ment, the
creation of health and wellness tour-ism brings much-needed foreign currency into the Indian
economy. Such a practice of com-mercialized ayurveda symbolizes the self-aggran-dizement of the
new age orientalist desire. Vedic Village, as representative of this development, makes use of two
aspects of ayurveda: ‘ayurveda’ an alternative healing for rejuvenation, and as an attractive New Age
health product.
Secondly, the ayurvedic texts Susruta Samhita and Ashtangahridaya contain chapters on dinacharya
(daily regimen) and ritucharya (seasonal practices), etc., which Vedic Village is promoting
problematically in their own commercialized versions. Although a large number of consumers today
consume ayurveda as wellness therapy, rejuvenation therapy, health products and dietary
supplements, quite a few of them look for ayurvedic treat-ment as their primary mode of healing
(Banerjee, 2000). Thus the content of ayurveda has become a matter of consumer products.
Consumerism is thus already rooted in the ‘ayurvedic wellness and spa culture’, and ayurveda takes
the form of a commodity rather than as a means of restoring health. This commodifi ed version of
ayurvedahat has, so far, been developed in the West under ‘wellness and spa culture’ has become
popu-lar among the affl uent middle-class in India and abroad today, and through it the West
continues to claim, and to justify, its authority over Eastern medicine. This is a process that has
developed as much as the process of professionalization of ayurveda did at the beginning of the
twentieth century, under colonial rule.
The post-colonial state then restructured traditions instead of reviv-ing traditional ayurvedic
education, training and apprenticeship. At the dawn of the twenty-fi rst Century, ayurvedic
‘wellness and spa culture’ has created a new identity for ayurveda, and ayurveda has been
regarded as wellness therapy. Affl uent Indians now begin to know of ayurveda not as their
ancient medical system, but as relaxation and rejuvenation therapy. An Indian female
visitor recalled her experience in the Vedic Village. Aporna Shen9, a 36-year-old Indian
attorney, vis-ited Vedic Village for a facial massage. She went there with her police-offi cer
husband, although her husband did not take any massage therapy. Aporna commented
that:
I don’t know too much about the Vedic way of life or the way Vedic Village is functioning.
Our new generation really does not know that much about this. I would consider the
medication I am taking as a therapy. It is absolutely great for reducing stress. I am taking this
therapy to relax myself. I am a lawyer and my job is full of ten-sions and meeting different
deadlines. In addi-tion, I have a two-year-old son who also keeps me busy. Vedic village is an
ideal place for relax-ation and to get away from city life. The Vedic village complex is
absolutely beautiful. There are also spa treatments available in Kolkata but this is really
exceptional.
Abstract
Ayurveda is a science of life with a holistic approach to health and personalized
medicine. It is one of the oldest medical systems, which comprises thousands
of medical concepts and hypothesis. Interestingly, Ayurveda has ability to treat
many chronic diseases such as cancer, diabetes, arthritis, and asthma, which
are untreatable in modern medicine. Unfortunately, due to lack of scientific
validation in various concepts, this precious gift from our ancestors is trailing.
Hence, evidence-based research is highly needed for global recognition and
acceptance of Ayurveda, which needs further advancements in the research
methodology. The present review highlights various fields of research including
literary, fundamental, drug, pharmaceutical, and clinical research in Ayurveda.
The review further focuses to improve the research methodology for Ayurveda
with main emphasis on the fundamental research. This attempt will certainly
encourage young researchers to work on various areas of research for the
development and promotion of Ayurveda.
More than a thousand Ayurvedic postgraduates pass out each year and enter
into the streamline of academics and practice. Among them, only a few choose
their profession as researcher in Ayurveda
Neither has the Ayurvedic teaching changed in the last 50 years nor have the
textbooks enriched with new research methodologies.
These are some of the following major points those should be highly needed to
consider in the Ayurvedic research for its advancement.
Now, it is the time to define Ayurveda itself that whether the use of herbs is
Ayurveda or the use of herbs and other treatment modalities as per Ayurvedic
principles is Ayurveda. The research methodology should be planned and
adopted accordingly. At the time of deciding research methodology in
Ayurveda following things should be kept in mind.[8]
Basic differences between Ayurveda and modern science should be taken into
account when designing the research protocols
The research work should involve experts both from Ayurveda and biomedical
specialties
The holistic and integrative approach involving body, mind, and spirit should be
considered for research
The fundamental research in Ayurveda caters demands of the society and the
medical fraternity; the modern scientific research has been initiated in
Ayurveda in the field of basic principles. The aim of basic research in Ayurveda
is to explore the scientific innovations and opportunities in fundamental
concepts of Ayurveda. The fundamental research includes replacement of faith
and suppositions with the scientific reasoning complimented with the facts and
figures. The objectives of the investigation in the fundamental research are
categorized into the human body (Purusha), the disease (Vyadhi), the medicine
(Aushadha), and the right time for action (Kriyakala).[13]
Previous researches, particularly for the past few decades, validated a few
concepts of herbal drugs by reverse pharmacology, which is obviously
tremendous work for Ayurveda. These researches also supported the use of
crude drugs rather than plant isolates or purified fractions for clinical trials due
to the combined effects of phytoconstituents. Such researches generated a lot
of interest in researchers towards herbal medicines and consequently, in the
last decade a demand of Ayurveda and other traditional medicines has
increased in the medical world.
Day by day, drug industry is facing serious challenges, as the drug discovery
process has become extremely expensive, riskier, and critically inefficient.
Postmarketing failures of blockbuster drugs and a serious innovation deficit are
the major concerns of big pharma companies. Consequently, there has been a
remarkable shift in favor of single to multitargeted drugs, especially for
polygenic syndrome based on the traditional medicinal knowledge.
Conclusion
Today, the cost of health care is constantly rising, and affecting people's
ability to afford health coverage. Drug-based medicines are being
unaffordable for economically poor countries like India and problematic
in the Western countries due to numerous side effects. The drug should
be the last rather than first mean of treatment, beginning with the
natural healing method like Ayurveda. One of the Ayurvedic treatment
modalities such as Panchkarma can remove disease before its
manifestation. Having all the above beauties, Ayurveda is still lagging
behind because of the lack of scientific evidence in many cases and poor
research methodology.
REFERANCE:
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/280834881_New_Age_Orientalism_Ayurvedi
c_'wellness_and_spa_culture’
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5041382/