Organized crime and corruption in Italy

Submitted to: Submitted by:

A. B. M. Najmus Sakib
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR
Department of Criminology
University of Dhaka
Shamsul Arif Fahim
4th Year BSS (Hons)
Class Roll-18
Department of Criminology
University of Dhaka

Course name: ORGANISED CRIME AND CORRUPTION

Introduction:
The history of organized crime research is not only one of shifting theoretical perspectives; it
is also one of the oscillating empirical phenomena that have dominated the public and
scientific debate: from the long-established dominance of Mafia groups in certain rural Italian
areas and the threat posed by powerful Italian-American Mafia families in New York (e.g.,
Cressey 1969) to the emergence of transnational organized crime in the 1970s and 1980s
(e.g., Kleemans 2007). Throughout these time periods, scientists have continued to research
numerous underground marketplaces for illegal goods and services, ranging from drugs and
prostitution to gambling, numbers, and loan sharking (e.g., Reuter 1983).
'Organized crime' is defined as illegal activities carried out by groups or networks working
in conjunction to resort to violence, corruption, or other related activities in order to
achieve, either directly or indirectly monetary or material gain. Such activities could
be held both within a country and across borders’.
From focusing on long established organized crime groups (for instance, racketeering) or,
transnational illegal activities involving complex structure (drug or human trafficking) to
dealing with mere local illegal activities such as local drug dealing or gambling; the broad
spectrum of the term “organized crime” covers it all.

Organized Crime in Italy

Criminal Markets in Italy:
1. Illegal activities against human:
Italy is by far one of the most important destination place for many organized crimes such as
human trafficking and human smuggling; for the purpose of different kinds of exploitation
(sexual, labor, etc). One of the most common ways for traffickers to recruit victims is through
migrant and asylum-seeker reception centers, where potential victims are enticed away by
false promises of legitimate employment or the provision of gifts and excursions.The vast
majority of migrants smuggled into southern Italian ports, arrive from the North African coast
– primarily Libya – and come from countries stretching from West Africa to the Horn of
Africa.
2. Trade:
Italy plays a significant role as a transit country on the Balkan arms trafficking route to
Europe.The criminal market for arms trafficking is highly transnational, with strong links
between Italian mafia groups and criminal groups in the Balkans. Italian organized crime
groups have relied on partnerships with local criminal organizations, exchanging drugs and
firearms in exchange for allowing these other organizations to conduct human smuggling
operations on Italian coasts. A significant amount of illegal firearms enter Italian territory
overland, hidden in cars, vans, and trucks, primarily through northern Italy's eastern borders.
 3. Drug:

❖ Cocaine is by far Italy's most commercially viable illicit drug market. The country is
extremely crucial in the transnational cocaine trade, which is largely dominated by the
'Ndrangheta, a powerful mafia group with strong ties to drug trafficking organizations
in Latin America, primarily Colombia, as well as other European countries such as
Albania. Cargo and container ships are the most common way to transport cocaine to
Italy, primarily from Colombia, also from other Latin American and European countries
such as the Netherlands, Belgium, and Spain. One of the most serious ramifications of
the cocaine trade in Italy has been the transition of the 'Ndrangheta into one of the most
powerful criminal organizations in the world.
❖ In Italy's criminal landscape, heroin plays a significant role as the major Italian cities
such as Milan, Naples, and Rome seem to be hubs for heroin trafficking, which
is originated primarily in Afghanistan and moves through other Asian countries and the
Balkan region.

❖ Cannabis is the most commonly seized drug in Italy, where foreign criminal
organizations play a significant role. Hashish trafficked into Italy primarily comes from
Morocco, whereas marijuana crosses the border mainly via the Adriatic Sea's eastern
coast from Albania and Greece. Domestic crime syndicates involved in the cannabis
trade are largely from Puglia, including the Società Foggiana and another group active
in the country's Gargano sub-region

❖ Amphetamines, methamphetamines, Ecstasy-like substances, and, more recently,

Fentanyl are the most common synthetic drugs found in Italy. The overwhelming
majority of synthetic drugs smuggled into Italy are manufactured in Northern Europe,
chiefly in Belgium and the Netherlands. However, due to low profit margins, traditional
Italian mafia groups are showing far less interest in the synthetic drug market.

Criminal Actors:
Italian organized crime is well-known throughout the world, to the point where the term
"Mafia" is now understood to refer to the organized criminal underworld. The most
dominating mafia groups in Italy are Sicilian Mafia, Calabrian ‘Ndrangheta, Neapolitan
Camorra and Apulian.

SICILIAN MAFIA:

Sicilian Mafia is deemed to be the most well known organized criminal entity. It is a
powerful, vicious, and unscrupulously efficient criminal organization that controls large areas
of Sicily and has a strong influence on the country's political, social, and economic life. This
influence is not limited to the island; it extends to all locations where emigrant communities
have set in place themselves. The Mafia is capable of adapting to local constraints and
opportunities, modifying its mode of operation accordingly.All mafia groups in Italy have a
large extent of control of territory in their respective origin countries, though to varying
degrees. Extortion is a key component of mafia territorial control, particularly for the Cosa
Nostra, which extorts 'pizzo' (protection money) from local businesses across Sicily. The
Sicilian Mafia's reach beyond its borders is not as extensive as that of other Italian Mafias.
Outside of Sicily, the families are unable to take advantage of the prevailing submission and
omertà; something they are accustomed to have in their homeland. The growth of Cosa
Nostra in the United States, particularly in New York, began in the early twentieth century.
For the unassimilated Sicilian immigrants living in Brooklyn's overcrowded "Little Italy,"
created repressive conditions akin to those in Sicily on the ground extortion, protection
money, usury, and absolute control. A focus on profit and output characterized Cosa Nostra's
criminal operations in New York. Cosa Nostra does not appear to have an international
expansion strategy. The Families and their influence in Sicily are the core of Cosa Nostra,
and crimes performed outside the island are only done to increase their authority in Sicily.

CALABRIAN ‘NDRANGHETA:

The ‘Ndrangheta is currently recognized as a major threat in several countries where it

operates, including Germany, Spain, the Netherlands, France, Belgium, Switzerland, Canada,
the US, Colombia, and Australia.The ‘Ndrangheta's evolution is not comparable to Cosa
Nostra's. Unmistakably rural, even if it has grown to include urban areas such as Reggio
Calabria and other cities outside of Calabria, its authority is rooted in the hamlets, villages
and towns of Calabria.
During the 1980s, increasing pressure from government on Cosa Nostra prompted them to
reduce their presence in particular markets, which the ‘Ndrangheta quickly replaced. Long-
standing market equilibriums were thrown apart. In the 1970s, Cosa Nostra picked heroin as
its major market, forcing the ‘Ndrangheta to turn to less lucrative cocaine. When the heroin
market collapsed, the ‘Ndrangheta was well-positioned to profit from its established producer
relationships.
The ‘Ndrangheta expanded into new regions and markets with care and prudence. Blood
feuds and internecine warfare, albeit frequent, did not impede the organization's transnational
expansion. The ‘Ndrangheta's success in new territory is due to its structure's solidity,
versatility, and adaptability. The term ‘colonisation' is often used to describe the
‘Ndrangheta's spread outside of Calabria. It's a fantastic definition that distinguishes it from
other Mafia-like criminal organisations. Cosa Nostra and other Sicilian gangs like to send
emissaries rather than replicating their core institutions, unlike the ‘Ndrangheta, which uses a
long-term strategy of gradual infiltration into new economic and social contexts. The
Ndrangheta's huge financial might, corruptive power, and impact on legal commercial and
financial environments are the foundation of its dominance outside its region.

NEAPOLITAN CAMORRA:

The Camorra is a horizontal collection of Clans and Families that often form alliances or
cartels to pursue mutual goals in trafficking. Contrast this with other hierarchical Mafia-type
organizations like Cosa Nostra and the ‘Ndrangheta, whose absence of a shared plan reduces
their threat level. Conversely, the Camorra's utter deregulation, frequently verging on
anarchy, increases the criminal load on populations living under the Clans' control. In some
Camorra-controlled areas, particularly in Naples, many merchants must ‘pizzo' to many
Clans, receiving no protection from any of them. The Camorra is known for its severe
violence. In the 1980s and 1990s, two factions, the Nuova Camorra Organizzata and the
Nuova Famiglia, fought for power. They are involved in extortion, cocaine trafficking,
money laundering, and infiltrating public institutions to get public tenders, cash, and
subsidies.

APULIAN OC:

Apulian organized crime is defined by disparate structures that pursue diverse strategies
primarily on a local level, with bandit-like behavior in Bari and more organized forms in the
Foggia province and Salento area, where the 'Società Foggiana' and the 'Sacra Corona Unita'
(SCU) respectively exhibit typical Mafia characteristics, including infiltration into local
political and economic environments. In the province of Foggia, in the Gargano area (the spur
of the Boot), two Clans are engaged in an endless conflict that has resulted in over 35 deaths
since 1978. A third clan has joined the fray, and all involved clans, despite their rural origins,
use Mafia-like methods to control their territory, including racketeering, extortion, deep
penetration into the political and economic sectors (particularly in the tourism and
construction industries), widespread use of usury to secure possession or control of legitimate
business structures, and ruthless executions, typically with sawn-off shotguns. This
conglomeration of organized crime organizations is dubbed 'Gargano's Mafia. In Bari,
Apulia's city, Clans collectively known as 'Camorra Barese' dominate criminal activity on
their area, frequently with high levels of violence that can result in bitter inter-clan conflicts
that frequently result in killings. Apart from the more conventional markets of drug and
weapon trafficking and cigarette smuggling, the Clans are frequently involved in armed
robberies, especially those against big freight vehicles. Extortions are becoming increasingly
prevalent, particularly in the construction sector, reflecting an ongoing trend toward Mafia
methods.

The current situation of Mafia criminals in Italy:

While traditional mafia groups in Italy have broad access to weaponry, they have reduced
their use of violence in recent decades to avoid detection by law police and the state. The
drop in violence is also a sign of their power, as the prospect of violence is enough to sway
individuals.The country's major mafia groups are deeply embedded in the legal economy,
infiltrating the construction, food distribution, agri-food, healthcare, and renewable energy
sectors, among others.
The 'Ndrangheta, the group most interwoven into European financial institutions, has turned
to other European countries to launder its illicit proceeds as Italian anti-mafia tactics have
been tightened. Finally, mafia groups in \sItaly are heavily embedded into the democratic and
\spolitical structure of the country and have been from the very \sbeginning of their existence.
Infiltration of criminal actors inside local political structures is widespread, as proven by the
number of local administrations abolished every year due to mafia infiltration.
Because of the length and power of the traditional \smafia groups in Italy, the presence of
loose criminal \snetworks in the country is highly limited. However, as the birthplace of the
mafia, Italy is now virtually as much an importer as an exporter. The Albanian and Nigerian
mafias are the most famous foreign organized criminal gangs operating in Italy, but others
from Southern and South-eastern Europe, Russia, China, and South America also operate.
Tolerance and utilitarian collaboration describe the relationship between Italian and
international organized crime gangs, both seeking an economic benefit that would otherwise
be hampered by violent fighting between groups. Foreign organized criminal organisations do
not control any illicit marketplaces in Italy.
Corruption
The criminological perspective of corruption:

Corruption has been studied in the context of larger conceptions of crime, such as organized
crime.This is attributable to international criminal policy measures taken in the late 1990s.
Organized crime was viewed as a danger to the legal economy, but it appeared impossible for
authorities to capture the criminal networks behind it. Money laundering and corruption were
seen as tools employed by criminal organizations to hide their lucrative unlawful activities.
Corruption can be classified as political, enforcement, or administrative. These times of
contact between the underworld and the upperworld aided the authorities in their
investigation. Organized crime and upper-world corruption are closely linked.
There are three types of criminal-upperworld relationships, according to Fijnaut et al.
Parasitic relationships have limited contacts with the legal economy and only serve the
underworld's interests. If an opportunity arises, the gang will try to corrupt.

A symbiotic relationship is more complex, based on mutual interests. Corruption gains

importance and mutual benefit. Corruption is more complex and difficult to prove when both
worlds are close. Lastly, implantation is a relationship type. The upperworld has absorbed the
criminal organization, and the illegal activities are totally mixed with legal ones. Corruption
changes in a situation of permanent pressure. The study of organized crime has stimulated
attention for corrupt practices: even if there is no consensus about the necessity of corruption
for the continuity of illegal activities, it is obvious that at the very least corruption can be a
facilitator.

Corruption in Italy:

Businesses operating in Italy have a high risk of corruption. Public procurement, in particular,
carries a high risk of corruption due to the massive sums of money involved and the exposure
of firms to organized crime. Public leaders' integrity is tarnished by their associations with
organized crime and business. The Italian Criminal Code criminalizes extortion, active and
passive bribery, bribing a foreign public official, fraud, and money laundering. While anti-
corruption legislation is largely effective, authorities occasionally engage in corrupt behavior
with impunity. There is no exception for facilitation fees, and gifts are strictly prohibited.
Source: https://tradingeconomics.com/italy/corruption-rank

From 1995 to 2020, the Corruption Rank in Italy averaged 48.88 points, reaching an all-time
high of 72 points in 2012 and a record low of 29 points in 2001.

Judicial System:

The Italian judiciary is moderately corrupt. Businesses suspect bribes or unusual payments in
return for favorable court judgements (GCR 2015-2016). Government intervention is limited
in the judiciary (SGI 2017). However, over half of firms and citizens believe courts and
judges lack independence (JS 2017), and one-quarter believe judicial abuse of authority and
bribery is widespread (JS 2017; EB Feb. 2014). Nearly half of Italian judges say judges are
promoted for reasons other than skill and experience (ENCJ 2017). About a third of judges
think the government disrespects their authority (ENCJ 2017).

The legal mechanism for resolving disputes and challenging rules is among the world's least
efficient (GCR 2017-2018). The Italian courts are famously slow, although the civil legal
system follows international law standards (ICS 2017). The fundamental issue is huge
backlogs, which may impair judicial effectiveness (SGI 2017). Italy has set up special
“business tribunals” that resolve shareholder and intellectual property conflicts in less than a
year (ICS 2017). Contract enforcement takes an average of three years, twice the OECD
high-income norm (DB 2018). In addition, Italy is a member of the International Centre for
Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) (ICSID).

Police:

Italy's police force poses a low risk of corruption. Businesses express a degree of confidence
in the police forces' reliability (GCR 2017-2018). One-third of citizens surveyed believe that
police officials are prone to bribery and abuse of power (EB Feb. 2014). Authorities have put
in place strong tools to examine police misconduct and corruption, but lengthy delays by
courts and prosecutors obstruct investigations (HRR 2016).
Public Services:

In Italy's public services sector, there is a moderate to high risk of meeting corruption.
Payment irregularities and bribes are uncommon when dealing with public services (GCR
2015-2016). One-third of surveyed households feel that local government officials are
corrupt, and nearly half believe that public officials providing business licences engage in
widespread bribery and misuse of power for personal benefit (GCB 2016, SE 2014). Almost
two-thirds of enterprises in Italy indicate that patronage and nepotism are a concern (Flash
Eurobarometer 2015).

Inefficient government bureaucracy is the most frequently mentioned impediment to doing

business in Italy; in fact, Italy ranks among the worst countries in the world in terms of
regulatory burden (GCR 2017-2018). Over four in five businesses state that they are
concerned about the complexity of administrative procedures and the rapidly changing nature
of legislation and policy (Flash Eurobarometer 2015). While the government generally
follows established legal norms, legal certainty is harmed by inconsistent and frequently
changing regulations (SGI 2017). In comparison to the OECD average, starting a business in
Italy takes less time but costs more (DB 2018). Obtaining building licenses takes
substantially longer than in other OECD high-income countries (DB 2018).

Land Administration:

The land administration in Italy is moderately corrupt. More than half of citizens believe
building permission officers misuse their power and corrupt them (EB Feb. 2014).
Companies lack confidence in property rights protection (GCR 2017-2018). In Italy, property
rights are clearly defined, yet court procedures are slow (ICS 2017, SGI 2017). Italian law
allows expropriation with full compensation (ICS 2017). A high number of court cases and
press reports show high levels of corruption in local building licenses (SGI 2017). Due to
disparities in the property tax system caused by an outdated land registration system (SGI
2017). Property registration in Italy is faster than in other OECD high-income countries (DB
2018).One in every six buildings in Italy is reported to be built illegally, according to reports
(The Guardian, Aug. 2016). Corruption in the construction industry is also blamed for many
buildings collapsing in Italy during earthquakes (The Guardian, Aug. 2016).

Tax Administration:

Italy's tax administration is prone to corruption. Bribing tax authorities is one of the most
common corruption offenses (ICS 2017). Similarly, companies report bribes and irregular
payments in tax meetings (GCR 2015-2016). Tax rates are a concern for almost all Italian
businesses (European Commission, Feb. 2014). More than a quarter of surveyed households
believe most or all tax officials are corrupt, and more than a third believe tax officials
regularly abuse power and bribe citizens (GCB 2016, EB Feb. 2014). Italy's tax system is
uncertain (ICS 2017). Some investors fear the Italian Revenue Agency targets large
multinational enterprises (ICS 2017). Investors claim investigations may focus on legal
business accounting methods in other EU Member States, causing confusion and
inconsistencies (ICS 2017). Paying taxes in Italy takes more steps and time than in the OECD
high-income average (DB 2018).The Italian authorities have failed to control high levels of
tax evasion and the black economy (SGI 2017). These issues have harmed the economy and
benefited non-compliant individuals and companies (SGI 2017). An estimated 25% of VAT
is not collected, costing Italy about EUR 35 billion in 2015. (ECVG 2017).
Public Procurement:

The public procurement sector in Italy is highly corrupt. Most recent incidents of government
procurement corruption (ICS 2017). Companies see rampant partiality in government choices
(GCR 2017-2018). Public funds are also allegedly diverted widely (GCR 2017-2018). Over a
third of businesses say corruption has kept them from securing public contracts (European
Commission 2014). Bribes are thought to be widespread in the awarding of public contracts
and licenses (GCR 2015-2016). Foreign investors have complained about opaque
procurement procedures and bureaucracy (ICS 2017). According to the Financial Guard of
Italy's annual report, fraud and waste cost the country EUR 5.3 billion in 2016. (ANSA, Mar.
2017).

Resilience:

“Resilience” refers to the capacity of political, economic, legal, and social measures to
withstand and disrupt organized criminal activities as a whole, rather than specific
markets. Resilience is a term that refers to the actions taken by countries, including state
and non-state entities.

1. Necessary laws &preventive measures against organized crime:

Direct policy tools are intended to identify and penalize persons who have acted or may act in
a particular manner, as well as to deter them from conducting or repeating such acts.

❖ Criminal Offenses:

During the 1980s and 1990s, substantial advances in criminal law were made. The Rognoni-
La Torre statute added a new offence, Mafia-style criminal association, to the Criminal Code
(CC). To commit crimes, take direct or indirect control of businesses, get authorizations,
tenders, and public services, create unfair profits or advantages for themselves or others, or to
prevent or obstruct justice, a criminal association is classified as a Mafia. Belonging to such
an organization (defined in factually sociological terms, which the law incorporates) is a
felony (Ingroia 1993).Not only the Sicilian Cosa Nostra is considered. Other criminal
organizations, such as the Camorra (Di Gennaro and La Spina 2010), the ‘Ndrangheta, and
foreign Mafias, were later explicitly mentioned.
In 1992, the CC was amended to include a specific offence involving Mafia members
offering elected officials money in exchange for votes.
Both prosecutors and courts have employed the idea of “concorso esterno” in the article 416-
bis crime (external participation in a criminal organization by non-members). White-collar
criminals like professionals, entrepreneurs, and politicians were charged under this legal
theory (Visconti 2003).
 ❖ Investigative and preventative powers

In addition to managing illegal trafficking, mafia-style organizations oversee private

economic activity as well as administrative and political choices. The Rognoni-La Torre law
amended the earlier Act 575/1965 to empower district prosecutors and police chiefs to
investigate suspected Mafiosi, their families, and employees. These investigations often rely
on confessions by Mafia defectors (pentiti) or wiretaps of Mafia members, family, and
strawmen.Both the police and the public prosecutor have the authority to act not only to bring
criminals to justice but also to prevent future Mafia crimes from being committed.
Interception of communications (through a wiretap or other means), recommendations of
preventive forced residency or asset confiscation, covert operations by undercover agents,
searches of entire buildings, and use of intelligence agencies' information are some of these
authorities. Preventive measures are offered by the police or the prosecutor and decided by
the court.

❖ Preventive Asset Measures

Assets that appear to be derived through illegal activity are those whose worth is
disproportionate to the accused's official income. The seizure might occur immediately,
before the often lengthy financial and asset investigations are completed. Buildings, country
estates, businesses, and shares can all be taken. The asset seizure is distinct from the criminal
prosecution of individuals. This is a rare Western approach. Seized assets, especially
enterprises, are difficult to manage because once assigned to a court-appointed administrator,
their market value may plummet (but this is not always the case).These statutes allow
“chasing” Mafioso assets even after their deaths (by targeting their descendants), when they
utilize strawmen, or when their assets are abroad (by targeting their heirs). Innocent third
parties' issues are also addressed.

❖ Money Laundering and Suspicious Financial Transactions:

Scams and money laundering are also addressed in other laws (such as the legislative order
153/97). The attempt to conceal the criminal origin of money, products, or other valuables
can be linked to both Mafia-related and non-Mafia-related crimes. Police officers can also
serve as infiltrators and fake money laundering to uncover Mafia ties. The transaction, not the
person, is now the focus of the investigation. Banks and financial brokers are now required to
keep a record of all transactions over a specific threshold.

❖ Recent Measures

The UNODC and the Italian Ministry of the Interior's Department of Public Security recently
signed a memorandum of understandingto explore cooperation actions across UNODC's
mandate areas of drugs, crime, corruption, and terrorism.The partnership with the Department
of Public Security, which is responsible for operational coordination among Italian police
forces, including the State Police, Carabinieri, Guardia di Finanza, and Penitentiary Police,
will focus on preventing and combating transnational organized crime, corruption, drug and
arms trafficking, human trafficking and migrant smuggling, terrorism, and other serious or
emerging forms of crime, and will include the following:
Collaboration on cooperative projects and programs, including technical support, capacity
building, and awareness-raising campaigns; expert provision; research, data analysis, and risk
assessment; study visits; and exchange of competencies, experience, and best practices.
The Italian Central Directorate of Anti-Drug Services, the State Police Scientific Police
Service, the Department of Anti-Drug Policies, and the Carabinieri Special Operations Group
have previously held study visits.

2. Necessary laws and preventive measures against corruption in Italy:

Consequences of bribery

Sections 317–322 of the Italian Criminal Code cover private-to-public bribery (ICC).

(a) For individuals

Bribery in the exercise of public office can result in a year to six year sentence (ICC Section
318), and proper bribery can result in a six to ten year sentence (ICC Section 319). (see
Section 319 of the ICC).
Bribery of public servants reduces the penalties by up to one-third.
An official or person in charge of a public service to whom the briber pays, offers, or
promises money or any other undue advantage is also a briber.

(b) For the business/legal entity

Section 25 of the 8 June 2001 Legislative Decree 231 punishes the firm as follows:
A fine of up to 200 quotas for bribery of a public officer under Section 318 of the ICC
A fine of 200-600 quotas for legitimate bribery under ICC Section 319.
A quota is worth between EUR 258 and EUR 1,549.

Consequences of corruption of foreign public officials:

Section 2635 of the Italian Civil Code criminalizes private-to-private bribery.

(a)For the individuals concerned

Bribery involving EU foreign public officials is punishable by imprisonment of one year to

six years for bribery in the execution of functions (see Section 318 of the ICC) and six years
to ten years for proper bribery.The above-mentioned sanctions are reduced by one-third when
the compromised person performs tasks and actions equivalent to those of public servants
under Italian law. Bribery of non-EU foreign public officials is punishable by one year to six
years jail for bribery in the exercise of his or her functions (see Section 318 of the ICC) and
by six years to ten years imprisonment for proper bribery.The above-mentioned sanctions are
reduced by one-third if the corrupt individual performs functions and actions equivalent to
those of public servants under Italian law.Italian legislation does not allow for punishment of
non-EU public officials/persons in charge of public services.
(b)The legal entity

Section 25 of Decree 231 punishes the firm with:A fine of up to 200 quotas for bribery of a
foreign public official under Section 318 of the ICC. Bribery is punishable by a fine of 200-
600 quotas.

Organizations and treaties at the international level

Italy is a signatory to the following European and international anti-corruption conventions:

European Union:

Convention on Combating Corruption Involving European Community or Member State

Officials, Brussels, 26 May 1997 (ratified by Law No. 300/2000, went into force on 26
October 2000);

Council of Europe:

Strasbourg, 27 January 1999 (ratified by Law No. 110/2012, entered into force on 27 July
2012); Strasbourg, 4 November 1999 (ratified by Law No. 112/2012, entered into force on 28
July 2012); and Strasbourg, 4 November 1999 (ratified by Law No. 112/2012, entered into
force on 28 July 2012).

International:

OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International

Business Transactions, Paris, 17 December 1997 (ratified by Law No. 300/2000, entered into
force on 26 October 2000); UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, New
York, 15 November 2000 (ratified by Law No. 146/2006, entered into force on 12 April
2006); and UN International Convention Against Corruption, New York, 31 October 2003
(ratified by Law No. 146/2006, entered into force).

Italy is an active member of the OECD's Bribery Working Group and the Council of Europe's
Group of States Against Corruption, whose recommendations have been largely adopted by
Italy.

Concluding Remarks:

While researching organized crime and corruption in Italy, I could relate to the textbook
theoretical perspectives on organized crime and found some interesting insights. For instance,
powerful Mafia groups like Sicilian Mafia who seem to be almost nonexistent now were
empirical evidence of the Protection Theoryas their power was only limited to the territories
that they protected. On the other hand, the Illegal Enterprise theory seems more relevant
currently as there is a consistent rise in transnational organized crime. We can also relate
these kinds of crimes to Social Embeddedness and Criminal Networkstheory which is based
on interpersonal relationships of criminals beyond national borders.

According to the Global Organized Crime Index 2021, there are only 9 countries withhigh
resilience and high crime rateand Italy is one of them. Despitestrong legislation and
preventive measures, it is being quite difficult for Italy to win the war against organized
crime and corruption.
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