The Role of Women in Rwanda’s Peacebuilding Efforts: The Case Study of the ICTR and

its Designations of Gender through Language

A Research Proposal by Maddy Mercier

Submitted to: Dr. Madeline Wong of St. Lawrence University’s Global Studies Department

Abstract: The Rwandan genocide was one of the most devastating events to take place in central
Africa, due both to the number of lives lost and the ways in which it deconstructed Rwandan
society. The tribunal that followed the genocide was one of the first trials to ever prosecute rape
as a war crime, a crime that was almost entirely committed against women. In Rwandan society
post-genocide, women made up the majority of the population. In this research proposal, I seek
to understand how the language of the ICTR and of Rwanda pre- and post-genocide assigns men
and women their roles in society. To understand this discourse, I will carry through with a total
assessment of the transcripts with the ICTR. Then, I will conduct semi-structured interviews
throughout the duration of my immerse experience in Rwanda. The application of a feminist and
post-colonial theoretical framework will ensure that the language is properly dissected to
illustrate the implications it has for societal constructs. Throughout the study, it is extremely
important that I recognize my boundaries as a Western-educated, white woman. To avoid
producing further epistemological violence against woman of color in conflict, I must neglect my
own pre-conceived ideas to project insider’s voices in a way that accurately portrays notions of
gender as they exist outside the Western perspective.
2

Table of Contents

Introduction _________________________________________________________________ 3

Research Question __________________________________________________________ 3-4

Background and Significance (Literature Review) _________________________________ 4-9

Positionality ______________________________________________________________ 9-11

Theoretical Perspective/Conceptual Framework __________________________________ 11-13

Research Perspective _______________________________________________________ 13-14

Research Design/Methods __________________________________________________ 14-16

Ethics and Human Subject Issues _____________________________________________ 16-17

Nature and Limitations of the Study ___________________________________________ 18-19

Bibliography _____________________________________________________________ 20-21

Appendices _________________________________________________________________ 22
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Introduction

Nearly thirty years after the genocide, the academia surrounding Rwanda still seeks to

understand and portray the country’s recovery in a positive light. It is emphasized that women in

Rwanda hold the majority of seats in parliament worldwide, a single factor that makes Rwanda’s

gender transformation after the genocide evident. The role of women during the genocide as

peacekeepers and as perpetrators has been thoroughly researched. The argument is made that it

was the genocide itself that acted as the catalyst for the reshaping of gender norms, and,

arguably, the tribunal that followed served as the first internationally broadcasted and

internationally recognized projection of Rwandan women’s voices against the atrocities they had

endured. In first assessing the existing literature on gender roles in Rwanda, the role of

prosecuting rape as a war crime, and women’s present roles in Rwandan society, I will be able to

successfully showcase the linguistical connections that can be drawn from women’s involvement

in the ICTR to the evolution of women’s roles in present-day Rwandan society as peacemakers.

Research Question

What were the implications of language regarding gender at the International Criminal

Tribunal for Rwanda and how have they pervaded women’s modern peacebuilding efforts in the

country today? In pursuing this question, I hope to understand the ways in which gendered

language has been constructed to revolve around matters of peace and conflict. The role of the

ICTR is important in understanding this as it will showcase how the prosecution of war crimes is

framed in a way that often depicts women as victims. In assigning their victimhood, women are

made out to be weak and vulnerable, despite the historical evidence of their abilities to be

equally as violent as men. What I seek to uncover is how the designations of women as
4

inherently passive beings influences their practices of peacekeeping post-conflict. I am unsure

how post-colonial constructions intertwine with gender to shape the ways women are expected to

rebuild their societies, especially in a society like Rwanda where women make up the majority.

In order to gain an understanding of the correlation that undoubtedly exists between the language

and prosecutions of the tribunal, I must answer the following questions: How are women

expected to behave post-conflict? How are their actions made out to reflect that of peaceful

means rather than forceful means? Is designating women as peacebuilders in a post-conflict

society undermining their abilities to facilitate meaningful change? Is it robbing them of other

means of action that will ensure such transformational change?

Background and Significance

To begin reviewing the existing literature that is pertinent to my research, it is important

to create a foundational understanding. In the case of Rwanda and the genocide, context is

necessary. It cannot be assumed that the gender roles of the West are applicable to Rwanda nor

to any other nation considered to be part of the Eastern world. In pre-genocide Rwanda, gender

roles imitated those of pre-colonial times.1 The colonial regimes of Germany and Belgium

revoked what little power women held at the time, and their marginalization continued into

Rwanda’s independence. It was the female prime minister Madame Agathe Uwilingiymana who

was one of the first to be assassinated by the extremists of the genocide.2 The expectation for

women was obedience to men, and the patriarchal system of pre-genocide Rwanda deeply

1
Sara E. Brown, “Reshaping Gender Norms in Post-Genocide Rwanda,” Genocide Studies International 10, no. 2
(2016): 233, accessed November 4, 2021, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26986050.
2
Ibid.
5

reflected the dominant/submissive attitude, where women were to be mothers and men were to

be the protectors.3

The post-conflict destruction of Rwandan society meant that women were to permanently

hold positions of power as they now made up more than half the population.4 The extent of

dramatic change is hard to measure, as there is not extensive research on the roles of women in

Rwandan society pre-genocide, arguably because they were almost entirely confined to their

households; however, there are instances where women in Rwanda held positions significant in

society, where they exerted not only power but violence. They were called Queen Mothers, and

they held nearly equivalent political power to that of the monarchical king.5 The actions of the

queen mother, particularly of one woman named Kanjogera, show a stark contrast between the

perceptions that surround projections of the motherly figure in Rwanda. Kanjogera advanced the

power of the men she had relation to but also served as a leading figure herself. Her violent

actions with weaponry, notably those against children, threaten the dominant narrative of women

as the selfless, all-purveying mother.6 The assessment of women’s roles pre-colonization and

pre-genocide are difficult to summarize, as much of the surrounding literature fails to provide a

comprehensive summary simply because comprehensive documentation does not exist. Either

way, what scholarly work does exist of women’s roles in Rwanda today will aid in arguing for

the ICTR’s contributions to their current status.

One of the greatest accomplishments of the ICTR, and of its sister court of Yugoslavia,

was its ability to establish rape as an instrument and crime of war. To recognize sexual violence
3
Nicole Hogg, “Women’s Participation in the Rwandan genocide: mothers or monsters?” International Review of
the Red Cross 92, no. 877 (2010): 72, accessed November 4, 2021,
https://international-review.icrc.org/sites/default/files/irrc-877-hogg.pdf.
4
Brown, 234.
5
Sarah E. Watkins & Erin Jesse, “Legacies of Kanjogera: women political elites and the transgression of gender
norms in Rwanda,” Journal of Eastern African Studies 14, no. 1 (2020): 84, accessed November 4, 2021,
https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2019.1711313.
6
Ibid, 88.
6

as an act worth legal prosecution meant that rape was no longer going to be dismissed as a

“byproduct of war”.7 Now worthy of attention and concern, recognition was quickly given to the

correlation between sexual violence and genocide; sexual violence and armed conflict; and

sexual violence as a strategy of war. Scholars recognize the difficulty that comes with asking

victims of rape to recount their traumatic experiences, let alone the courage it takes to share such

stories among prosecutors of an international court. It is necessary that researchers of the subject

tread carefully and consider the safety of victims who choose to come forward due to the

sensitivity of the topic. Missing from the literature is theory which would explain the

significance of these women’s statements, both for the prosecution of those who committed the

crime and for the revolution in which women would find themselves after the genocide.

It is important to consider how the prosecutors who interacted with female victims of sexual

violence during the genocide operated. There is extensive research done on the interview

process. Unfortunately, much of the suffering endured by the witnesses of the tribunal cannot be

applied to the tribunal because it is not relevant to the topic of sexual violence.8 In court,

witnesses were forced to speak explicitly, an action often avoided in a culture which views sex as

an extremely private manner. In navigating this alongside the taboo nature surrounding

Rwandan’s open discussion of sex, prosecutors are forced to navigate the political implications

of sexual violence through difficult language barriers while attempting to bring justice to crimes

of atrocious measures.

While they do exist between the genocide and the spaces women occupy in Rwandan

society today, there are no direct links that exist between the tribunal and these present roles.
7
Kelly-Jo Bluen, “GLOBALIZING JUSTICE, HOMOGENIZING SEXUAL VIOLENCE: THE LEGACY OF THE ICTY AND ICTR IN
TERMS OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE,” AJIL Unbound 110 (2016): 215, accessed November 4, 2021,
https://www.jstor.org/stable/27003210.
8
Jonneke Koomen, “Without These Women, the Tribunal Cannot Do Anything’: The Politics of Witness Testimony
on Sexual Violence at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda,” Signs 38, no. 2 (2013): 265, accessed
November 4, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1086/667200.
7

Despite the titles women held prior to the genocide, juxtapositions exist between their

participation as violent perpetrators and as peaceful sufferers. Understanding women’s roles in

the violence of the genocide leads to a better understanding of Rwandan society as it was before

the genocide but also it is today. Often the women committing violence held positions of power.9

For women outside of these positions, their commission was less common but enough to be

recognized in the international court. The “extent and nature of [women’s] participation” is

pertinent to the prosecutions of those responsible for the genocide.10 While feminist literature

addresses the common belief that women are uninvolved in the acts of crime that occur during

war, the significant number of women at the tribunal prove that female perpetrators of genocide

exist despite what assumptions preceded them. These women went so far to incite rape against

women and men of Tutsi ethnicity, the greatest example being Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, a

Rwandan politician who was the first woman to be tried by the ICTR.11 The genocide was a

campaign to kill Tutsi men and to rape Tutsi women; the Hutus who carried the mission through

cannot be limited to the male gender, nor can the victims of sexual violence be confined to the

female gender. The gender binary that exists before, during, and after conflict must be

deconstructed to view women as equally violent as men and men as equally peaceful as women.

Rwanda today serves as a global example for progressive gender relations. Analyses of present-

day gender roles illustrate the fact that the genocide was transformative regarding the

restructuring of Rwandan society. In times of such atrocity, permanent evolution is necessary to

survive and reconstruct. Women as peacemakers has always been the dominant trope of the

female gender, but it has been equally recognized that they hold positions alongside men in times

9
Hogg, 76.
10
Ibid, 77 .
11
Carrie Sperling, “Mother of Atrocitites: Pauline Nyiramasuhuko’s Role in the Rwandan Genocide,” Fordham
Urban Law Journal 33, no. 2 (2006): 110, accessed November 4, 2021,
https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol33/iss2/11/.
8

of conflict. Even still, consensus holds that women experience conflict differently than men.12

This inevitably influences the ways in which they operate peacebuilding after conflict.

Unfortunately, quantitative data shows that women in Rwanda, and women of post-conflict

societies generally, will continue to suffer from gendered violence.13 The assessment of women’s

security post-genocide fails to consider what served as the root of the problem before: a

patriarchal system of law and security.

In my research, I hope to apply post-colonial feminist theory to complete accounts of

Rwandan history. Through this lens I will assess gender roles pre-genocide; gender roles during

genocide; gender in international law (as prosecutors, witnesses, and gender-related crimes); and

women’s present occupations of both peaceful and violent spaces in Rwanda. In critically

analyzing the gendered language that surrounds each of these categories and the implications that

language has on the physical and social spaces in society, I will be able to illustrate how the

ICTR contributed both to the disruption and further marginalization of women in Rwanda. In

using a post-colonial feminist framework, it is necessary that I also assess the experiences of men

during the conflict, both as prosecutors and as victims of sexual violence. Post-colonial theory

will be evident throughout the research as colonialism has severely gendered Rwanda as well as

surrounding African societies, furthering the narratives that encompass men and women at war.

What were the implications of women speaking so explicitly at the tribunal? Is using the term

peacemakers too suggestive of women’s roles in post-conflict societies? How does colonial

language pervade all aspects of war and identity?

12
Marie O’Reilly et. al, “Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes,” New York: International
Peace Institute, June 2015, 5, accessed November 4, 2021,
https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/IPI-E-pub-Reimagining-Peacemaking.pdf.
13
Diana Højlund Madsen, “Women, peace and security in Rwanda—promises and pitfalls,” The Nordic Africa
Institute, October 2020, 4, accessed November 4, 2021,
https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/NAI%20Policy%20Notes%202020%206_UN%20resolution
%201325_Final%20version.pdf.
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Positionality

When assessing my positionality, I think it is most important that I first emphasize the

fact that I was never asked to consider my place in society prior to attending college. This in

itself is representative of my privilege. I am a white, cis-gendered, lower-middle class, American

woman. My navigation of the world around me has been influenced by these traits which have

determined my place in the social order.

As a white person, I have systemically benefitted from the system. I never had to

consider the implications of my race until a professor asked me to question what I have gained

from it. ‘White privilege’ was a term I had gone eighteen years of my life not knowing. Where I

am from, Lewiston, ME, there is a very large Somali population among the typical white,

Catholic, French-Canadian crowd. My classmates had always been people of color who often

practiced different religions. It was not something I questioned nor something I was ever

concerned with. However, the natural diversity I experienced at school led me to adopt a

‘colorblind’ mindset. I recognized the privileges I had to be living in my town as the

granddaughter of two French-Canadians who had already established a name and place of

belonging, but I did not consider how my whiteness was privileging me even further. The

xenophobia that was present at home made me fear conversations about race and nationality until

I no longer could avoid it. Thankfully, I was exposed to my privileged way of thinking very early

on in my college career. I will not pretend that I felt no denial upon being exposed to my habits.

It was difficult to grasp in that I had to realize how much it pervaded nearly all important aspects

of my life.
10

Just as I had never heard of white privilege, the term ‘white savior complex’ was one I

had only ever met in passing, often after seeing young students from home go on missionary

trips with their church. I understood the problem that stood in extreme instances such as the

missionary trips, but I failed to see how my own career interests could also reflect the white

savior mindset. I have always been interested in peace and conflict, specifically in war-torn

African countries, and I think this specificity is owed to a combination of things: my Western

education (reflections of which represent the white savior complex), my identity as an American,

and possibly even my classmates’ families who first moved to the United States to flee from

Somalia’s civil war. Whatever the underlying reasons for my interest in conflict, I hope that I can

navigate it critically as a privileged researcher.

The project I chose to pursue is focusing on the language in humanitarian law regarding

Rwandan women’s peacebuilding efforts after the genocide. When approaching a topic relative

to an African country as a white person, I must be very cautious of when I am unknowingly

exercising my white privilege. I do not understand what it is like to be a woman of color, nor do I

understand what it is like to live in a country recovering from genocide, the reminder of which

can certainly be traumatizing to those who have experienced it.

For this specific project, our commonalities lie in our womanhood. I understand the

presuppositions that are dealt women, especially women who believe that society can live in

peace. My belief in humanity has often delegitimized the arguments I make against war, as it is

assigned to be a weakness that woman commonly hold onto to ease their own sensitivities. My

ability to empathize with Rwandan women in this way will be beneficial to research. However, I

must recognize that our life experiences set us apart, and my belief in pacifism may not be

commonly held. I think it is worth noting that my capability to practice pacifism in my own life
11

is itself a privilege, as both men and women across the world face threats to their survival that

often must be mediated using force.

In my research, I plan to emphasize how the construction of my own realities will

influence my approach. It is most important that I remain critical, both of myself and of others, to

ensure that my research neither harms nor delegitimizes the experiences of others in different

realities.

Theoretical Perspective/Conceptual Framework

It is impossible to consider the implications of gender without applying feminist theory to

such research; for this reason, feminist thought will serve as the overarching lens through which I

will base my research. There are various sects within feminist theory, all of which hold

prominence to the structures I intend to analyze. The first of which, known as liberal feminism,

argues that men and women are equal, meaning women are equally as likely to serve violently as

tools of war. In contrast to liberal feminism, there lies cultural feminism. The theory of cultural

feminism believes that women are inherently motherly, thereby making them more

compassionate and peaceful individuals. Women serve as the epitome of caregivers and of a

willingness to provide. The last of the feminist theories I intend to use is post-structural

feminism, which recognizes the presence of gender in determining different behaviors.

Everything, especially politics, is gendered, but the aim should be to eliminate gendered norms

and practices to achieve equality and sameness.14

Of the three feminist theories outlined, I intend to utilize post-structuralist feminism

most. However, I find that the greatest analysis will be achieved if I am able to integrate all three

to illustrate contrasting ideas within a singular theory. This would require an extensive
14
Ronnie Olesker, “Feminist Security Studies” (lecture, St. Lawrence University, Canton, NY, Sep. 23, 2021.
12

application of the three differing theories to the research methodologies I intend to use,

especially when considering the language and actions surrounding women of the tribunal and of

Rwanda today. The results will be a thorough account of the inequalities among gender in

Rwanda, the emphasis on Rwandan motherhood, and, lastly, the way in which gender has been

constructed in the country.

As feminist theory is necessary when assessing the implications of gender, so too is post-

colonialist theory when evaluating conflicts of the African continent. While the genocide took

place after Rwanda had gained independence, postcolonialism argues that imperialism pervades

nearly all aspects of post-colonized living and determines present positions in the global order. It

is evident in the Westernization of the Global South, the “Othering” that persists in literature,

and in the continued exploitation and designation of the African peoples and their continent as

“disposable”. The genocide that took place in Rwanda reflects colonial influence in ways that

can only be revealed when viewed through a critical lens such as that offered by postcolonial

theory. Reviewing the present peaceful efforts underway in Rwanda in comparison to those of

colonial, Western, Global North powers will showcase the expectations colonized nations are

held to yet unable to achieve due to the lack of consideration extended upon them by their

previous colonizers. In applying postcolonialism to my research question, I intend to make

obvious the hold imperialism and colonialism has on Rwanda as it navigates its society pre- and

post-conflict.

Research Perspective

While I am to remain as neutral as possible throughout my study, the ontology and

epistemology that has shaped my pre-existing knowledge of Rwanda and of gender roles in
13

greater Africa will undoubtedly have influence. While conducting this study it is important that I

understand my position as an outsider. Although I identify as a woman, the Western, white

woman’s reality is much different than that of a woman of color on the African continent. The

cultural and epistemological differences that exist between myself and the subjects of the study

must always be considered. To do this successfully, I plan to emphasize my research in the

understanding that multiple realties are always occurring and the epistemology surrounding these

realities is forever being constructed by society. My position as the researcher will never be

simply to observe and record but rather to learn and deconstruct; my goal, in combining my

positionality with the previously outlined theoretical framework, is to ensure that this is

accomplished.

The understanding that I am not a neutral figure plays an important role in my decision

regarding the methodology I intend to use for this study. Because of the emphasis I want to place

on my position to learn, I plan to conduct most of the study through interviews with Rwandan

women. Interviews will allow me to differentiate between the realities among myself and others

surrounding womanhood. Having multiple perspectives on women’s experiences during the

genocide and tribunal will holistically shape the paradigm that dominates female discourse. After

all interviews have been conducted and all other resources collected, I will utilize my global

studies background to apply critical theory to my methodology, being sure to always recognize

my own positionality in the matter.

Research Design/Methods

The actual performance of this study will require a total assessment of the trials of the

ICTR. This assessment will consist of looking at prosecutions, witness testimonials, and all other
14

verbal transactions that occurred at the tribunal. In applying the theoretical lens I have illustrated

to the verbal language of the ICTR, I will be able to identify patterns within the language that is

suggestive of women as peacemakers/victims. It would be useful to establish a system of coding

that will detect common patterns within the language, including phrases and/or buzzwords that

give off such implications. Once I have acquired the stenographer’s transcripts, the system of

coding can be utilized to then group common words together while measuring how often they

appear. I think it is important also to consider the tone at which the witnesses and defendants

speak. This means that I cannot rely totally on the transcriptions. Doing so would eliminate an

element of qualitative study that is necessary when assessing gendered language, as tone is

equally as suggestive as the actual vocabulary is.

Only after a total assessment of the ICTR has been done can I move into other

approaches to research that will be useful to my study. The method which makes the most sense

is the interview approach. Based on past experiences I have had using various methods of

research, the interview approach allows for the greatest conversation between two individuals,

myself being one of those individuals. It is especially important that I form a relationship with all

the subjects I intend to interview, as it is necessary that they trust me enough to share their

experiences of the genocide. The qualitative aspect of the interview method allows for

individuals to share their thoughts, feelings, and beliefs regarding a certain subject. In having

conversations which make these things explicit, I will be able to assess how the language of the

ICTR is reflected in the daily conversations of women’s lives in Rwanda.

The form of interviews I hope to carry out will be both formal and informal. I imagine

that I will find myself in conversations often that take on the sense of an interview, as most

conversations do. An impromptu interview will be informal and the setting casual. On the other
15

hand, a formal interview will require a proper plan, where I reach out to an individual, most

likely one who holds an important title in Rwandan society, and meet in a professional setting. I

plan for both types of interviews to be semi-structured. This would allow for the interviewee to

have more guidance in the direction of the conversation. I favor the semi-structured route

because I am asking others to share their personal stories and experiences regarding a certain

matter. My positionality makes it so that I do not have a first-hand understanding of the event in

question, so I imagine that it would be difficult to arrive with pre-determined questions. In the

past, my best interviews have been conducted when I follow the flow of the conversation. For

something as personal and emotional as the genocide, I think a semi-structured interview is best.

The subjects of my interviews will vary. It is important that I hear from those of

international institutions and of the international tribunals, as they are the ones with voices

powerful enough to designate female spaces in society. However, I think the emphasis should be

placed on the women of Rwanda who were the victims of the genocide. This would include

women who spoke at the tribunal, as well as women who have participated in the peacebuilding

efforts post-genocide. They could be the leaders of the efforts, such as NGO directors or

politicians, but I think it is equally important to note how women in Rwanda going about their

daily lives with less official/political titles face the gender roles assigned to them. Of the subjects

mentioned, it becomes clear that I aim to broadcast voices along the local-global continuum.15

Through inclusion and a similar process of coding as mentioned with the ICTR, I will be able to

accurately gauge the language that dominates in these instances.

While I expect interviews to be the most prominent research method in this study, a focus

on language and culture requires the use of discourse and content analysis. In analyzing the

15
Eve Darian-Smith and Philip Cm McCarty, The Global Turn: Theories, Research Designs, and Methods for Global
Studies (California: University of California Press, 2017), 138.
16

language of gender roles in Rwanda post-genocide, I will be required to draw attention to the

discourse that presents the argument of women in certain roles of society. A discourse analysis

will allow me to illustrate how this is knowingly and unknowingly accomplished in both

everyday discourse and in media discourse. The content analysis will allow me to look beyond

the text to view other matters of Rwandan culture that ensure the female’s role. This includes

analyzing media, art, clothes, film, and other artifacts and material products of culture.16

The length of study is undetermined, as the measurement of obtaining peace in a society

post-conflict is unclear. Peace must first be defined and those with the power to define it

determined also. Despite the unclear definition, I foresee my study lasting a long while, as no

trustworthy relationship can be established in a brief interview. It is most important that my

subjects see my relationship with them as more than simply between that of a researcher and the

researched.

Ethics and Human Subject Issues

As with any study that involves humans, it is important to consider the negative impacts

the study can have on their wellbeing. While I would never intend to harm another person, the

subject matter which I am dealing with is both difficult and triggering. I do not understand what

it is like to be a victim of genocide. I do not know the physical, mental, and emotional pain that

accompanies individuals when the conflict of their nation is so palpable. Because of the triggers

within the study, there is a great chance that I will make subjects relive their traumatic

experiences. It is crucial that I bear this in mind when navigating interview questions. I do not

want to force any participant to share more than they are comfortable with.

16
Darian-Smith and McCarty, The Global Turn, 144.
17

There is also the possibility that I unknowingly influence the epistemology collected from

the study. Given my positionality, I may be regarded as the dominant voice within the literature,

which means that I will only be furthering the projection of white voices within black

communities. If the narrative becomes consumed by my whiteness, then I have failed the

subjects of my study, as the intention is to learn from them and project their voices. To prevent

the possibility of epistemological violence, the study must not be overwhelmed by white theory

and scholarship; rather, it should be an honest and post-colonial account of the subject at hand.

However, with the projection of Rwandan women’s voices comes another ethical

conflict. Perhaps, for some women, it is unsafe to speak out. Although the U.S. widely practices

freedom of speech, the same is not true across the world. With that said, I can make it an option

to conduct the interview anonymously. Even still, the sense of radical feminism that might be

suggested by my study has the possibility of making many women uncomfortable. If my study is

to remain conscious of gender roles and their different realities, it is necessary that I keep this in

mind as I navigate my conversations with people of Rwanda. I cannot compromise their safety

nor their positions in the post-conflict society, as that would mean the study is causing more

harm than it is spreading knowledge.

Nature and Limitations of the Study

I imagine that the biggest barriers in this study will be cultural. The research will be most

successful if I am completed immersed in Rwandan culture, but I cannot expect to have a full

understanding of what that means immediately. Immersion will bring understanding but

understanding takes time. My weakness lies in my pre-supposed epistemology, and assimilation

will not change the fact that I am a white, American woman. As I have repeatedly stated, I must

ensure that my role is not solely researcher but also student.

18

The strength of the study lies in the feminist, post-colonial framework. While my

collection of data through transcripts from the ICTR and interviews, and any other research

method I may find useful once the study is being conducted, can illustrate patterns in language,

the implications of the language are made clear when looked upon with a critical lens. The

critical eye will either confirm or deny the argument that language shapes women’s roles pre-,

during, and post-conflict. In the same way, the critical eye could reveal that my impartialness as

a researcher was at fault, as the presuppositions I entered with dominated the ways in which I

conducted my study, revealing a white, colonial narrative of gender roles, especially as they

apply to BIPOC populations.

However, my hope is that my experience with critical theory will prohibit the

Westernization of my findings. I must consider how my study will suggest that Rwanda is a

unique event in history. It is important that I do not further the Western trope of ‘Othering’ the

East, specifically the experiences of people of color on the continent of Africa. If the study is

conducted properly, the results will reveal the strength of language in reaffirming gender not

only as it applies to societies post-conflict but in all societies. As scholarship increasingly

questions the norms that have constructed for us, it is time that the focus of social constructs

turns towards language and discourse, for no change can be facilitated if the language in which

we talk about others never changes.

19

Bibliography

Bluen, Kelly-Jo. “GLOBALIZING JUSTICE, HOMOGENIZING SEXUAL VIOLENCE: THE

LEGACY OF THE ICTY AND ICTR IN TERMS OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE.” AJIL

Unbound 110 (2016): 214–19. Accessed November 4, 2021.

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Appendices

Interview Consent Form

Topic: The Role of Women in Rwanda’s Peacebuilding Efforts: Designations of Gender through
Language
Interviewer: Madison Mercier
You are being asked to take part in an interview designed to gain an understanding of the
gendered language that exists in societies post-conflict. Your perspective as a woman in Rwanda
is essential to participation in the study. This form is to ensure that I have your consent in
conducting this interview. Please feel free to ask question before, during, and after your
participation in the study.

Participation Information:
The interview has no time limit nor set structure, so you are free to continue participating or end
at any time. There will be questions inquiring about your experience during the genocide, of the
tribunal, and of the days that followed. You will be asked if you think your female identification
influenced these experiences and, if so, how. You have the option to remain anonymous if you
wish. For the best recollection, I would like to record our interview. All recordings that are made
will be destroyed after completion of the study.

Risks and Benefits of Participation:

There is the potential risk of this interview containing an emotional trigger. If at any point you
are uncomfortable, you have the option to end and void the interview immediately. The benefits
of your participation will be your contribution to the study and field of scholarship.

Informed Consent:
1. I understand that participation in this interview is voluntary, and I have the right to refuse
to answer questions and the right to stop the interview at any time.
2. I know that I can ask any questions I have to the interviewer about the interview, its
purpose, or the use of the information.
3. I understand that the information I give in this interview will be used to complete a study
by a student of St. Lawrence University.

Statement of Consent:
I, _________________________, have read the above information and any questions I have
(Your Name)
about the interview have been answered. I give my consent for _________________________
(Student’s Name)
to interview me and quote my response in their academic paper.

Your Signature ___________________________________ Date__________________

In addition to agreeing to participate, I also consent to having the interview tape-recorded.

Your Signature ___________________________________ Date __________________