Schlozman Participation Is Not A Paradox

Participation's Not a Paradox: The View from American Activists
Author(s): Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba and Henry E. Brady

Source: British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Jan., 1995), pp. 1-36
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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B.J.Pol.S. 25, 1-36 Copyright ? 1995 Cambridge University Press
Printed in Great Britain
Participation's Not a Paradox: The View from

American Activists
KAY LEHMAN SCHLOZMAN, SIDNEY VERBA AND

HENRY E. BRADY*
Political participation has long been a puzzle for political science analysis. Th
action suggests that activity to achieve collective goals is irrational; yet
In this article, we approach the subject from the point of view of politi
survey data to consider their own interpretations of why they took pa
that participants recall many gratifications from their activity and that th
substantially across modes of participation. These rewards tend to be 'politic
cite both civic gratifications and the desire to achieve collective goals more
would be expected on the basis of rational choice approaches. The variations
respect to the nature of the retrospective interpretations of the rewards
conjunction with open-ended responses about the issues behind activity -
respondents' accounts. The results call into question the applicability of nar
approaches to political activity.
Rarely do works in the social sciences change profoundly the w

think about a problem. However, the seminal works of An
Mancur Olson did this in relation to citizen participation.'
Olson, the puzzle was citizen apathy: why are citizens not m
do so many fail to go to the polls? Why don't 'latent groups' of
citizens organize to press their shared claims? Approaching the
the perspective of rational action, Downs and Olson turned it u
as Downs stressed, the probability that a single vote will make
the outcome of the election is minuscule, it is not rational to v
added, a shared group objective is a collective good, it i
contribute time, money or effort to obtaining it. Rather the r
* Department of Political Science, Boston College; Department of Go

University; and Department of Political Science, University of California, B
The authors would like to thank the National Science Foundation, the Spencer
Foundation and the Hewlett Foundation for generous support.
Anthony Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Ha
chaps. 3 and 14; and Mancur Olson Jr, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambr
University Press, 1965).
2 SCHLOZMAN, VERBA AND BRADY
should
should take
take aa free
freeride
rideon
onthe
theefforts
efforts
ofof
others.2
others.2
Thus,
Thus,
apathy
apathy
andand
abstention,
abstent
being
being rational,
rational,are
arethe
theexpected
expectedresult,
result,
not
not
a puzzling
a puzzling
deviation.
deviation.
Nevertheless,
Nevertheless, Downs
DownsandandOlson's
Olson'swork
workgenerates
generatesa new
a new
riddle.
riddle.
In view
In vi
their
their logic,
logic, how
howare
arewe
wetotoexplain
explainthe
thefact
fact
that
that
millions
millions
of citizens
of citizens
votevote
or tak
or
part
part in
in various
variouskinds
kindsof
ofvoluntary
voluntary activity
activityonon
behalf
behalf
of of
collective
collective
ends?
ends?
Indeed
Ind
many
many social
social scientists
scientists- -including
including some
someofof ourour
acquaintance
acquaintance whowho
espouse
espous
th
rational
rational choice
choiceperspective
perspective- -notnot only
only
vote
votebutbut
also
also
devote
devote
time,
time,
effort
effor
an
money
money to to favoured
favouredcandidates
candidatesand andpolitical
politicalcauses
causes
that
thatrange
range
fromfrom
environ
env
mental
mental preservation
preservationto toUS USpolicy
policy towards
towardshuman
human rights
rightsviolations
violations
in faraw
in fa
places.
places. If
If readers
readersof
ofDowns
Downsand
andOlson
Olsonbehave
behave
in in
ways
ways
that
that
are are
contrary
contrary
to their
to t
theories,
theories, we
we should
shouldhardly
hardlybebesurprised
surprised
if if
others
others
do do
so as
so well.
as well.
The
The puzzle
puzzle of
of collective
collectiveparticipation
participationhas
has
been
been
subjected
subjected
to scrutiny
to scrutiny
by many
by m
scholars
scholars who
who have
haveused
usedseveral
severalapproaches
approaches
- formal
- formal
models,
models,
experiments,
experimentca
studies
studies and
and surveys
surveys- -totoelaborate
elaborate
the
the
logic
logic
of of
rational
rational
action
action
andand
to probe
to probe
the
valued
valued outcomes
outcomesthat
thatcan
canresult
resultfrom
frompolitical
political
activity.
activity.
Much
Much
of this
of this
work
w
theoretical
theoretical and
andclassificatory,
classificatory,butbut
some
somealso
also
involves
involves
empirical
empirical
research
researo
actual citizen behaviour. This article is in the latter tradition.
We use data from a survey of Americans that asked those who have taken pa
in any of an array of voluntary activities to recollect the rewards they expecte
from their participation. By asking about a wide variety of possible gratification
across a wide variety of acts, we are able to consider the riddle of participation
from the perspective of the activists themselves in a way that has not before be
possible and thus to contribute to the understanding of both the mainsprings o
voluntary action and the nature of American politics. It is tricky to ask activis
to reconstruct the reasons that led to their participation. However, we believe
that these questions can be asked and that the responses they elicit are
meaningful. Across different forms of participation, the patterns of gratificatio
cited are so clearly related to the nature of the act and the policy goal on beha
of which it was undertaken as to suggest that respondents were not simply givin
answers to satisfy an interviewer's queries.
These retrospective interpretations help us to understand what their
participation means to activists and, implicitly, how they understand its
2 Downs and Olson come to the same conclusion about the rationality of political action, thoug
from somewhat different perspectives. Downs focuses on the rationality of abstention based on t
very low likelihood that a voter could cast the deciding vote, Olson on the collective nature of t
good sought. See Downs, Economic Theory of Democracy, chap. 14, and Olson, Logic of Collectiv
Action, pp. 1-16. A lucid comparison of Downs and Olson is S. I. Benn, 'Rationality and Politi
Behaviour', in S. I. Benn and G. W. Mortimore, Rationality and the Social Sciences: Contribution
to the Philosophy and Methodology of the Social Science (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976
pp. 246-67. As Benn notes, Downs and Olson differ in the logic by which they come to th
conclusion that political activity is not rational; however, the substantive outcome is the sam
Another particularly clear explication of this perspective and analysis of the issues it raises
contained in Brian Barry, Sociologists, Economists, and Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicag
Press, 1970), chap 2.
Participation's Not a Paradox 3
rationality.
rationality. What What
we find
we suggests
find suggests
that some obvious
that some
and straightforward
obvious and
aspects
aspects of of
political
political
activity
activity
may havemay
been underestimated.
have been underestimated.
The logic that has T
been
beenimputed
imputed to activists
to activists
on the basis
on of
thetheir
basis
revealed
of their
preferences3
revealed
has pr
relatively
relatively little
little
to do to
with
dothe
with
language
thethey
language
use to give
theyretrospective
use to giv
interpretation
interpretation to the
todecision
the decision
to take part.
to In
take
discussing
part. their
In discussing
activity, voters,
their ac
campaign
campaign workers,
workers,
community
community
activists, protesters
activists,andprotesters
other participants
and ot
frequently
frequently recall
recall
gratifications
gratifications
that are self-interested
that are self-interested
in the narrow sense
inofthe
the nar
word.
word. More
Moreoften,
often,
however,
however,
their reconstructions
their reconstructions
reflect a concernreflect
for civic a conc
involvement,
involvement, for the
forwelfare
the welfare
of the larger
of community
the larger
orcommunity
nation, or for issues
or nation,
of
public
public policy.
policy.
We
Wedodonotnot
claim
claim
that our
that
dataour
explain
dataparticipation.
explain participation.
Instead, they constitute
Instead, th
aa systematic
systematicaccount
account
of how of
those
howwhothose
take part
whoexplain
take their
partactivity.
explainHowever,
their a
these
these accounts
accounts
gain credence
gain credence
by virtue by
of the
virtue
fact that
of they
the vary
factsothat
sensibly
they
across
across different
different
modesmodes
of activity.
of activity.
Moreover, even
Moreover,
if activists'
even
reports
if about
activists'
the r
reasons
reasons forfor
theirtheir
activity
activity
cannot becannot
considered be the
considered
'real' reasons,the
these
'real' re
retrospective
retrospective interpretations
interpretations
carry additional
carrysignificance.
additional Activists'
significance.
recollec- A
tions
tions ofof
thethe
rewards
rewards
associated
associated
with participation
with participation
presumably havepresumably
implications ha
for
forfuture
futuredecisions
decisions
to taketopart.
take
In addition,
part. In theaddition,
rhetoric of theparticipation
rhetoric hasof pa
consequences
consequences for the
fornature
the nature
of politics.
of That
politics.
civic motivations
That civic and motivations
substantive a
policy
policy goals
goals
figure
figure
so importantly
so importantly
in activists' in
recollections
activists' of recollections
their reasons forof t
their
their involvement
involvement and theand
substantive
the substantive
policy concernspolicy
behind concerns
it contributes
behind
to it
the
thecharacter
characterof political
of political
discoursediscourse
and the nature andofthe the political
natureagenda
of the in po
America.
THE PUZZLE OF COLLECTIVE PARTICIPATION
The riddle of collective participation was first posed with respec

not long thereafter, to participation in political organization
voluminous literature addressing the issue concerns elector
organizational support. However, this logic applies to almos
political activity - protesting, campaigning, making electora
whatever. The sole exception is particularized contacts with
where the concern - for example, clearing up a tax problem or g
repaired - is germane primarily to the contactor or to his or
family. Moreover, the collective goal need not be a public go
a particular party or providing clean air or national security
available to all in a society. The shared objective - for exam
federal benefits for veterans or crop supports for farmers - can
ested'.4 In fact, this logic is relevant for any voluntary, collectiv
activity - recycling cans, contributing to the church's fami
3 See for example, Downs, Economic Theory of Democracy, pp. 271-2.

4 On the nature of the interests pursued through collective action in org
Lehman Schlozman and John T. Tierey, Organized Interests and American
York: Harper & Row, 1986), pp. 23-37, 123-32.
helping
helping to
to stage
stage aa costume
costumeball
balltotoraise
raisemoney
moneyfor
for
cancer
cancer
research
research
- regardless
- regardless
of whether
whether itit is
is political.
political.
In defiance
defiance of
of this
this elegant
elegantlogic,
logic,millions
millionsofof
citizens
citizens
regularly
regularly
go go
to t
the polls
polls and
and engage
engagein
invarious
variousother
otherpolitical
politicalactivities.
activities.
This
This
hashas
been
been
des-
de
cribed
cribed as
as 'the
'the major
majorexample
exampleofofthe
thefailure
failureofof
rational
rationalchoice
choice
theory'.5
theory'
The problem
problem hashas spawned
spawneda avoluminous
voluminousscholarly
scholarlyliterature.
literature.
Various
Various
explanations
explanations have
have been
beenproposed
proposedtotoaccount
accountfor
forthe
the
vast
vastamount
amountof of
seemingly
seeming
irrational
irrational collective
collectiveaction.6
action.6However,
However,thethedominant
dominant approach
approachto to
solving
solving
the puzzle
puzzle -- and
and the
theone
onemost
mostrelevant
relevantforforour
ourconcerns
concerns here
here
- focuses
- focuses
on the
the selective
selective benefits,
benefits,benefits
benefitsavailable
availableonly
onlytoto
those
thosewho
whotake
take
part,
part,
that
that accompany
accompany collective
collectiveaction.
action.Consistent
Consistentwith
witha perspective
a perspective
that
that
equates
equates rationality
rationality with
withself-interest
self-interestnarrowly
narrowly construed,7
construed,7
thethe
initial
initial
search
searc
for the
the selective
selective benefits
benefitsthat
thatwould
wouldrender
render
joint
joint
activity
activity
rational
rationalfocused
focused
on material
material benefits
benefitssuch
suchasaslow-cost
low-costinsurance
insurance
policies,
policies,
travel
travel
oppor-
oppor
tunities,
tunities, business
business contacts
contactsor
orpatronage
patronagejobs.
jobs.
Often,
Often,
however,
however,
material
material
5 John
John H.
H. Aldrich,
Aldrich,'Rational
'RationalChoice
Choiceand
andTurnout',
Turnout',American
AmericanJournal
Journal
of of
Political
Political
Science,
Science,
37 3
(1993),
(1993), 246-69,
246-69, at
at p.
p.247.
247.
6 These
These explanations
explanationsfocus
focusupon,
upon,among
amongother
other
things,
things,
the
the
size
size
of of
thethe
group
group
involved,
involved,
individuals'
individual
estimates
estimates ofof the
the impact
impactofoftheir
theirown
ownparticipation,
participation,and
and
with
with
respect
respect
to to
voting,
voting,
thethe
closeness
closenes
of the
the election.
election. See,
See,for
forexample,
example,Olson,
Olson,Logic
Logicofof
Collective
Collective
Action;
Action;
Russell
Russell
Hardin,
Hardin,
Collective
Collectiv
Action
Action (Baltimore,
(Baltimore, Md:Md:Johns
JohnsHopkins
HopkinsUniversity
University Press,
Press,
1982),
1982),
especially
especiallychaps
chaps
2-3;2-3;
Morris
Morris
Fiorina
Fiorina and
and John
John A. A.Ferejohn,
Ferejohn,'The
'TheParadox
Paradoxofof Not
NotVoting:
Voting:
A ADecision
DecisionTheoretic
TheoreticAnalysis',
Analysi
American Political Science Review, 68 (1974), 525-35; and John A. Ferejohn and Morris
Fiorina, 'Closeness Counts in Horseshoes and Dancing', American Political Science Review,
69 (1975), 920-5.
7 For numerous examples, see Jane J. Mansbridge, 'The Rise and Fall of Self-Interest in
Explanation of Political Life', in Jane J. Mansbridge, ed., Beyond Self-Interest (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1990), pp. 11-13. Not all variants of rational choice theory require this simpli-
fying assumption of selfishness. The most general and abstract version of rational choice
focuses on a very limited 'syntactical' view of rationality: whether individual choices satisfy
certain restrictive axioms that ensure that their choices are transitive. Benn and Mortimore
('Technical Models of Rational Choice', in Benn and Mortimore, eds, Rationality and the
Social Sciences, p. 158) describe this as a 'technical' model of rational choice, and they
contrast it with the 'ordinary' notion of rational action which requires 'a good and sufficient
reason for ... choice'. In this technical theory, if the transitivity of preferences assumption
is met, preferences can be measured through utility functions. The approach at this level is
powerful for its logic, but has little relevance for telling us much about why people act one
way or another. This approach ignores altogether the substance of why people do something:
their reasons are of no concern to this perspective. People can construct preference orderings
which, like grammatically correct nonsense sentences, satisfy the grammar of choice but which
lack meaning. This approach has been useful for thinking about the possibilities (and impossi-
bilities) of aggregating preferences. It does not tell us much about actual choices - it just
requires that people be consistent in whatever tomfoolery they undertake. Henry E. Brady
and Stephen Ansolabehere test this syntactical theory of rational choice using data on candidate
preferences. See 'The Nature of Utility Functions in Mass Publics', American Political Science
Review, 83 (1989), 143-63.
selective
selective benefits
benefitscould
couldnot
notbebe
found
found
to to
account
account
forfor
support
support
of aof
collective
a collective
endeavour.8
The failure to find material rewards, has led to a recognition of the variety
of additional, often intangible, rewards associated with voting9 and organiza-
tional support,'? as well as other kinds of political activity." These intangible
benefits are of several types. Joint activity can bring social rewards - the chance
to interact with other people or to gain respect from others involved - or can
be fun or exciting. Moreover, performing the act may be intrinsically gratifying:
participants may derive a sense of satisfaction from promoting a cause in which
8 Moreover, even when they are present, material benefits are more effective for inducing rational
individuals to join a collective effort than to work on its behalf once they are members. In addition,
tangible benefits are more useful for explaining the persistence of an ongoing organization than for
explaining its inception. See, for example, James Q. Wilson, Political Organizations (New York:
Basic Books, 1973), chap. 3.
9 William H. Riker and Peter C. Ordeshook emphasize the satisfaction of performing a citizen
duty in their classic attempt to solve the paradox of voting, 'A Theory of the Calculus of Voting',
American Political Science Review, 62 (1968), 25-42. Subsequent analyses have added a variety of
other psychic gratifications - for example, the desire to support a particular candidate or party, group
identification and loyalties, social benefits and the desire to avoid the social costs of not voting. The
literature is vast. See, for example, Morris Fiorina, 'The Voting Decision: Instrumental and
Expressive Aspects', Journal of Politics, 38 (1976), 390-415; Carole J. Uhlaner, 'Rational Turnout:
The Neglected Role of Groups', American Journal of Political Science, 33 (1989), 390-422; Gerald
M. Pomper and Loretta Sernekos, 'The "Bake Sale" Theory of Voting Participation' (paper presented
at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, September 1989); Stephen
Knack, 'Civic Norms, Social Sanctions, and Voter Turnout', Rationality and Society, 4 (1992),
133-56; and Aldrich, 'Rational Choice and Turnout'.
10 There has been extensive empirical work on the benefits provided to members of political
organizations. Jack L. Walker reviews the relevant literature and presents data in Mobilizing Interest
Groups in America (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991), chaps 3 and 5. See also,
Wilson, Political Organizations; Richard K. Godwin and Robert Cameron Mitchell, 'Rational
Models, Collective Goods, and Nonelectoral Political Behavior', Western Political Quarterly, 35
(1982), 161-81; David Knoke and Christine Wright-Isak, 'Individual Motives and Organizational
Incentive Systems', Research in the Sociology of Organizations, 1 (1982), 209-54; John Mark
Hansen, 'The Political Economy of Group Membership', American Political Science Review, 79
(1985), 79-96; David Knoke, 'Organizational Incentives', American Sociological Review, 53 (1988),
311-29; and David Knoke, Organizing for Collective Action: The Political Economies of
Organizations (Hawthorne, NY: Aldine-De Gruyter, 1990).
~ The historical emphasis upon the selective, material benefits offered by the patronage-oriented
urban party machine has yielded to an understanding of party activism rooted in a more diverse set
of rewards. See, for example, James Q. Wilson, The Amateur Democrat (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1960); M. Margaret Conway and Frank B. Feigert, 'Motivation, Incentive Systems
and the Political Party Organization', American Political Science Review, 62 (1968), 1159-73; and
Samuel J. Eldersveld, Political Parties in American Society (New York: Basic Books, 1982),
chap. 9. Results using survey data about the intention to take part in protests and, with more limited
samples, actual experiences with rebellious collective action also demonstrate the importance of
intangible rewards in motivating collective action. See Karl Dieter Opp, 'Soft Incentives and
Collective Action', British Journal of Political Science, 16 (1986), 87-112; and Edward N. Muller
and Karl-Dieter Opp, 'Rational Choice and Rebellious Collective Action', American Political
Science Review, 80 (1986), 471-87. Carole Jean Uhlaner develops a formal model to explain
political participation in general in 'Political Participation, Rational Actors, and Rationality: A New
they
they believe,
believe,
doing their
doingshare,their
or fulfilling
share, a civic
orduty.
fulfilling
These benefits
a civic
are duty. Th
sometimes
sometimes termedtermed
expressive expressive
rather than instrumental,
rather the than
benefit
instrumental,
deriving from the benefi
the
the performance
performanceof the act,of
notthe
fromact,
the consequences
not from of the
theact.12
consequences
In these cases, of the act.
costs
costs andand
benefits
benefits
are hard toare
disentangle,
hard to for disentangle,
paying the cost becomes
for itself
payinga the cost be
benefit.13
benefit.13 Finally,
Finally,
the desire the
to affect
desire
policy to
seems
affect
to motivate
policy
activity.
seems to motivate a
Clearly,
Clearly, narrow
narrow
versions of
versions
rational choice
of dorational
not sufficechoice
to explain
docitizen
not suffice to
participation.
participation. That these
Thattheories
theseare not,
theories
as some claim,
are universally
not, as applicable
some claim, universa
does
does notnot
negate
negate
their validity,
their however.
validity,
In fact,however.
they have been
Inshown
fact,
to be
they have be
relevant
relevant to broad
to realms
broad of realms
human activity
of human
- for example,
activity
market behaviour
- for example,
in marke
economics
economics and the
and
strategic
the calculations
strategic of legislators
calculations
in politics.
ofThe
legislators
issue is in polit
to
tospecify
specify
the domains
the domains
in which theyinapply.14
which In light
they of their
apply.14
failure to
Inpredict
light of their f
the
the substantial
substantial
amount of
amount
voluntary of
political
voluntary
participation
political
that does take
participation
place, that d
narrow
narrow versions
versions
of rational
of choice
rational
can be salvaged
choice by can
enlarging
be the
salvaged
theory to by enlargin
specify
specify a mucha much
wider range
wider
of benefits
range thatof
can benefits
enter the utility
that calculus
can ofenter
the the utility
potential
potential activist.15
activist.15
From the perspective
From the of rational
perspective
choice theory,
of any
rational
of the choice theor
selective
selective rewards
rewards
- whether-material,
whether social material,
or civic - can function
social to
orprovide
civic - can func
benefits
benefits sufficient
sufficient
to justify the
to costs
justify
of activity
thefor
costs
a rational
of actor.
activity for a rational
(F'note
(F'notecontinued)
continued)
Approach',
Approach',Political
Political
Psychology,Psychology,
7 (1986), 551-73; and
7 (1986),
' "Relational
551-73;
Goods" andand
Participation:
' "Relational Goods" a
Incorporating
IncorporatingSociability
Sociability
into a Theory into
of Rational
a Theory
Action', Public
of Rational
Choice, 62 (1989),
Action',
253-85. Public Choice,
12
12InIn
'A Theory
'A Theory
of the Calculus
of the of Voting',
CalculusRiker of
and Voting',
Ordeshook argue
Riker
that fulfilling
and Ordeshook
a sense of argue that fu
civic
civic duty
duty
provides
provides
such a direct
such
benefit.
a direct
This position
benefit.
is elaborated
Thisin Geoffrey
positionBrennan
is elaborated
and James in Geoffrey
Buchanan,
Buchanan, 'Voter 'Voter
Choice: Evaluating
Choice: Political
Evaluating
Alternatives',
Political
American Alternatives',
Behavioral Scientist, 28
American Behavi
(1984),
(1984),185-201.
185-201.
For a recent
Forelaboration
a recent thatelaboration
explains much ofthat
voting explains
behaviour in much
terms of of
the voting behaviou
direct
direct consummatory
consummatorybenefits of political
benefits action,
ofseepolitical
Geoffrey Brennan
action,and Loren
see Geoffrey
Lomasky, Brennan an
Democracy
Democracy and Decision:
and Decision:
The Pure Theory
The of Pure
ElectoralTheory
Preferenceof
(Cambridge:
ElectoralCambridge
Preference (Cambrid
University
University Press, Press,
1993). 1993).
13
13Albert
Albert0. Hirschman
0. Hirschman
puts it with characteristic
puts it with elegance:
characteristic
'Once this essentialelegance:
characteristic'Once
of this essenti
participation
participation in collective
in collective
action for the action
public good
for
is understood,
the public the severe
good limitations
is understood,
of the the severe
"economic"
"economic" view about
view suchabout
participation,
suchand participation,
about the obstaclesand
to it, about
come immediately
the obstacles
into view. to it, come im
The
The implication
implication
of the confusion
of the between
confusion
the striving
between
and attaining
the is striving
that the neat and
distinction
attaining
between is that the neat
costs
costs andand
benefits
benefits
of action in
oftheaction
public interest
in the vanishes,
publicsinceinterest
striving, which
vanishes,
should be entered
since striving, whic
on
onthe the
cost cost
side, turns
side,outturns
to be part
out
of the
tobenefit.'
be part (See Albert
of the 0. Hirschman,
benefit.' Shifting
(See Involvements
Albert 0. Hirschman, Shi
(Princeton,
(Princeton,NJ: Princeton
NJ: Princeton
University Press,
University
1982), pp. 85-6.)
Press,
Brennan1982),
and Lomasky
pp. (Democracy
85-6.) Brennan and Lo
and
and Decision,
Decision,
p. 97) point
p. 97)out that
point
the call
out to sacrifice
that the is common
call to
in politics,
sacrificethe reward
is common
of political in politics, the
action
action deriving,
deriving,
at least inatpart,
least
frominparticipants
part, fromhaving borne
participants
heavy burdens.having borne heavy burdens
14
14Brennan
Brennan
and Lomasky
and Lomasky
(Democracy and
(Democracy
Decision, p. 2) make
and a similar
Decision,
point. They
p. 2)
take
make
a a similar p
'two-hats'
'two-hats'position,
position,
that 'actorsthat
have two
'actors
personae:
have
one for
twomarkets
personae:
and a different
one one
for
formarkets
the ballot and a different
box
box (and
(and
analogous
analogous
collective activities)'.
collective activities)'.
15
15This
This
approach
approach
is taken byisRiker
takenand Ordeshook
by Riker in 'Theory
and Ordeshook
of the Calculus ofinVoting',
'Theorywho of the Calculus
add
add thethe
gratification
gratification
of fulfillingof
a civic
fulfilling
duty to the acost-benefit
civic duty analysis
toofthe
voting.
cost-benefit
This preserves analysis of vo
the
the theory,
theory,
but makes but it makes
so encompassing
it sothatencompassing
it borders on tautology.
that However,
it borders
as BrianonBarry
tautology. Howev
(Sociologists,
(Sociologists,Economists,Economists,
and Democracy,andp. 33),
Democracy,
who first commented
p. 33),on the
whodilemma,
first points
commented
out, on the d
the
thetheory
theory
is 'stillis
a quite
'stillpotent
a quite
tautology'.
potent
For discussion
tautology'.
of the problems
For discussion
with this expansion,
of thesee problems with
also
also Benn,
Benn,
'Rationality
'Rationality
and Political and
Behaviour',
Political
pp. 256-60.
Behaviour',
In Political Participation
pp. 256-60.(Canberra:
In Political Parti
Australian
Australian National
National
University,University,
1978), p. 77, Benn1978),
presents p.
a justification
77, Benn for presents
political action
a which
justification for po
draws
draws on aon
'notion
a 'notion
of non-instrumental
of non-instrumental
rationality' which includes
rationality'
considerationwhich
of a broadincludes
range considerati
of principles.
From our perspective, however, the gratifications

gratifications of
of participation
participation are
are not
not
interchangeable. It matters fundamentally
fundamentally what
what kind
kind of
of rewards
rewards citizens
citizens
associate with their activity. There is
is aa significant
significant difference
difference between
between citizens
citizens
whose activity is motivated by a desire
desire toto further
further their
their careers
careers or
or to
to have
have fun
fun
by mingling with the mighty and thosethose whose
whose gratification
gratification emanates
emanates from
from the
the
feeling of having helped others or having
having made
made the
the community
community aa better
better place
place
to live. In terms of the explanation of
of individual
individual behaviour,
behaviour, such
such civic
civic
gratifications can fit into an approach
approach predicated
predicated on
on the
the calculation
calculation of
of costs
costs and
and
benefits: the participant balances the
the benefit
benefit of
of feeling
feeling good
good about
about helping
helping the
the
community against the costs of taking
taking part.16
part.16 In
In terms
terms of
of the
the quality
quality of
of civic
civic life
life
in the community or nation, however,
however, surely
surely the
the mix
mix of
of motivations
motivations that
that citizen
citizen
participants bring to politics makes aa difference.
difference.
THE CITIZEN PARTICIPATION STUDY
In this article, we use survey data from the Citi

to give empirical content to the wider range of grat
across a broad range of voluntary activities - wh
reasons that led to their activity and the issues or pr
was aimed at addressing. This exercise will illum
of the benefits that flow from collective action and t
to activists but also the nature of the different activities in which citizens
engage. The varied content of selective gratifications associated with differ
ent political activities will tell us a good deal about the nature of political activity
in general. The variation also matters fundamentally for politics in the United
States.
The Citizen Participation Study is especially well suited for this endeavour
in that it covers a wide range of political activities and also includes, for purposes
16 Amartya Sen suggests that it is more appropriate to consider this to be behaviour based on
normative commitments. See his classic statement in 'Rational Fools', reprinted in Mansbridge, ed.,
Beyond Self-interest, pp. 25-43. For arguments from many disciplinary perspectives about the
significance of altruism and co-operation in human behaviour and extensive bibliographical
references, see the essays in that volume.
17 The Citizen Participation Study is a large-scale, two-stage survey of the voluntary activity of
the American public. The first stage consisted of over 15,000 telephone interviews of a random
sample of American adults conducted during the last six months of 1989. These 20-minute screener
interviews provided a profile of political and non-political activity as well as basic demographic
information. In the spring of 1990, we conducted much longer, in-person interviews with a stratified
random sample of 2,517 of the original 15,000 respondents chosen so as to produce a disproportionate
number of those active in politics (as well as African-Americans and Latinos). The data in this article
are from the 2,517 respondents in the follow-up survey. A more detailed description of the sample,
the sample weights that allow the sample to be analysed as a random sample and a listing of the
relevant measures, can be found in Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman, Henry Brady and Norman
Nie, 'Citizen Activity: Who Participates? What Do They Say?' American Political Science Review,
87 (1993), 303-18, at p. 314.
of contrast, participation in the secular and religious domains of non-polit

non-polit
voluntarism.18 The activities are as follows:
Voting: Vote in the 1988 presidential election.

Campaign work: Work as a volunteer for a candidate running for offic
offic
Campaign corttribution: Contribute money to a candidate or an organization
organization
that supports candidates.
Contact: Contact a public official.
Protest: Take part in protest, march, or demonstration.
Local board membership: Serve in a voluntary capacity on a local governi
governi
board.
Informal community activity: Join with others in informal activity to try to

deal with some community issue or problem.
Organizational involvement: Give time or money to an organization.19
Church activity: Take part in educational, charitable, or social activities
associated with a church.
Ordinary random samples of the public net very few cases of those wh
undertake rare activities - who, for example, have attended a protest or worke
in a campaign within the recent past. Because we deliberately oversampl
activists, we have sufficient cases for analysis of various kinds of participants
Furthermore, whenever a respondent indicated having been active in a particu
18 In general we asked about activity over the past twelve months or, in the case of campaign wo
or contributions, the period since the beginning of the last presidential cycle. In order to gener
sufficient numbers of those who engage in rare acts, the time frame for attending a protest or serv
on a local governing board was the past two years. Respondents who had engaged in an activity m
than once over the designated time period were asked, depending upon the act, about either the mo
recent or the one to which the most time or money was devoted. In the case of ongoing activit
for example, membership on a local board or educational, charitable or social activity in a chur
- it is impossible to specify a particular event. In these cases, we asked instead what keeps the
respondent active.
19 Our approach to measuring organizational involvement bears some elaboration. In an electro
era, affiliation with an organization may be a matter of writing a cheque in response to a teleph
or mass-mail solicitation instead of membership in the traditional sense in which one joins the Leag
of Women Voters or the Rotary. Therefore, we asked about both membership and financ
contributions and consider either to be sufficient to qualify as organizational involvement
Respondents were asked about twenty different categories of organizations. For each organizati
category for which a respondent indicated involvement, the respondent was asked the number of su
organizations and a series of follow-up questions about the organization (or, if more than one in
category, the organization in which the respondent is most involved) and his or her activity in
Among these follow-up questions was an item about whether the organization ever takes stands
public issues either nationally or locally. We consider affiliation with an organization that takes stan
to be a form of political participation. Then we asked respondents a long series of questions ab
the single organization to which they give the most time or money (or, if different, the organizati
they consider most important). The organization data on which we report in this article derive from
this section of the interview. For an extended discussion of these measures, and the rationale for th
see Kay Lehman Schlozman, 'Voluntary Associations in Politics: Who Gets Involved?' in Will
Crotty, Mildred A. Schwartz and John C. Green, eds, Representing Interests and Interest Grou
Representation (Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1994), pp. 67-83.
way,
way,we administered
we administered
a battery of items
a battery
designed to
ofmeasure
items the designed
relative t
importance
importancein animating
in animating
the activity of the
a range
activity
of possible of
rewards.
a range
We also of po
inquired
inquired whether
whether
there was any
there
issue or
wasproblem,
any 'ranging
issue from
or problem,
public policy 'rangin
issues
issuesto community,
to community,
family, and personal
family, concerns'
andthat
personal
led to the concerns'
activity. The that
verbatim
verbatim answers
answers
were later were
coded into
later
categories
codedof issue
into
concerns.
categories of
These
These datadata
permitpermit
us to investigate
us to in investigate
a way that has neverin before
a way beenthat ha
possible
possible how political
how political
acts differ inacts
termsdiffer
of the gratifications
in terms theyofprovide
the andgratific
the
the issue
issue
concerns,
concerns,
if any, behind
if them.
any,Analysis
behindof the
them.
rewardsAnalysis
that accompany of the
political
politicalactivity
activity
has generally
has focused
generally
upon voting,
focused
a form ofupon
participation
voting,
of a fo
sufficiently
sufficiently low costlow
that the
cost
threshold
thatforthe
the threshold
logic of collective
foraction
theis not
logic of
reached,20
reached,20 and support
and ofsupport
political organizations,
of political a formorganizations,
of participation for a fo
which
which it is it
somewhat
is somewhat
easier to provide
easier
social to
and provide
material selective
socialbenefits.
and mat
Other modes of collective action have received less attention. We are able to
juxtapose all these forms of participation, probing the rewards of modes of
activity that have received less attention and making systematic comparisons
among all of them. As we shall show, different acts provide different
gratifications and are inspired by different issue concerns.
CAN WE ASK ABOUT REASONS?
Although it seems relatively straightforward to ask why

undertaken, some psychologists warn us to treat retrosp
of reasons or motivations with some caution. They arg
be able to identify the factors that influenced them. In
memories of thought processes, respondents will gene
of what they must have thought at the time, respons
represent accurately what determined their original actio
of mental processes take a less negative view towards
influences on an individual's actions, arguing that they c
even explanations, of the actions people take.22 And
20 This point is made by, among others, Aldrich, 'Rational Choic

21 The strongest statement of this point of view is Richard E. N
Wilson, 'Telling More than We Can Know: Verbal Reports on Men
Review, 84 (1977), 231-59.
22 Nisbett and Wilson's original claim has been modified somewhat
inspired by their influential article. See, for example, Eliot R. Smith a
on Perception of Cognitive Processes: A Reply to Nisbett and Wils
(1978), 355-62; Peter White, 'Limitations on Verbal Reports of Inte
Nisbett and Wilson and of Bem', Psychological Review, 87 (1980), 105
Herbert A. Simon, 'Verbal Reports as Data', Psychological Review, 8
and Maury Silver, 'Introspection and Causal Accounts', Journa
Psychology, 40 (1981), 171-9; Peter Wright and Peter D. Rip, 'Retrosp
of Decisions', Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40 (19
and Steven H. Lewis, 'Person Perception and Self-Awareness: Know
Donald Davidson and Jon Elster have argued that having reasons is the essen
of rationality.23 We cannot resolve this debate, but we can specify its relevanc
for our enterprise, asking about reasons within the context of political
participation. We shall argue that, when handled with care, questions abou
reasons can yield useful information.
Our subject matter, voluntary activity, does give us cause for caution in
interpreting respondents' reports about their motivations. First, the dictates of
social desirability give respondents an incentive to emphasize civic-mind
motives at the expense of selfish ones when being interviewed. Hence, we woul
expect a certain inflation in the proportion of respondents reporting that they
were active in order to do their share or make the community a better place to
live and diminution in the proportion indicating a desire to get help with person
or family problems or to advance in their careers. Moreover, those who become
active as volunteers may discover unanticipated gratifications in the process. Fo
example, those who volunteer in a campaign in the hopes of getting patronage
jobs or who help to organize a protest out of concern with a particular issue ma
find along the way that they enjoy the other people involved. After-the-fa
reconstructions of reasons for participation might easily include reference
these unexpected benefits of activity.
In other respects, however, we have reason for confidence that our
respondents' reports of their motivations constitute useful information. In mo
cases, we were able to ask about specific events within the past twelve months
- a particular campaign, contribution, protest or contact. Moreover, there
general agreement that answers about reasons gain significance to the extent tha
the matters at stake are important ones. In contrast to voting, a relatively
low-cost activity scheduled by the government rather than by the activist, mo
of the activities about which we inquired demand individual initiative in
deciding whether, when and how to get involved and entail investment of mor
substantial resources.24 Under the circumstances, we would expect those w
take part to be more self-conscious about their intentions.
(F'note continued)
Own Judgments', Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 42 (1982), 448-60; and Ig
Gavanski and Curt Hoffman, 'Awareness of Influences on One's Own Judgments: The Roles
Covariation Detection and Attention to the Judgment Process', Journal of Personality and Soci
Psychology, 52 (1987), 453-63.
23 See Donald Davidson, Essays on Actions and Events (New York: Oxford University Pres
1980), especially, 'Actions, Reasons, and Causes', and Jon Elster, Sour Grapes (Cambridge and Ne
York: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
24 In addition, in order to avoid giving respondents the occasion to invent reasons for relative
inconsequential activity - very small political donations or nominal church memberships o
organizational affiliations - we imposed a minimum level of commitment below which the questi
about reasons were not asked. Those whose campaign contributions did not total more than $50
whose church activity did not include being a board member or an officer, serving on committe
or helping with special projects, or giving at least two hours each week, or whose activity in th
most important organization entailed giving neither time nor money were not asked about the
reasons for getting involved.
In
Inshort,
short,
whilewhile
we cannot
webecannot
certain that
beactivists'
certain responses
that toactivists'
the batteryr
items
itemsabout
about
possible
possible
reasons for
reasons
participation
for constitute
participation
an accurateconst
depict
of
ofthe
the
mental
mental
state that
state
preceded
that a decision
precededto undertake
a decision
voluntary
to action,
under th
pattern
pattern of responses
of responses
across activities
across is soactivities
compelling that
is so
we are
compell
sure th
respondents
respondents did notdid
simply
not fabricate
simply answers
fabricate
randomlyanswers
in order to rand
please
expectant
expectant interviewer.
interviewer.
That the reasons
Thatcited thebyreasons
activists vary
cited
systematica
by ac
across
across different
different
kinds ofkinds
activity of
in ways
activity
that arein
sensibly
ways connected
that are
to the
sens
nat
of
ofthat
that
activity
activity
suggestssuggests
that activists
that
were activists
not merely inventing
were not explanation
mere
on
onthe
the
spot.
spot.
Thus, we
Thus,
construe
wethese
construe
reports asthese
being, at
reports
minimum, asmeaningf
being
contemporary
contemporary interpretations
interpretations
of past activity,
ofrespondents'
past activity,
current understan
respon
ing
ingofof
the the
gratifications
gratifications
attendant toattendant
participation. As
to such,
participation.
these interpretatio
As
have
have intrinsic
intrinsic
significance.
significance.
As we have mentioned,
As we havethey surely
mentioned,
have impli
tions
tions forfor
activists'
activists'
decisions decisions
to get involved
toagain
getininvolved
the future. Furthermore,
again in t
this
this 'rhetoric'
'rhetoric'
of participation
of participation
tells us more generally
tells us about
morethe culture
generally
of citize
activity
activity in America
in America
- the shared
- the
associations
shared surrounding
associations
modes of
surrou
volunt
activity.
INTERPRETING POLITICAL ACTIVITY
To capture the broad range of possible gratificat

voluntary activity, respondents who participated
presented with a long list of possible motivations
whether each reason was very, somewhat, or not too
to become active - or, in the case of ongoing parti
affiliation or membership on a local governing board
The theoretical underpinnings of the lists derive
typology of the incentives provided by political or
reflect what we learned during our extensive pre-test
categories that citizen activists actually use in explain
activity.27 We consider four kinds of motivation.
benefits - selective material benefits, as well as t
25 It has been suggested to us that the way to ask about gratific

than closed-ended questions. We did not do so for several rea
respondents tend to mouth cliches when an open-ended question
posed. In addition, they are more likely to acknowledge the imp
self-interestedness is legitimated in closed-ended items. Moreove
closed-ended items about the relative importance of various gr
'Anything else?' Most of the replies to this question simply resta
the closed-ended questions. As will be seen, we did use open-ended
matter of activity.
26 Wilson, Political Organizations, especially chaps 2-3. Other
attendant to organizational support have many elements in comm
Robert Salisbury 'An Exchange Theory of Interest Groups', Midw
13 (1969), 1-32; or Knoke, Organizing for Collective Action.
27 In constructing items about the reasons for activity, we were n
such a way that they would hew to the lines of Wilson's analytic cat
benefits: social gratifications and civic gratifications. In addition, we consid

the desire to influence collective policy.
Selective Gratifications
These are available only to those who take part and, thus, bypass the free-rider
problem. Selective material benefits, such as jobs, career advancement, or help
with a personal or family problem, were the lubricant of the classic urban
machine. They continue to figure importantly in contemporary discussions of
congressional constituency service and incentives forjoining organizations. The
selective nature of these material benefits implies that only those who participat
receive them; they are rewards in what is a market-like transaction. They are,
however, not organically related to the activity itself. The situation differs for
the two kinds of intangible selective benefits. Selective social gratification
such as the enjoyment of working with others or the excitement of politi
cannot be enjoyed apart from the activity itself. Without taking part, there is n
way to partake in the fun, gain the recognition, or enjoy other social benefits.
Similarly, selective civic gratifications, such as satisfying a sense of duty or a
desire to contribute to the welfare of the community also derive from the act
itself. In this case, however, we are concerned that social norms give
respondents an incentive to emphasize the desire for these psychological
rewards in order to please the interviewer. While there is no reason to expect
respondents to exaggerate the social gratifications of voluntary activity, they
might overstate the extent to which they were motivated by civic concerns.
Collective Outcomes
Lastly, we consider the gratifications that come from the enactment

implementation of desired public policies or the election of a favou
(F'note continued)
that recurred as respondents talked about their activity in pre-tests were not readily identifia
terms of Wilson's typology. For example, across almost all the acts relatively high proportio
activists - ranging from 40 per cent in the case of contributing or contacting to 70 per cent i
case of protesting - reported that 'the chance to work with (contribute along with, add my vote w
etc.) people who share my ideals' was very important. In Wilson's terms, it is not clear whethe
should be considered a 'solidary' gratification deriving from the association with like-minded
or a 'purposive' one dependent upon the ideals to which the activist is committed. Because the
that activists actually talk about politics does not always correspond to Wilson's conceptually d
categories, we posit our categories, not as a theoretical breakthrough, but rather as a version
Wilson's categories altered for utility in a survey. Because our survey items could not always pres
Wilson's analytic distinctions, we do not use his labels - even though we derive our understa
from his categories.
candidate.
candidate. These,
These,unlike
unlikethe
the
previous
previous
motivations,
motivations,
are are
subject
subject
to free-rider
to free-rider
problems.
problems. This
Thisisisthe
thecase
case
even
even
when
when
thethe
goals
goals
are are
'self-interested'
'self-interested'
- in the
- insense
the sense
that
that they
they would
wouldadvantage
advantage some
some
smaller
smaller
group
group
of which
of which
the the
participant
participant
is a is a
member
member -- so
solong
longasasthe
thebenefits,
benefits,
once
once
available,
available,
are are
available
available
to alltomembers
all members
of
of that
that group
groupregardless
regardlessofof
whether
whether
they
they
worked
worked
to achieve
to achieve
them.
them.
According
According to
tothe
therational
rationalchoice
choice
approach,
approach,
activists
activists
whowho
consider
consider
that that
they they
got
got involved
involvedin
inorder
ordertotopromote
promotea collective
a collective
policy
policy
goalgoal
are deluding
are deluding
themselves
themselves
if they
they imagine
imaginethat
thattheir
theircontributions
contributionswould
would
enhance
enhance
appreciably
appreciably
the the
probability
probabilityof
ofachieving
achievingthe
the
joint
joint
end.
end.
At At
best,
best,
what
what
activists
activists
motivated
motivated
by a by a
desire
desire to
to realize
realizesome
somepolicy
policyobjective
objective
cancan
hope
hope
forfor
is the
is the
kindkind
of civic
of civic
reward
reward
that
that derives
derivesfrom
fromdoing
doingone's
one's
share
share
andand
expressing
expressing
oneself
oneself
alongalong
withwith
others
others
who
who are
are like-minded.28
like-minded.28Because
Becauserespondents
respondents cited
cited
themthem
so frequently
so frequently
in in
recalling
recalling the
thereasons
reasonsthey
theygot
got
involved,
involved,however,
however,
we we
consider
consider
the 'irrational'
the 'irrational'
desire
desire to
to affect
affectpolicy
policyseparately
separately
from
fromthethe
intangible
intangible
rewards
rewards
that that
we group
we group
under
under the
the rubric
rubricof
ofcivic
civicgratifications.29
gratifications.29
As
As mentioned,
mentioned,for
foreach
eachvoluntary
voluntaryactivity,
activity,
activists
activists
were
were
asked
asked
aboutabout
the the
relative
relative importance
importanceofofa aseries
series
ofof
possible
possible
motivations
motivations
in their
in their
decision
decision
to to
become
become or,or,in
inthe
thecase
caseofofongoing
ongoing activity,
activity,
to stay
to stay
active.
active.
In constructing
In constructing
the the
lists
lists for
for various
variouskinds
kindsofofactivity,
activity,weweattempted,
attempted,insofar
insofar
as possible,
as possible,
to make
to make
a a
complete
complete matrix
matrix- -that
thatis,is,
toto
ask
askeach
eachreason
reason
itemitem
for for
eacheach
voluntary
voluntary
act, but
act, but
we
we were
were not
notalways
alwaysable
abletotododo
so.30
so.30
In In
assigning
assigning
itemsitems
to categories
to categories
of analysis,
of analysis,
we
we attempted
attemptedto touse
useitems
items germane
germane to to
many
many
kinds
kinds
of participation
of participation
and to
and
include
to include
only
only items
itemsthat
thatwere
wereunambiguous
unambiguous as as
indicators
indicators
of the
of the
theoretical
theoretical
dimension
dimension
in in
question.3'
question.3'In
Inaddition,
addition,we
weused
used
factor
factor
analysis
analysis
to confirm
to confirm
our our
approach.
approach.
The The
2x
2x These
These are
arewhat
whatWilson
Wilsoncalls
calls
'purposive'
'purposive'
gratifications,
gratifications,
'intangible
'intangible
rewards
rewards
that derive
that derive
from from
the the
sense
sense of
of satisfaction
satisfactionofofhaving
having contributed
contributed to the
to the
attainment
attainment of a of
worthwhile
a worthwhile
cause'cause'
(Political
(Political
Organizations,
Organizations,p.p.34).
34).
29
29 David
David Knoke
Knokefollows
followsa asimilar
similarapproach
approach when
when
he specifies
he specifies
a separate
a separate
dimension
dimension
for 'lobbying
for 'lobbying
incentives'
incentives'in in'Organizational
'Organizational Incentives',
Incentives', as does
as does
Hansen,
Hansen, whowhodiscusses
discusses
'political
'political
collective
collective
benefits'
benefits' inin'The
'ThePolitical
PoliticalEconomy
Economy of of
Group
Group Membership'.
Membership'.
m The
The difficulty
difficultyisisusing
using a common
a common setset
of of
reasons
reasons
for for
all participatory
all participatory
acts grows
acts grows
out ofouttheof the
profound
profound differences
differencesamong
among the
the
modes
modesof of
activity.
activity.
WhenWhen
pre-tests
pre-tests
elicited
elicited
reactions
reactions
indicating
indicating
that that
respondents
respondentsconsidered
consideredanan
item
itemsimply
simply
tootoo
far-fetched
far-fetched
('I went
('I went
to the
to protest
the protest
for the
forchance
the chance
to meet
to meet
important
important and andinfluential
influential people?
people? Give
Givememea break.'),
a break.'),
we omitted
we omittedit from
it from
the list.
the Inlist.
so doing,
In so doing,
we we
avoided
avoided alienating
alienatingrespondents
respondents butbut
risked
riskedmissing
missing
a possible
a possible
motive
motive
for activity.
for activity.
In addition,
In addition,
certaincertain
items
items are
are significant
significantforfora single
a single context
context - but
- but
relevant
relevant
onlyonly
there.
there.
For example,
For example,
a higher
a higher
proportion,
proportion,
76
76 per
per cent,
cent,ofofthe
thechurch
church activists
activistscited
cited
thethe
desire
desire
to affirm
to affirm
theirtheir
religious
religious
faith faith
as veryas important
very important
than
than any
any other
otheritem
itemononthethelist
list
for
forreligious
religious
activity.
activity.
Not Not
to have
to have
included
included
this item
this -item
one -that
oneis,
that is,
obviously,
obviously, germane
germaneonlyonlytotoone
onekind
kindof of
activity
activity
- would
- would
havehave
beenbeen
to overlook
to overlook
one ofone
theof fundamental
the fundamental
wellsprings
wellspringsof ofreligious
religiousactivity.
activity. ForFor
a complete
a complete
listing
listing
of the
of the
items items
used used
for each
for ofeachtheofacts
theand
acts and
the
the proportions
proportionssaying
sayingthat
that
a particular
a particular
reason
reason
waswas
'very
'very
important'
important'
for afor
particular
a particular
act, see
act,
Appendix
see Appendix
Table A.
3' It is certainly possible to question the judgements made in assigning items to categories.
Although we settled on a strategy of including under a particular rubric only items that
unambiguously belong there, we experimented with more expansive definitions of several of the
categories. The effect of defining the categories more broadly by including items germane to
relatively few acts or ambiguously related to a particular theoretical dimension was only to raise the
results
resultswere
weregenerally
generally
consistent
consistent
with with
our categorizations.32
our categorizations.32
The items
The
that
items
fall th
under the four rubrics are as follows:
Selective material benefits:
The chance to further my job or career.
I might want to get help from an official (from the organization, etc.)
on a personal or family problem.
I might want to run for office someday.
I might want to get a job with the government some day.
The direct services provided to [church or organization] members.
The recreational activities offered by the organization.
Selective social gratifications:
I find it exciting.33
The chance to be with people I enjoy.
The chance to meet important and influential people.
The chance for recognition from people I respect.
I did not want to say 'no' to someone who asked.
Selective civic gratifications:
My duty as a citizen.
I am the kind of person who does my share.
The chance to make the community or nation a better place to live.
Collective outcomes:
The chance to influence government policy.
THE GRATIFICATIONS OF VOLUNTARY ACTIVITY
How Much Gratification ?
Voluntary activities vary substantially in the numbe

they provide. Of all the modes of citizen involvemen
be the most rewarding. Considering simply the num
activists cited an average of 7.5 of the reasons items
(F'note continued)
proportion who cited at least one of the components as very important but not to change in any way
the pattern of responses reported below. The reader is invited to refer to Appendix Table A for the
full array of questions asked.
32 We factor analysed the gratifications from each political act separately. We consistently found
three dimensions: civic gratifications, collective policy outcomes, and a dimension that combined
selective material and social gratifications. In the absence of clear guidance from the factor analysis,
we separated the latter dimension into two - material and social - based on our reading of what the
questions were about. For a description of the analysis and its results, contact the authors.
33 Because activities undertaken alone can be exciting, this is not technically a 'social'
gratification. However, this is a gratification cited relatively frequently across acts, and it seems to
fit in with the other reasons we call 'social', all of which involve gratifications derived from an
association with others.
in
in explaining
explainingwhy
why
theythey
stay stay
active.active.
At the At
other
theend
other
of theend
scale,
ofthose
the scale,
who those who
contacted
contacted about
aboutan issue
an issue
of concern
of concern
to themselves
to themselves
or their families
or theirreported
families
an reported an
average
averageofof2.42.4
reasons
reasons
itemsitems
as being
as being
'very important'.
'very important'.
Given the attention
Given thepaid
attention paid
in
in the
theliterature
literature
to the
to the
selective
selective
benefits
benefits
providedprovided
by organizations,
by organizations,
it is not it is not
surprising
surprising that
that
those
those
affiliated
affiliated
with organizations
with organizations
reported areported
relatively ahigh
relatively
level high level
of
of reward
reward - an
- an
average
average
of 5.3
offor
5.3those
for whose
thosemost
whoseimportant
most important
organizationorganization
takes takes
stands
standsininpolitics
politics
and and
4.9 for
4.9 those
for those
whose most
whose important
most important
organizationorganization
does not does not
take
takepolitical
politicalstands.
stands.
For other
For other
political
political
activities,
activities,
it is clear it
that
is those
clear requiring
that those requiring
an
an input
inputofoftime
time
furnish
furnish
greater
greater
rewards rewards
than thosethan
in which
those thein investment
which theisinvestment is
money.34
Which Gratifications?
Our main goal is to compare gratifications across political activities. We report,

therefore, on a range of political activities and, for contrast, also provide data
on non-political activity in churches and non-political organizations. The
political activities include voting, campaign work, campaign contributions,
community board membership, informal activity in the community, protests,
contacts with officials, and involvement in political organizations. For a few
activities we have made even finer distinctions. Among contributors to electoral
organizations, we differentiate among those whose largest donation was to a
party organization, a political action committee (PAC) concerned about a
particular political issue, and a work-related PAC, such as a PAC associated with
a union, company or professional association.35 Though each of these activities
is similar in being a campaign contribution, the differences among the
organizations and the relation of the individual to them should have an effect
on the gratifications associated with them. Among contactors we distinguish
those who contacted on an issue of personal or family concern from those who
34 It might be argued that, since the lists of possible reasons varied in length across the acts, the
average number of items deemed 'very important' is not the appropriate measure. After all, the
respondent was given more possible reasons to consider important for church activity than for voting.
This line of reasoning suggests that a more appropriate measure would be the average proportion
considering each reason important for the various acts. By this measure, church activity still stands
out as the most rewarding. Among political acts, protest scores high with respect to the proportion.
of activists rating each of the possible reasons as very important. Before accepting this alternate
measure, however, we should note that, as mentioned earlier, the lists varied in length because certain
gratifications are simply not plausible for certain acts. Thus, in each case the length of the list says
something about the approximate number of potential benefits.
35 Of those whose electoral contributions were directed to an organization rather than a particular
candidate, 39 per cent donated to a party organization, 52 per cent to a political action committee
(PAC) and the remainder to some other kind of organization. The PAC donations were directed as
follows: work-related, 38%; political issue, 40%; general liberal or conservative, 12%; PAC
associated with a politician, 7%, other, 4% (total, 101%). The distribution among types of
work-related electoral organizations is as follows: union, 32%; company or firm, 27%; trade
association, 4%; professional association, 29%; other, 8%; (total, 100%).
Material benefits Social benefits Civic gratificati
Vote
Vote 3% 20%
I -
Work
Work in
inaacampaign
campaign 25% 48% mmR
Contribute
Contributemoney:
money:candidate
candidate 18% 22% - 8
Contribute
Contributemoney:
money:party
party org. 8%
org. 5% - 8
Contribute
Contributemoney:
money:work
workrelated
related
org.org. 46% 14% - 63
Contribute
Contributemoney:
money:issue
issue org. 1%
org. 6%
Contact:
Contact:particularized
particularized 75% 24% a 40%
Contact:
Contact:community
communityissue
issue 31% 20%
_, 8
Contact: national issue 24% 12%
Protest 0%* 44%
Informal
Informal community
community
act. 17%
act. 17% 35% -
Local board 14% 49%
Org. that takes pol. stands _ 53% 45% - 69
'Political' org. 25% 29%
Non-political org. 58% 54% 59%

Church 40/o 68% _ 83
0 20 40 60 80 100% 0 20 40 60 80 100%0 20 40 60 8
* Material benefits item not asked of protesters
Fig. 1. Gratifications reportedfor various political acts: pe
contacted
contacted on
onananissue
issueofofcommunity
community oror
national
national
concern.
concern.With
With
respect
respect
to citizen
to citizen
involvement
involvementin inpolitics
politicsthrough
through organizational
organizational affiliation,
affiliation,
organizations
organizations
thatthat
get get
involved
involved politically
politicallyvary
varysubstantially
substantially
in in
thethe
extent
extent
to which
to which
theythey
concentrate
concentrate
exclusively
exclusively on
onpolitical
politicalmeans
meansofof
promoting
promoting
their
their
members'
members'
interests
interests
or use
or use
non-political
non-politicalmeans
meansasaswell.
well.Therefore,
Therefore,wewe
report
report
data
data
on organizations
on organizations
thatthat
take take
stands
stands on
on political
politicalissues
issues(though
(thoughthey
theymaymaydo do
other
other
things
things
as well)
as well)
and and
a a
narrower
narrower category
categoryof ofexplicitly
explicitlypolitical
political
organizations.
organizations.
ThisThis
category
category
is anis an
amalgam
amalgam ofof four
fourkinds
kindsofoforganizations:
organizations:
organizations
organizations
active
active
on one
on one
particular
particular
issue;
issue; multi-issue
multi-issueorganizations
organizations that
that
support
supportgeneral
general
liberal
liberal
or conservative
or conservative
causes; organizations, such as party organizations, active in supporting
candidates in elections; and women's rights organizations.
Figure 1 reports on the specific reasons given for these various activities. It
shows the proportion of activists who cited at least one of the reasons in each
category as 'very important'. Clearly, respondents report a variety of
motivations associated with their activity, and acts differ in the mix of
gratifications they provide.
Selective, Material Benefits
Selective material benefits - the kind traditionally associated with machine-style

politics - are given precedence in the literature on political organizations as the
means for circumventing the free-rider problem. Though we asked about a
variety of such benefits, the logic of collective action leads us to consider all
of them together since only a single selective benefit (of sufficient size) is needed
to obviate the free-rider problem. Hence, it is appropriate to ask whether the
respondent mentioned any selective, material benefit as being very important
in explaining activity. As Figure 1 shows, three-quarters of those who contacted
on a matter germane to themselves or their families considered at least one of
the material benefits to be very important. Reflecting the potential career benefits
noted by the contributors to work-related PACs, 46 per cent of them mentioned
at least one material benefit. Regardless of whether the most important
organization is one that takes stands in politics, over half of those affiliated with
an organization mentioned at least one material benefit as being very
important.36 Otherwise, the proportions who reported a selective, material
36 With respect to the kinds of selective, material benefits in which organizations are said to
specialize, 15 per cent of those whose most important organization takes stands in politics and 29
per cent whose most important organization does not take political stands mentioned the recre-
ational opportunities provided by the organization as very important in keeping them active. The
analogous figures for the proportions mentioning the direct services provided to members are 36 per
cent and 33 per cent.
Considering the narrower group of organizations that are more exclusively political, we see that
the proportion mentioning any selective material benefit as a reason for involvement is much lower,
only 25 per cent. Similarly, among those whose most important organization fell into the narrower
category of explicitly political organizations, only 4 per cent cited recreational opportunities and 15
per cent cited direct services as .very important in keeping them involved.
benefit as being
being very
very important
important are
are relatively
relatively low,
low,below
belowone-third
one-thirdacross
acrossall
allt
other political
political acts.37
acts.37
It is interesting
interesting to
to note
note that,
that, even
even though
though activists
activistswere
weregiven
givenplenty
plentyo
opportunity
opportunity to
to do
do so,
so, aa surprisingly
surprisingly small
small proportion
proportionofofthem
themmentioned
mentionedthethemo
m
traditional
traditional of
of material
material benefits
benefits -job
-job and
and career
career advancement
advancement- -asasanimating
animatingthe
th
activity. For
For only
only one
one kind
kind ofof participation,
participation, making
makingcontributions
contributionsto toa a
work-related
work-related PAC,
PAC, did
did an
an appreciable
appreciable share
share ofof activists,
activists,4444per
percent,
cent,menti
ment
the chance
chance to
to further
further their
their job
job or
or career
career as
as very
veryimportant
importantin inthe
thedecision
decision
become active.
active. Otherwise,
Otherwise, the
the proportions
proportions mentioning
mentioningcareer
careerbenefits
benefitswer
we
much lower,
lower, ranging
ranging downward
downward fromfrom the
the 14
14 per
percent
centfor
forthe
thecampaign
campaignworker
worke
Similarly, only
only 77 per
per cent
cent of
of the
the campaign
campaign workers
workersindicated
indicatedthat
thatthey
theymight
might
want to get
get aa job
job with
with the
the government
government some
some day,
day,the
thehighest
highestfor
forany
anypolitical
politica
activity. And
And 8 8 per
per cent
cent of
of the
the members
members of of local
localgoverning
governingboards
boardsreported
reportedtht
they might
might want
want toto run
run for
for office
office some
some day,
day, again
againthe
thehighest
highestfor
forany
anymode
modeo
political participation.
participation.
In short, the
the data
data show
show that
that selective
selective material
material benefits
benefitsare
arequite
quiteinfrequent
infrequentan
a
seem inadequate
inadequate to
to explain
explain the
the volume
volume of
of political
politicalactivity.
activity.We
Wemust
mustlook
loo
elsewhere. An
An obvious
obvious place
place is
is the
the other
other selective,
selective,but
butless
lesstangible,
tangible,benefits
benefitsof
o
a social and civic sort.
Social Gratifications
Overall, the proportion of activists who reported that at least one of the socia
gratifications was very important in explaining their activity is fairly hi
higher than might be expected on the basis of the emphasis on material benef
that emerges from some of the literature on the problem of collective action.
Given the differences among voluntary activities in the opportunities th
provide for social interaction, however, it is not surprising that the shar
activists rating social gratifications as very important varies substantially acr
acts. For political activities ordinarily undertaken solo - voting, making
campaign contributions to candidates or organizations, and contacting - l
than a quarter of the activists mentioned any social gratification as being very
important. In contrast, those who engaged in political activities usua
performed in a social context - campaigning, protesting, getting involved in a
informal community effort, or serving on a local governing board - were mu
more likely to have mentioned some kind of social gratification as very
important, more likely indeed than to have mentioned a material benefit. The
37 The proportion of church activists reporting at least one material benefit as very importan
relatively high, 40 per cent. Church activists rarely cited career-oriented motivations, howev
Rather, they were much more likely to report that the recreational opportunities, the possibilit
getting help on a personal or family problem and, especially, the services - for example, child
or marriage counselling - provided by the church as being very important in keeping them act
in their churches. If we were to include the desire for a religious education for their children
selective, material benefit, then the proportion of church activists mentioning at least one su
benefit would soar to 73 per cent.
distinction
distinction between
between
campaign
campaign
workers
workers
and campaign
and campaign
contributors
contributors
is particu- is part
larly
larlystriking:
striking:those
those
whowho
gave gave
time time
to a campaign
to a campaign
were more
were
likely
more
thanlikely
those than thos
who
whogave
gavemoney
moneyto have
to have
mentioned
mentioned
both material
both material
benefits benefits
and social and soc
gratifications;
gratifications; however,
however,
the discrepancy
the discrepancy
between
between
the two the
formstwoof forms
electoralof elect
activity is much wider for social, rather than material, benefits. Not
unexpectedly, church and organization activists are especially likely to have
indicated social rewards.
Civic Gratifications
The proportion of activists who mentioned some civic purpose - the desir
do their duty as a member of the community, to make the community or na
a better place to live, or to do their share - is remarkably high. Indeed, with
exception of particularized contacting, for all forms of voluntary participatio
a larger share of activists reported at least one civic gratification as being ver
important than mentioned a material benefit or social gratification. In fact, t
tendency for activists to cite some civic gratification extends even to activity
outside politics in non-political organizations and churches. Since efforts
'make the community or nation a better place to live' can be undertaken
religious, non-profit and charitable institutions as well as by governments, th
is not unreasonable.
How should we interpret these civic replies? Since civic motivations

socially appropriate, we may be receiving answers that respondents think th
ought to give. Data in Figure 2 on the frequency with which responde
mentioned civic reasons for the various acts shed some light on this issue. Th
bars show the proportion of activists who make some mention of civi
gratifications as well as those who mention only civic gratifications - th
reported neither material nor social benefits as very important in explaining t
activity even though they were given a number of opportunities to do s
respondents were merely paying lip service to civic-minded platitudes, then
would expect no differentiation in the interpretations placed on various kind
of voluntary participation by activists. In fact, this is not the case. Even tho
mention of civic gratifications was virtually universal across political activit
except for particularized contacting, the proportion of activists who cited ci
gratifications but not material or social ones differs substantially acro
participatory acts in a pattern that reflects the nature of the acts themselve
one extreme, 71 per cent of the voters mentioned civic gratifications but ne
material nor social benefits; at the other, only 9 per cent of particulari
contactors did so.
In short, respondents surely find it socially appropriate to cite ci

gratifications in interpreting their voluntary activity. That norms of ci
responsibility and voluntary service are embedded in American political cultu
in itself, says something about the peculiar nature of American individualism
Moreover, selective benefits of a material or social nature go only so far
activists' retrospective understandings of their participation. Some activities -
M Mentioning Only Civic Gratifications

I Mentioning Civic Gratifications
Vote
Work
Work in
I-BI~BUPPiraS~g~g~
in aa Campaign
Campaign
I-BI~BUPPiraS~g~g~ ?8- ?
Money
Money to Candidate~LBB~B~spt~i~
to Candidate ~LBB~B~spt~i~-1 IIEM -1 IIEM
Money
Money to
to Party Org.Es~l--E-W=Slrll~L~i
PartyOrg. Es~l--E-W=Slrll~L~i~ a" ~
Money
Money to
to work
work-Related
-RelatedOrg.
Org.
i- -~?
Money
Money to
to Issue
IssueOrg.
Org. ma%g~oa~*lrPpusp
Contact: Particularized
Contact: Community Issue
Contact: National Issue

|,|s~~~ bi
-aI'
Protest
$fSb~S%l~if(P l 89 %
Informal Community Act.

ia%BBssBlt I
Local Board
Org.
Org.That
That
TakesTakes
Pol. Stands
Pol. Stands
18% I%
a~~~~~~~~~
Non-Political
Non-Political Org. Org.
Church
Church
I ! I t I 14
OC 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Fig. 2. Civic and civic only: percentage mentionin

only civic gratifications
in particular, voting and making campaig

or issue PACs - offer few such benefit
as well as substantial proportions of thos
in the way of selective benefits, inte
psychological rewards of doing their s
The mix of selective benefits is, as we s
perspective
perspective of theories
of of theories
rational choice,ofany selective
rational benefit
choice,
- material, any
social select
or
orcivic
civic
- will do
- to
will
confirm
dothe totheory
confirm
that individuals
thewilltheory
not be active
thatfor indivi
collective
collective purposes.
purposes.
But, in fact, it But,
makes a ingreatfact,
deal of difference
it makes to theanature
great de
and
and substance
substance
of politics whether
of politics
activists are
whether
seeking narrowactivists
material benefits,
are seeki
the
the social
social
rewards rewards
of political engagement,
of politicalor are motivated
engagement,
by a sense of civic
or are m
responsibility.
responsibility.
Collective
Collective Policy Outcomes
Policy Outcomes
For
For a supposedly
a supposedly
irrational motivation,
irrationala quite high
motivation,
proportion of activists
a quite h
interpreted
interpretedtheir activity
their
as inspired,
activity
at least in
aspart,
inspired,
by a desire toat
influence
least in par
government
government policy. Of policy.
course, the acts
Ofrange
course,
widely inthe
termsacts
of the range
extent to widely
which
which respondents
respondents
see them as relevant
see forthem government
as relevant
policy. At onefor
extreme
governm
are
arethree
three
acts thatacts
are very
that
high in
aretheirvery
capacityhigh
to carry in
policy-oriented
their capaci
messages
messages - making- amaking
donation to a a
political
donation
issue electoral
to organization,
a political issu
contacting
contacting on a problem
on affecting
a problemthe nation,
affecting
and protesting the
- for which
nation,four and p
out
outof five
of activists
five mentioned
activistsinfluencing
mentioned
policy as a reason
influencing
for the activity.
policy a
At
At thethe
other other
extreme are
extreme
non-political modes
are non-political
of voluntary activity such
modes
as of
activity
activityin a non-political
in a non-political
organization or church,
organization
for which only 6 per
orcent
church,
cited for
aadesire
desire
to influence
to influence
policy. In addition,
policy.
those making
In contact
addition,
about personal
those m
or
orfamily
family
matters matters
are, not unexpectedly,
are, not unlikely
unexpectedly,
to have mentioned public
unlike
policy
policy as a very
as important
a veryreason
important
for their activity.
reasonThe other
forpolitical
their acts are
activity
in
inthethe
middle
middle
range. Interestingly,
range.although
Interestingly,
the fact that a single
although
vote is th
extremely
extremelyunlikely unlikely
to have a decisive
toimpact
have on the
a decisive
outcome of animpact
election on
implies
impliesthat, more
that,than more
any otherthan
kind of political
any otherparticipation,
kind voting
ofruns
political
into p
the
thecollective
collective
action problem,
actiona relatively
problem,
high proportion
a relatively
of voters, 61 per
high
cent, prop
cited
citeda desire
a desire
to influence
togovernment
influence policy as
government
very important in their
policy
decisionas ver
to
togo go
to the
topolls.
the polls.
THE 'GRATIFICATION SPACE'
Figure 1 focused our attention on the varying g

activity. By combining the dimensions treated se
get a better sense of the bundle of gratification
participatory acts. Figure 3 locates the various kinds
single 'gratification space'. Since we wish to con
different gratifications, the figure is 'four-dimensi
a plane in which the north-south axis is the prop
influencing government policy as a very important
east-west axis is the proportion who mentioned at le
civic gratifications as very important; the height of
indicates the proportion who cited at least one mate
important; and, finally, the shading of the bar r
mentioned a social gratification as very importan
$$ to
toWork
Workrelated
related
camp. org.
1f 7 F
... $toa . ...-Board 40
party org. W
.- /~~~~~~~~~S
20
40% 60% 80%

% Mentioning civic grat
Fig. 3. Gratification space for
Figure
Figure33makes
makesvisually
visually
clear
clear
that that
voluntary
voluntary
activities
activities
differ substantially
differ substantially
in in
the
the mix
mixofofrewards
rewardsthey
they
provide.
provide.
Most Most
political
political
acts areacts
clustered
are clustered
in the in the
right-hand
right-handsection
section
of of
thethe
plane,
plane,
with with
overwhelming
overwhelming
majorities
majorities
(around 80
(around
per 80 p
cent
cent or
ormore)
more)citing
citing
civic
civic
gratifications.
gratifications.
AmongAmong
these 'civic'
theseacts,
'civic'
the acts,
proportion
the proportio
reporting
reportinga adesire
desire
to to
influence
influence
policy
policy
variesvaries
considerably.
considerably.
The threeThe actsthree
in theacts in the
upper-right
upper-right corer
corer- where
- where
citizens
citizens
cite civic
cite gratifications
civic gratifications
and a desire
and to
a desire t
influence
influencepolicy
policy
- entail
- entail
the the
fullest
fullest
'civic-political'
'civic-political'
commitment.
commitment.
The acts are
The acts a
quite
quitevaried:
varied:
one
oneinvolves
involves
writing
writing
cheques
cheques
(to an (to
issueanorganization)
issue organization)
and one and on
involves
involvesdirect
direct
contact
contactwith
with
an official
an official
(on a national
(on a national
issue) - issue)
both being
- both being
activities
activitiesgenerally
generallydone
done
alone.
alone.
The third
The third
involves
involves
taking taking
part in apart
protest,
in a aprotest,
rather
ratherintense
intenseactivity
activity
in concert
in concert
with with
others.
others.
In addition,
In addition,
the verythe
different
very different
act ac
of
of voting
votingisis not
notlocated
locatedfar far
away. away.
Not only
Not are
onlythere
are many
theredifferent
many different
ways in ways
which
whichcitizens
citizens cancan
be be
politically
politically
active,
active,
but there
but are
there
manyaredifferent
many different
ways in ways
which
whichthey theycan canbe be
fully
fully
politically
politically
engaged
engaged
in activity
in activity
that fulfils
thatcivic
fulfils civic
obligations
obligationswhile whileattempting
attempting to influence
to influence
public public
policy. policy.
The
The acts
actsininthe
theright-hand
right-hand section
section
that provide
that provide
are diverse
are divers
with
withrespect
respect toto
thethe
frequency
frequency withwith
whichwhich
activists
activists
mentionmention
social gratifications:
social gratification
very
veryfew fewofof those
thosewho whomade
madea donation
a donation
(to a campaign
(to a campaign
or issue or
organization)
issue organizatio
or
or who
whocontacted
contacted an an
official
official
(about
(about
a national
a national
or community
or community
issue) mentioned
issue) mention
any
any social
socialbenefits;
benefits; a substantial
a substantial
proportion
proportion
of the of
campaign
the campaign
workers,workers,
members member
of
of local
localboards
boards or or
a political
a political
organization,
organization,
and protesters
and protesters
did. On average,
did. On these
average, these
acts
acts elicited
elicitedfewer
fewer mentions
mentions of material
of material
benefits.
benefits.
Again, Again,
however,however,
there is a there is
range
rangewith
withnone
noneof of
thethe
protesters
protesters
and very
and few
veryoffew
the of
voters
thementioning
voters mentioning
material mater
gratifications,
gratifications, in in
contrast
contrast
to somewhat
to somewhat
higherhigher
proportions
proportions
of the campaign
of the campaig
workers,
workers,members
membersof of
political
political
organizations
organizations
and contactors
and contactors
on community
on community
and and
national issues who do so.
A few kinds of political activity stand outside the upper-right-hand sec

of the gratification space. Contacting on an issue of particularized concern
most distinctive. Among all acts, it is by far the least likely to be describ
terms of civic gratifications and the most likely to be described in te
material benefits. Of all political participants, those making particu
contact were the least likely to have referred to the chance to influence p
as very important. The contrast on these dimensions between contacting o
issue of particularized concern and an issue of national import is espe
striking. Yet these are the same act in the service of different subst
concerns, and those who engage in any kind of contacting are unlikely to
mentioned social rewards.
Another political activity that stands apart is making contributions to
work-related PACs. Among political participants, contributors to work-related
PACs are relatively unlikely to have mentioned civic gratifications - and
relatively likely to have mentioned material benefits, usually benefits associate
with job and career. In this case, the contrast with making contributions to iss
PACs is especially noteworthy. Those who made contributions to issue PAC
were more likely to have reported a desire to influence policy and to ha
mentioned civic gratifications and much less likely to have cited econom
benefits than were contributors to work-related PACs.38 As with the various

kinds of contacts, we are dealing with the same act, writing a cheque, a form
of participation very rarely described as yielding social rewards. Still, the mix
of other expected benefits differs substantially depending upon what kind of
electoral organization opens the envelope. When individuals make a campaign
donation to a PAC at work, they have something quite different in mind that
when they make a donation to a candidate, a party organization or an issue PAC.
According to our respondents' reports, established institutions like organiza-
tions and churches seem to provide a richer array of gratifications to activists,
both because they are in a position to offer members the kinds of services and
recreational opportunities that are referred to so often in the literature on
collective action and because they bring people together on an continuing basis
and, thus, create the possibility for social engagement. Interestingly, what
distinguishes those whose most important organization takes stands in politics
from those whose most important organization does not is only the greater extent
to which the former cite a desire to affect policy as a source of their ongoing
organizational activity. Otherwise, the profiles are similar: compared with those
who are engaged in other types of voluntary activity, those affiliated with
organizations are especially likely to mention economic benefits and social
rewards, regardless of whether the organization gets involved in politics.39 Like
activists in non-political organizations, church activists are quite unlikely to
have reported a desire to influence government policy. In contrast to those
affiliated with either kind of organization, however, church activists were
somewhat more likely to have mentioned civic and social gratifications and
somewhat less likely to have mentioned material benefits.
Summary
Those who engage in different kinds of voluntary activity interpret the potential
rewards of that activity in different ways. Contrary to expectations, material
selective benefits play a surprisingly small role in the reasons given for political
activity. They appear frequently in relation to particularized contacting and,
somewhat less, in relation to support for work-related PACs. They do not often
appear for other kinds of activity. In contrast, selective social gratifications and,
especially, civic gratifications are invoked frequently. Furthermore, across acts
the pattern of gratifications cited makes sense. Lastly, attempts to influence
policy are discussed much more frequently than one would expect given the
logic of collective action.
38 The item asking the kind of electoral organization to which the contribution was made was
separated from the battery of items about the reasons for the contribution. Hence, we believe that
the difference in the patterns of reported gratifications is not simply a function of question ordering.
39 The profile for the narrow category of explicitly political organizations is, of course, quite
different and more similar to that for most political activities.
Interestingly,
Interestingly,it is not simply
it is the
notnature
simply
of the act
the- whether
nature it is undertaken
of the act - w
alone
aloneor with
or others,
withwhether
others, it involves
whethertime or it
money,
involves
whether it time
is ongoing
or mone
or
or temporally
temporally
defined, whether
defined,it takes
whether
place in the it
context
takesof anplace
established
in the
institution
institution like a church
like or a organization,
church or and organization,
so. on - that is relatedand
to theso.
mix on - th
of
ofreported
reportedgratifications.
gratifications.
In addition, the subject
In addition,
matter has implications
the subject for thematte
way
way thatthat
activityactivity
is interpreted.
is Thus,
interpreted.
those who contacted
Thus, on matters
thoseofwho concerncontact
only
onlyto themselves
to themselves
or their families
or their
describedfamilies
their activitydescribed
very differently
their
from activ
those
thosewho who
contacted
contacted
on matters ofon community
matters or national
of community
concern. Similarly,or natio
those
thosewho who
contributed
contributed
to work-related toPACswork-related
reported very different
PACs potential
reported v
rewards
rewards than didthan
thosedid
who contributed
those who to party
contributed
organizations or toissueparty
PACs. org
In
Ineach
each
case, case,
the profile
the is related
profileso reasonably
is related
to the activity
so reasonably
at stake that to the
we
we areare
convinced
convinced
that the responses
that indicate
the responses
something realindicate
about the way somet
activists
activistsunderstand
understand
the gratifications
theattendant
gratifications
to various forms
attendant
of activity and
to var
that
that these
these
understandings
understandings
have potential consequences
have potential
for decisionsconsequen
to get
involved
involved as volunteers
as volunteers
in the future. in Although
the we future.
cannot be Although
certain that thewe ca
retrospective
retrospective reconstructions
reconstructions
of what animated voluntary
of what participation
animated consti-volunta
tute
tute accurate
accurate
accounts accounts
of the activists'
of thought
the processes
activists'
at thethought
time they decided
processes
to
togetget
involved,
involved,
we are surewe
thatare
the pattern
sure of that
responses
thewepattern
have delineated
of resp
demonstrates
demonstrates that their
that
interpretations
their interpretations
are related in sensible ways
are
to their
related
activity.
activity.The mix
The
of material,
mix of social
material,
and civic selective
socialgratifications
and civic that selec
citizens
citizens attribute
attribute
to various acts
to fit
various
neatly with
acts
the varying
fit neatly
nature ofwith
the acts.the var
The
The policy
policy
gratifications
gratifications
are, perhaps, theare,
most perhaps,
problematic. That
the citizens
most say proble
they
theywerewere
active in
active
order toin
influence
order public
topolicy
influence
runs counter
public
to muchpolicy
contemporary theorizing. So far, however, we have looked at answers
respondents chose from options we presented to them. Whether or not activists
are rational to cite a desire to influence policy in connection with political
participation, consideration of the open-ended replies discussing the policy
concerns behind activity suggests that these are real responses about genuine
policy concerns. The actual language used by respondents to describe what their
activity was all about buttresses our conclusion that we are examining a real and
significant aspect of citizen activity.
THE SUBJECT MATTER OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY
Each time a respondent reported having taken part, we

'any issues or problems ranging from public policy issu
or personal concerns' that led to the activity. For the 63
across all political activities who replied that there w
an open-ended question about the content of those conce
item about who was affected.40 We received a range of r
40 The respondent was shown a card containing the following c

family; only other people, but not myself or my family; myself or my
us; all people in the community; all people in the nation or the w
86
86 per
per cent,
cent,contained
containedrecognizable
recognizable
public
public
policy
policy
issues.41
issues.41
In terms
In terms
of whoofisw
affected
affectedbybythe
theissue
issue
oror
problem,
problem,across
across
all political
all political
activities
activities
- except
- except
for
contacting
contactingpublic
publicofficials
officials- the
- the
overwhelming
overwhelming
majority
majority
of participants
of participants
indicated
indic
that
that the
theissue
issueatatstake
stake
affected
affected others
others
beyond
beyond
themselves
themselves
and their
and their
families.
fam
About
About one-fifth
one-fifthofofthose
thosewhowhocontacted
contacted
a public
a public
official
official
indicated
indicated
that the
that
activity
activity was
wasaimed
aimedatatanan
issue
issue
limited
limited
to the
to the
individual
individual
and his
andorhis
herorfamily.
her fam
Otherwise,
Otherwise,most
mostpolitical
political
activity
activity is described
is described- in -proportions
in proportions
that reflect
that reflect
quite q
reasonably
reasonablythe
thenature
natureofofthe
theactivity
activity
- as- affecting
as affecting
either
either
the entire
the entire
community
commu
or
or the
the entire
entirenation.
nation.Political
Politicalactivity,
activity,
in general,
in general,
is not
is about
not about
personal
personal
problems.
prob
Reading
Reading the
theverbatim
verbatim responses
responsesindicates
indicates
thatthat
respondents
respondents
can make
can make
these th
kinds
kinds of
ofdistinctions.
distinctions.The
The
Appendix
Appendix contains
contains
a random
a random
sample
sample
of responses
of respon
about
about the
theissues
issuesand
andproblems
problems behind
behind
fourfour
kinds
kinds
of contacts:
of contacts:
thosethose
to local
to
officials
officialsdefined
definedby by
respondents
respondentsas affecting
as affecting
either
either
the whole
the whole
community
communitor
themselves
themselvesandandtheir
theirfamilies;
families;
andand
those
those
to members
to members
of Congress
of Congress
defined
define
by
respondents
respondentsasasaffecting
affectingeither
either
thethe
whole
whole
nation
nation
or themselves
or themselves
and their
and their
families.
fami
These
These are
areunexpurgated
unexpurgated 'word
'word
bites'
bites'
transcribed
transcribed
as recorded
as recorded
by interviewers:
by interview
we
we have
have not
notfilled
filledinin
the
the
obvious
obvious
blanks,
blanks,
spruced
spruced
up the
up grammar,
the grammar,
or most
or m
importantly,
importantly,corrected
corrected miscategorizations
miscategorizationsin respondents'
in respondents'
self-codings.
self-codings.
These T
answers
answers give
giveus
usconfidence
confidencethat
that
respondents
respondents
can can
distinguish
distinguish
quite quite
well -well
though
- thou
not
not perfectly
perfectly- -between
between particularistic
particularistic
concerns
concerns
and and
matters
matters
of policy
of policy
and
between
between issues
issuesaffecting
affectingthe
the
whole
whole
community
communityand and
issues
issues
affecting
affecting
the whole
the w
nation.
The Nature of the Substantive Concerns
A closer look at the range of substantive concerns will give us a better

understanding of the nature of these policy concerns. We coded the verbatim
(F'note continued)
particularized from policy concerns, respondents who said that the problem affected themselves and
others as well were asked whether their activity was aimed at dealing with the problem for themselves
and their family only or whether they were trying to deal with it for other people as well. In this way,
we were able to delineate more accurately the scope of concern of individuals who mentioned 'Social
Security' or 'high property taxes' - problems that would affect many people in circumstances similar
to theirs, but could be either particularistic or policy concerns. If more than one issue or problem
was listed in response to the open-ended item, the closed-ended question was asked about the first
one mentioned.
41 The 14 per cent of responses that did not contain recognizable policy issues were distributed
as follows. A small proportion - 4 per cent across all the political activities - could not be coded
either because the respondent was confused and inarticulate or because the interviewer was sloppy
in recording and editing. Another 10 per cent represented coherent and 'codeable' problems or
concerns that did not constitute public policy issues. Examples include the following statements
describing the issues or problems behind campaign work: 'To see New York have its first black
mayor.' 'My husband was running for office. He was the best-qualified candidate.' 'We needed
another conservative.'
responses
responses into
intothe
thefollowing
followingcategories,
categories,
which
which
reflect
reflect
the the
dominant
dominant
policy
polic
concerns
concerns of
ofcitizen
citizenactivists:42
activists:42
Basic
Basic human
humanneeds:
needs:Various
Various government
government benefits
benefits
(welfare,
(welfare,
AFDC,
AFDC,
foodfood
stamps, housing subsidies, Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid);
unemployment (either as an economic issue or in terms of the respondent's
own circumstances); housing or homelessness; health or health care;
poverty or hunger; aid to the handicapped or handicapped rights.
Economic issues: local or national economic performance; taxes; inflation;

budget issues or the budget deficit; government spending; other economic
issues.
Moral issues: traditional morality; abortion; pornography; family planning,

teenage pregnancy, sex education, or contraception; school prayers; or gay
rights or homosexuality.
Education: educational issues (school reform, school voucher plans, etc.);

problems or issues related to schooling of family members; guaranteed
student loans.
Environment: specific environmental issues (e.g., clean air, toxic wastes) o

environmental concerns in general; wildlife preservation; animal rights.
Crime pr drugs: crime; gangs; safety in the streets; drugs.
Foreign policy: relations with particular nations or to foreign policy in

general; defence policy or defence spending; peace, arms control, or
international human rights issues.
Table 1 summarizes the subject matter of each political act for which a codeable
policy concern was expressed. The entries in the cells represent the proportion
of those activists who discussed any codeable policy concern who mentioned
among other things, an issue that fell under the rubric of one of the abov
categories. In interpreting Table 1, it is critical to recall that the data reflect, in
part, the era and the place in which the survey was conducted. Had we collected
data two decades before, different issues - for example, the war in Vietnam or
race - would have figured prominently, especially in conjunction with acts such
as protesting. Moreover, the data clearly represent the American politica
42 Let us clarify several aspects of the coding. First, a single political act may have been inspire
by more than one issue concern. A person making contact who expressed concern about 'publ
housing, teenage pregnancy, and the child care bill' would have been coded as mentioning thr
separate issues. In addition, respondents identifying a problem or issue within a particular categor
might have quite different opinions. For example, the social issues category includes many social
conservatives as well as respondents who are pro-choice rather than pro-life or who are concern
about making contraceptives more easily available to teenagers. Finally, these categories are n
exhaustive. Issue concerns ranging from gun control to local economic development, for which w
have codes, have been omitted from this list.
TABLE 1 Issues and Problems Behind Political Activity*
Electoral Contacts
Campaign $ to a $ to a Cam- Parti- Commu- Com

Policy area Vote Work Candidate paign Org. cularized nity National nity
Human needs 11 14 19 7 25 7 13
Economy 47 17 24 16 15 16 8
Morality 18 20 16 26 0 2 21
Education 28 26 19 11 9 15 7
Environment 9 6 7 22 3 5 15
Crime, drugs 7 11 17 3 1 8 3
International 15 4 7 12 1 1
Number of cases 700 97 53 138 147 272 19
* The table shows the proportion of activ
agenda.
agenda. The
The prominence
prominencethat
thatactivists
activistsgive
givetoto
the
the
issue
issue
ofof
abortion,
abortion,
forfor
example,
exampl
would
would presumably
presumably not
nothave
haveappeared
appearedhad
hadthe
the
data
databeen
beencollected
collected
elsewhere.
elsewhere
The data
data make
make clear
clearthat
thatdifferent
differentmodes
modesofofpolitical
politicalparticipation
participation
serve
serve
as
the vehicle
vehicle for
for carrying
carryingdifferent
differentkinds
kindsofofmessages
messagestoto
public
publicofficials
officials
in in
ways
way
that
that might
might not
not have
havebeen
beenfully
fullyanticipated.
anticipated.Because
Because
there
thereis is
so so
much
muchvariation
variation
among
among participatory
participatoryacts
actsin
inthe
theissue
issueconcerns
concernsthey
they
convey,
convey, letlet
us us
examine
examineeach
eac
act separately.
Electoral Activity
Reflecting the common wisdom that informs electoral politics today - that is,
that matters related to economic performance are dominant - nearly half of the
voters who gave a codeable policy response to the issue question discussed
economic issues. Interestingly, the concern about the economy that voters bring
to the polls does not extend to other forms of activity. Activists are less than half
as likely to report economic concerns in connection with other kinds of
participation, including other acts related to elections. Indeed, only 13 per cent
of campaign workers cited economic concerns. Beyond the economy, voters
identified a variety of issues: nearly a third cited educational issues, presumably
in connection with local elections; and just under a fifth discussed social issues.
With respect to working in campaigns or making campaign contributions, no
one set of issues took precedence and a variety of issues were cited.
Contacting Public Officials
More than any kind of activity, contacting is distinguished by the control the
participant can exercise over the timing of the activity and the content of its
message. As we have throughout, in Table 1 we differentiate among contacts
on a particularistic issue, on a community issue and on a national issue. In
descending order of frequency the particularistic contacts focused on three
matters: basic human needs, economic issues and education. It is interesting that,
in comparison to all of the more 'public' modes of participation, particularized
contacting is the most likely to convey concerns related to basic needs - even
though concerns about basic needs can be framed as policy issues like
homelessness or spending on welfare instead of particularistic concerns like the
need to straighten out a Social Security payment or establish disability
eligibility. Contacts on issues affecting the community focused most heavily on
economic concerns - overwhelmingly, tax issues - and educational issues.
Contacts on issues affecting the nation were varied in substance. The most
frequent topic was social issues, followed by concerns about the environment
and basic human needs.
Protesting
As with contacting, the subject matter of protests differs substantially dependin
on
onwhether
whetherthe the
issueissue
is seenisasseen
affecting
as affecting
the community
the community
or the nation. With
or the nation. With
respect
respect to to
issues
issues
affecting
affecting
the community,
the community,
education predominated
education followed
predominated
by followed by
economic
economic issues
issues
- most
- most
often, often,
issues ofissues
taxation.
ofConsidering
taxation. that
Considering
protest is a that protest is a
political
political actact
thatthat
requires
requires
little inlittle
the way
in of
theresources
way of and,
resources
therefore,and,
is often
therefore, is often
characterized
characterized as theas weapon
the weapon
of the weak,
of the what
weak,
is noteworthy
what is isnoteworthy
how little of the
is how little of the
protest
protest activity
activitydealtdealt
with issues
withof issues
basic human
of basicneed:
human
one in ten
need:
of the
oneprotesters
in ten of the protesters
on
onissues
issues of of
locallocal
import
import
and onlyand2 per
only
cent2 of
per
thecent
protesters
of theon protesters
issues of national
on issues of national
import
import mentioned
mentioned basic basic
humanhuman
needs. Environmental
needs. Environmental
concerns did figure
concerns did figure
prominently
prominently among
among
the subjects
the subjects
of protests
of on
protests
issues affecting
on issues
the nation.
affecting the nation.
Strikingly,
Strikingly, however,
however,nearlynearly
half thehalf
protesters
the protesters
on issues affecting
on issues
the nation
affecting the nation
mentioned
mentioned moral
moral
issuesissues
- overwhelmingly
- overwhelmingly
abortion - asabortion
the subject.
- asAlthough
the subject. Although
we
wewere
werenotnot
surprised
surprised
at the at
extent
the to
extent
which abortion
to which weighs
abortion
heavily weighs
among heavily among
moral
moralissues,
issues,
we were
we were
not prepared
not prepared
for the extent
for the
to which
extent
abortion
to which
forms the
abortion forms the
subject
subject ofofdemonstrations
demonstrationsabout issues
about affecting
issues the
affecting
nation. Indeed,
the nation.
of protesters
Indeed, of protesters
on
onthese
these issues,
issues,
fullyfully
45 per45
cent
perreport
centprotesting
report protesting
on the issue ofonabortion.43
the issueOfof abortion.43 Of
them,
them,nearly
nearlythree-quarters,
three-quarters,
72 per cent,
72 per
holdcent,
pro-life
hold
views
pro-life
as registered
views
on as
a registered on a
seven-point
seven-point scalescale
measuring
measuring
attitudesattitudes
towards abortion.
towards abortion.
Community
Community Activity
Activity
Those
Thosewho
whoengaged
engaged
in informal
in informal
community
community
activity mentioned
activitya variety
mentioned
of a variety of
issues,
issues,the
the
most
most
frequent
frequent
of which
ofwere
which
crime
were
and violence.
crime and The issues
violence.
identified
The issues identified
by
bymembers
membersof local
of local
governing
governing
boards - boards
educational
- educational
and environmental
and environmental
concerns
concerns - reflect
- reflect
the boards
the boards
on which
onthey
which
sit, school
theyboards
sit, school
and zoning
boards
boards
and zoning boards
or
orpark
parkcommissions.
commissions.
A
A Summary
Summaryof the
of Subject
the Subject
Matter Matter
of Political
ofActivity
Political Activity
Our
Ourfindings
findings about
about
the subject
the subject
matter behind
matter political
behind participation
politicalare participation
a are a
reflection,
reflection, in part,
in part,
of theof
particular
the particular
time that time
the survey
thatwas theconducted,
survey but was conducted, but
several
several general
generalconclusions
conclusions
are possible
are possible
about the many
aboutand the
varied
many issues
andto varied issues to
which
whichactivists
activists
referred.
referred.
There isThere
a division
is aofdivision
labour among
of labour
politicalamong
acts in political acts in
terms
termsofof thethe
substantive
substantive
messagesmessages
they carry they
to policy
carrymakers.
to policy
The subject
makers. The subject
matter
matter ofof
these
these
messages
messages
usually usually
appears toappears
be linkedtotobe
thelinked
appropriate
to theact. appropriate
For act. For
example,
example, thethe
kinds
kinds
of issue
of concerns
issue concerns
mentionedmentioned
by those making
by those
particularized
making particularized
contact
contact - a-personal
a personal
tax problem,
tax problem,
help for help
a relative
for- acould
relative
hardly-becould
dealt with
hardly be dealt with
in
inthe
thecontext
context
of another
of another
form ofform
participation.
of participation.
In addition, there
In addition,
are differences
there are differences
in
inthe
thesubject
subject
matter
matter
of activity
of activity
directed at
directed
local, as opposed
at local,
to as
national,
opposedofficials
to national, officials
-- differences
differencesthatthat
are clearly
are clearly
related to
related
the substance
to theofsubstance
local and national
of local and national
politics.
43 Across all activities the overwhelming share of those who mentioned social issues in connec-
tion with their activity were referring to abortion. For example, of those who a got in touch with a
public official on an issue of national import, 81 per cent contacted about abortion. Similar - and,
in some cases, even higher - proportions obtain for other activities.
Beyond
Beyond that,that,
however,
however,
the differentthe
concerns
different
associated with
concern
differe
political
political activities
activities
are somewhat
aresurprising.
somewhat For example,
surprising.
there is noFor
particular
exa
reason
reason to have
to expected
have expected
that voters, but
thatnot voters,
campaign workers,
but not wouldcab
especially
especially attuned
attuned
to economic
toissues
economic
or that crime
issues
and violence
or thatwouldcri
ha
ranked
ranked so much
so much
higher onhigher
the agendaonof concerns
the agenda
of informal
of communit
concer
activists
activists than than
of protesters
of protesters
or contactors with
or community-level
contactors withissue concern
com
Political
Politicalacts vary
acts in vary
the issues
inassociated
the issues
with them,
associated
but amongwith
the various
th
acts
acts voting
voting
has some
hasunique
somefeatures.
unique
Among
features.
voters who cited
Amongpolicy issu
vo
nearly
nearly half half
referred
referred
to economicto
concerns.
economic
For no other
concerns.
political act
For
do econom
no
concerns
concerns figurefigure
as importantly
as importantly
in the bundle of issues
in the mentioned.
bundle Moreover,
of ist
particular
particular substance
substance
of the economic
of the
concerns
economic
brought to concerns
the polls - usually
brou t
performance
performance of the economy
of the- cannot
economybe generalized
- cannotto other
be forms
gen
participation.
participation. For non-electoral
For non-electoral
activities, especially
activities,
those at the local
especially
level, th
modal
modal activist
activist
cited taxes
cited
rather taxes
than economic
rather performance
than economi
in discussi
economic
economic concerns.
concerns.
In short, asIn
it is
short,
in so many
as other
it isways,
in sovoting
many
is uni
with
with respect
respect
to the issue
to the
concerns
issue
behind
concerns
it. behind it.
Another
Another striking
striking
finding is finding
how much participation,
is how much across activities,
partici
inspired
inspiredby thebyissue
theof abortion.
issue of Thoseabortion.
who protested
Those
on an issue
who affecting
prote t
nation
nationwerewere
especially
especially
likely to have
likely
mentioned
to abortion,
have mentioned
but other activists
aboa
cited
citedabortion
abortion
as an issue.
as Inancontrast,
issue.concerns
In contrast,
about basic needs
concerns
weigh heavil
abo
among
among the issues
the mentioned
issues mentioned
in conjunction with
in conjunction
the activity that iswit
lea
concerned
concerned with the
withmaking
the of making
general policies,
of contacting
generalon policies,
particularis
issues.
issues.Activity
Activity
aimed at aimed
influencing
atpolicy
influencing
- as opposed to
policy
the handling
- aso
particular
particularcase - case
is much
- less
is likely
much to convey
less likely
a messagetoabout
convey
basic huma
a
needs.
needs. ThisThis
is mostisnotable
most in relation
notable to protesting.
in relation
Although
to it
protestin
is purported
the
the mode
modeof participation
of participation
available to those
available
with few resources,
to those it iswith
striking
few
th
issues
issuesof basic
of basic
human need
humanwere mentioned
need were so infrequently
mentionedin connection
so infrwith
protests.
protests.
In
Insum,
sum,respondents
respondents
tell coherenttell
stories
coherent
about why they
stories
participate.
about If the
w
say
say that
that
they they
became active
became because
active
of a concern
because
with public
of apolicy,
conce th
describe
describe public
public
policy issues.
policyIf they
issues.
say theyIfbecame
they active
say because
they of concern
becam
with
with a particularized
a particularized
problem, theyproblem,
describe subject
they matter
describe
limited tosubject
themselv
and
and their
their
family.
family.
The acts they
The choose
acts to they
express choose
these concerns
to express
- whether pub
th
issues
issuesor particularized
or particularized
problems - are
problems
appropriate to
- the
are subject
appropria
matter. T
converging
converging evidence
evidence
supports a conclusion
supports thatapeople
conclusion
do have andthat
can express
peo
meaningful
meaningful reasonsreasons
for their activity.
for their activity.
CITIZENS AND THE MEANING OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY
Our long journey through the data on citizen inter

activity brings us to conclusions at variance wit
theories of citizen activity. Citizens engage in muc
reasons and to influence government policy. And th
self-descriptions of their motivations, these d
commitment on the part of ordinary citizens seems
to
tocover
coversome
some
more more
calculated
calculated
and self-interested
and self-interested
motive. From themo
poi
view
view ofof
rational
rational
choicechoice
theory narrowly
theory construed
narrowly thisconstrued
may be surprising.
this m F
our
ourcommon
common experience
experience
what maywhat
be oddmay
is that
bethis
oddis surprising.
is that this
Our
Ourresults
results
speakspeak
not only
notto only
social science
to social
issuesscience
associatedissues
with the
a
interpretation
interpretation of political
of political
participation
participation
but to the nature
butof
tocontemporary
the nature c
involvement.
involvement. The images
The images
associatedassociated
with American
with
politics
American
are many p
a
disparate,
disparate, some
some
of them
of loftier
themthan
loftier
others.than
One isothers.
the Constitutional
One is the Conve
C
of
of1787
1787in which
in which
the exercise
the exercise
of republican
of virtue
republican
yielded the
virtue
framewor
yie
aa new
newcivic
civic
order.
order.
Another
Another
is the congressional
is the congressional
roll call vote in which
roll call
the law
v
that
that will
willgovern
govern
the nation
the are
nation
enacted.
areAnother
enacted.
is theAnother
urban political
is the
machiu
aa form
formof of
governance
governance
in whichin
making
whichof policy
making was secondary
of policy to was
dispen
of
ofpatronage
patronageand inandwhich
in the
which
pursuit
the
of pursuit
self-interest,
of narrowly
self-interest,
defined, to
n
precedence.
precedence. Still Still
another
another
is the nineteenth-century
is the nineteenth-century
torchlight parade torch
- politi
as
asspectacle
spectacle
and noisy
and noisy
entertainment,
entertainment,
exciting for its
exciting
own sake.for its
In
Inanan
eraera
whenwhen
surveyssurveys
show Americans
show Americans
to be disillusioned
to be
about
disillu
polit
distrustful
distrustful of politicians,
of politicians,
and impatient
and with
impatient
the level with
of political
the debat
leve
might
might have
have
expected
expected
that activists
that would
activists
eitherwould
characterize
either
theircharacter
own politi
involvement
involvement in cynically
in cynically
self-interested
self-interested
terms or see themselves
terms or as see
spect
at
atananexciting,
exciting,
if sometimes
if sometimes
foolish or foolish
dirty, sport.
or Ondirty,
the contrary,
sport. tO
retrospective
retrospective interpretations
interpretations
of their activity
of theirare replete
activitywith are
mentions
replete
of
motivations
motivations and aand
desire
a desire
to influence
to influence
policy. Of course,
policy.many Of
participants
course, al m
report
report selective
selective
material
material
or social or
gratifications.
social gratifications.
Still, it is striking
Still,
the exten
it
which
which references
referencesto doing
toone's
doingshare
one's
and making
sharethe and community
makingorthe nat
better
better place
place
to live
torun
live
as a
run
thread
as through
a thread
activists'
throughreports
activists'
of the concerns
repor t
animated
animated their
their
involvement
involvement
and the number
and the
of participants
number who of participa
discuss noth
but
butcivic
civic
motivations
motivations
for their
for
activity.
their activity.
APPENDIX: EXAMPLES OF OPEN-ENDED RESPONSES ON THE

SUBJECT OF CITIZEN CONTACTING
A. Contacts to Local Officials on a Particularized Issue
Mosquito problem in standing water on my street
It was a personal concern. The water department had me do

building with only 5 people and I sent this problem to him
My husband was in the process of getting a taxi license from

bureaucratic process.
Permit for a family outing.
A better job. That's it.
A problem with the dock at our cottage. We needed his help t

Natural Resources to move quicker so we could rebuild ou
That I don't get my mail correctly. It has zip codes & addre
send my mail and I do a lot of mail contact.
Damage to our property from neighbors, lack of gutters.
TABLE A The Rewards of Participation: Percentage Citing as 'Very Important' to Thei
Reasons for voluntary activity 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1
I I
found
found
it exciting. it exciting. 13 10 9 13 17 6 5 7 3 26
I I
wanted
wanted
to learn about (politics
toandlearn
government/my
about
religion). 14 11 10 29
(politics 12
and 11 4 6 20
governm
I I
wanted
wanted
to (work with/addto
my vote
(work
to that of/ with/add my vote to that of
contribute
contribute
along with) other people
along
who share my with)
ideals. 10 44 52 49
other 44 40 51
people who53 62
sh
The
Thechance tochance
meet important andtoinfluential
meet people. important and 16 6 3 0 1
influentia
The
Thechance tochance
be with people I enjoy.
to be with people I 30 25
enjoy. 21 3
The
Thechance tochance
influence government
to influence19
policy. 57 79 61 48 46
government 58 64 84
policy.
My
Myduty as aduty
citizen/a member
asof a
my religion/
citizen/a member of my religio
aamember
member 23 55 64 77 49 41 44 32 46
of the community. of the community.
I I
am the
am kind of
the
person who
kind
does my share.
of person21 41 38
who 41 32
does my24 22 10 1
share.
The
Thechance tochance
further my job or my
to career.
further 15 job
my 10 10
or 14
my 12 12 44
career.
The
Thechance for
chance
recognition from for
people I respect. 13 12
recognition 3 10 people
from 15 9 5 7 3
I re
I I
might
might
want to get a jobwant
with the government
to get some day. a 4 with
job 2 2 the
7 1 3 0
governm 0
I I
might
might
want to run for want
office some day.
to run for office some5 day.
1 1 0 0
I I
might
might
not want to say not
no to someone
wantwho asked. to say8no
6 4 2
to 7 12 1 who
someone 3 0
I I
might
might
want to get helpwant
(from an official)
to on a get
personal orhelp (from an official) o
family
familyproblem. problem. 70 25 13 7 13 10 3 1 17
The
Thedirect services
directprovided to members.
services provided to members.
The
Thechance tochance
lend a hand to people
to who need
lend help. a hand to people who nee
The recreational activities offered.
The chance to make the community or nation a better place

to live. 28 83 84 80 80 70 79 63 87
The chance to further the goals of (my party/
the organization/my religion) 30 31 29 25 14 8
I wanted to affirm my religious faith.
The desire for a religious education for my child.
Average number of reasons cited as 'very important' 2.4 3.5 3.7 3.6 4.3 3.2 3.1 3 3.2
1.1.
Particularized
Particularized
contacting contacting 6. Contributing to candidate's campaign. 12. Local gov
2.2.
Contacting
Contacting
to benefit community
to benefit community7. Contributing to a party organization. 13. Member
3.3.
Contacting
Contacting
to benefit nation. to benefit nation. 8. Contributing to a work-related PAC. 14. Member
4. Voting. 9. Contributing to a political issue PAC. 15. Member
5. Campaign work. 10. Protesting. 16. Being act
11. Informal community activity.
Change of schools for my two boys.
Crime; yes, we have a family business and it was broken into and that's why I conta
the mayor to see what could be done to prevent it from happening
I had a complaint. I had a complaint about another business. It was not political
Was getting information about a rehab program. Housing rehabilitation.
Assessment. Property assessment.
Policy issue, being evicted, having the town help you make delays.
This had to do with zoning laws in the borough. Nothing else.
To fix my driveway - school bus turns around in it.
B. Contacts to Local Officials on a Community Issue
A plan to redevelop our area with large skyscrapers of mixed use.
Appointment of commissioner of health.
Transfer a principal of a school to another school - did not want this to happen.
It was the drug problem in this building and on the block.
Transportation issue.
Community problems; planning and gang violence.
A community project for AIDS.
About zoning problems in Glendale.
The public policy issue involving the entire community. The realignment of sc
district boundaries as it relates to race in Pasadena.
Community, economic development, housing, more improvements in plans for, ideas

by who, that's about it.
Getting permits for buildings.
We had a lot of problems with trash in my neighborhood and I wanted some help to get
it cleaned up.
Drugs, housing, poverty, more community participation, creating new programs for
kids, recreation centers.
I want to improve Chinatown.
C. Contact to a Senator or Representative on a Particularized Issue
I needed help with a refugee. I work with refugees. That's it ...
Some problems with the IRS [tax office], that was enough ...
Apply for temporary residence in the United States ...
Compensation for a relative; government agencies could help; several environmental

and health issues that are coming for vote; that's it.
Passes
Passes to
toGovernment
Governmentbuildings.
buildings.
Social
Social security
securityproblem
problemfor
for
mymy
mother.
mother.
The
The problem
problemwith
withthe
theIRS.
IRS.
ToTo
do do
with
with
taxes.
taxes.
My My
personal
personal
taxes.taxes.
My error
My error
but I didn't
but I didn't
know it. IRS wouldn't listen to me.
I was bidding on building a US Marshall's holding facility and contacted them to

a list of the bidders.
Boundary dispute with the state. The state said part of our house was on state-owned
property.
Poor mail service. That's it. It took me 5 days to get your letter mailed from Columbus,
Ohio to Ft. Wayne. That's too long.
Personal problems. Just personal.
We couldn't find my Vietnamese kid's green card and he had to go to immigration.
I had to ask him to send birthday greetings to a relative who turned 100.
Personal concern. Concerning the taxes on cigarettes and beer and a new post office.
That's it.
I was looking for information about a book I needed ...
D. Contact to a Senator or Representative on a National Issue
Policy - environmental concerns.
Women's right to choose.
Public housing, teenage pregnancy, the child care bill.
Banking, something to do with putting a cap on interest rates.
The oil industry.
This was a post-card campaign to the congressman stating I did not want my tax $ to
go to Defense.
US Senator about Pro-choice.
Abortion.
El Salvador. Our continuing high level of support for the military in El Salvador; a
million and a half a day and my concern about that ...
Art censorship.
Amendment to the constitution protecting the flag. I am against it, I wrote the White
House.
Involved in the US Government's refusal to participate in an international reso

regarding the improvement of worldwide air quality.
The legislation before Congress regarding Israel - Jackson Bannock Act, 400 m
deficit.
El Salvador's persecution and ousting of Bishop Garcia.
Public policy issue, has to do with agricultural imports per my board position as
University of Illinois trustee.
The Clean Air Act; I wanted it to pass and be strengthened; that's it.
The treatment of veal calves; it was about the veal calf protection act.

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Participation's Not a Paradox: The View from American Activists

Author(s): Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba and Henry E. Brady

Participation's Not a Paradox: The View from

KAY LEHMAN SCHLOZMAN, SIDNEY VERBA AND

Rarely do works in the social sciences change profoundly the w

* Department of Political Science, Boston College; Department of Go

THE PUZZLE OF COLLECTIVE PARTICIPATION

The riddle of collective participation was first posed with respec

3 See for example, Downs, Economic Theory of Democracy, pp. 271-2.

From our perspective, however, the gratifications

THE CITIZEN PARTICIPATION STUDY

In this article, we use survey data from the Citi

of contrast, participation in the secular and religious domains of non-polit

Voting: Vote in the 1988 presidential election.

Informal community activity: Join with others in informal activity to try to

CAN WE ASK ABOUT REASONS?

Although it seems relatively straightforward to ask why

20 This point is made by, among others, Aldrich, 'Rational Choic

To capture the broad range of possible gratificat

25 It has been suggested to us that the way to ask about gratific

benefits: social gratifications and civic gratifications. In addition, we consid

Lastly, we consider the gratifications that come from the enactment

The chance to influence government policy.

THE GRATIFICATIONS OF VOLUNTARY ACTIVITY

How Much Gratification ?

Voluntary activities vary substantially in the numbe

Our main goal is to compare gratifications across political activities. We report,

Protest 0%* 44%

Org. that takes pol. stands _ 53% 45% - 69

'Political' org. 25% 29%

Non-political org. 58% 54% 59%

* Material benefits item not asked of protesters

Fig. 1. Gratifications reportedfor various political acts: pe

Selective, Material Benefits

Selective material benefits - the kind traditionally associated with machine-style

How should we interpret these civic replies? Since civic motivations

In short, respondents surely find it socially appropriate to cite ci

M Mentioning Only Civic Gratifications

Contact: Community Issue

Contact: National Issue

Informal Community Act.

OC 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Fig. 2. Civic and civic only: percentage mentionin

in particular, voting and making campaig

THE 'GRATIFICATION SPACE'

Figure 1 focused our attention on the varying g

40% 60% 80%

Fig. 3. Gratification space for

A few kinds of political activity stand outside the upper-right-hand sec

benefits than were contributors to work-related PACs.38 As with the various

THE SUBJECT MATTER OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY

Each time a respondent reported having taken part, we

40 The respondent was shown a card containing the following c

The Nature of the Substantive Concerns

A closer look at the range of substantive concerns will give us a better

Economic issues: local or national economic performance; taxes; inflation;

Moral issues: traditional morality; abortion; pornography; family planning,

Education: educational issues (school reform, school voucher plans, etc.);

Environment: specific environmental issues (e.g., clean air, toxic wastes) o

Crime pr drugs: crime; gangs; safety in the streets; drugs.

Foreign policy: relations with particular nations or to foreign policy in

Campaign $ to a $ to a Cam- Parti- Commu- Com

Number of cases 700 97 53 138 147 272 19