Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Foreign Foreigners Germans in Portuguese India
Foreign Foreigners Germans in Portuguese India
Foreign Foreigners Germans in Portuguese India
Keywords: Upper German merchantbankers India pepper copper gems network
Abstract
Almost from the beginning German, Italian and other merchants were eager
participate in the AsianEuropean trade after the Portuguese entered the Indian
Ocean in the late 15th century. The merchantbankers of Southern Germany
possessed an oligopoly on copper which was essential for the Portuguese to trade
pepper and spices in. As early as 1502, Upper German agents were reaching India.
Their accounts are among the earliest eyewitness documents on Asia, such as the
socalled “Vienna” and “Bratislava Manuscripts” and the account of Balthasar
Sprenger printed in 1509. Some of the Germans even left the European settlements
in India, like Jörg Pock or Jörg Imhoff. Both visited Vijayanagara in order to buy
gems for European sovereigns.
Frequently, such merchants were part of the official Portuguese state regulated
trade initially, but emancipated themselves from it once they had established
themselves in India. A similar phenomenon occurred to German bombardeiros and
soldados who often evolved into merchants in India. In the early time of the Estado
da Índia, it seems that these foreigners were acting more or less independently, but
by 1514, the German community in Goa was big enough to erect its own chapel.
Later sources, such as the travel accounts of the Austrian noble Christoph Carl
Fernberger and the letters of the WelserFugger factor Ferdinand Cron, show
evidence of a lively German community in India. Ferdinand Cron even claimed that
the Indians were able to tell the difference between Germans and Portuguese since
Germans could leave the city without an armed escort. At the same time, Germans
were subject to scrutiny of the Goan Inquisition which suspected Germans and
Dutch to be Lutheran heretics (often rightly so). The distinction between Dutch and
Germans was not clearly drawn by the Portuguese. Like the Portuguese soldados,
Germans often married local Indian women, and became naturalized through this
process. The offspring of such marriages had little connection to their father's home
culture and blended into the Portuguese colonial community.
The sources stated above show that these German merchants acted within an
agglomeration of cultural contexts of nativeness and foreignness. They were forced
to adapt to local cultural codes, while still retaining their own distinctiveness.
Depending on the view point, they were seen and saw themselves as both native
and foreign.
The goal of the paper is to shed some light on this matter. There is evidence of an
organized German community in Goa which has not been thoroughly researched
yet. When did this community found itself, and how was it organized? How did
foreigners such as Germans adapt during the different stages of the formation of the
Estado da Índia? And how much evidence can be found for German merchants
interacting directly with nonPortuguese traders? Since evidence is scarce, only
fragments can be unearthed which will hopefully point to a larger pattern of
personal interrelationships some day.
Introduction
In 1514, Viceroy Afonso de Albuquerque reported from India: “os alemaes qerem fazer huna
capela”1 – “the Germans want to build a chapel” in India. Apparently, there were enough
Germans (as well as Dutch and Flemish 2) in India to warrant the erection of their own
place of worship. The first chapel was built in Cochin near the hospital and close to the
cathedral. Later, when the focus of activities moved to Goa, it is likely that another chapel
was instituted there.3 The German colony was big and organized enough to call upon the
viceroy to support their wish.
This community does show quite early in the existence of the Estado da Índia, and has not
been thoroughly researched yet. When did it found itself, and how was it organized? How
did foreigners such as Germans adapt during the different stages of the formation of the
Estado da Índia? And how much evidence can be found for German merchants interacting
directly with nonPortuguese traders? The following pages will try to unearth the little
evidence there is and try to sketch the outline of an entity organized by the Germans
themselves.
1 Quoted by Jürgen Pohle: Deutschland und die überseeische Expansion Portugals im 15. und 16.
Jahrhundert (Historia profana et ecclesiastica. Geschichte und Kirchengeschichte zwischen Mittelalter und
Moderne, vol. 2), Cologne 1999, p 135.
2 It should be noted that the sources mix up these „nations“ quite often. The Dutch call themselves
„duytsch“ at that time and people from Northern Germany „Nederlanders“. Contemporary English texts
translate this to Dutchmen and Netherlanders, while the Germans also refer to themselves as „Deutsch“.
There is a linguistic difference between Upper Germans who spoke „High German“ (Hochdeutsch) and
Lower Germans who spoke „Low German“ (Niederdeutsch). Dutch and Low German were mere dialects of
the same language. There is evidence that Germans, Flemish and Dutch could tell each other apart, but
often cooperated in foreign lands probably due to cultural and confessional similarities. Some examples
can be found in this paper. See also: Jan Huygen van Linschoten: The Voyage of John Huyghen van
Linschoten to the East Indies. From the old English translation of 1598. Reprint of the edition by P. A.
Tiele. Volume 2, New Delhi 1988, p 199/FN 1. This claim is also backed by John G. Everaert: Non
Portuguese Westerners Trialed by the Goa Inquisition (1563–1623), in: Pius Malekandathil and Jamal
Mohammed (eds): The Portuguese, Indian Ocean and European Bridgeheads 15001800. Festschrift in
Honour of Prof. K. S. Mathew (Institute for Research in Social Sciences and Humanities of Meshar, vol. 2),
Tellicherry 2001, pp 149–161, here p 153f: “flamenco and alemão were sometimes erroneously used”,
Durch were often identified as flamengos.
3 Pius Malekandathil: The Germans, the Portuguese and India (Periplus Parerga, vol. 6), Münster 1999, pp
23–26, 32f. Pohle, pp 35ff.
4 Malekandathil, p 135.
around 50 German bombardeiros were shipped to India around 1525. 5 Consequently, it can
be assumed that the German community was composed no more than 100 individuals.
Nevertheless, both merchants and bombardeiros belonged to a rather privileged class of
people which could very likely afford the erection of a chapel. 6
There is no evidence of Germans reaching India on Protuguese ships before 1502, although
it is very likely that foreign bombardeiros were part of the first crews bound for India. 7 The
Annals of Augsburg tell about Vasco da Gama's first voyage in 1499, but it is unclear how
the news reached the city.8 Probably, a German merchant in Lisbon relayed the
information, because Germans maintained an extensive network of informants throughout
Europe in order to take commercial advantage of the latest news. It should be noted that
the writer of the Annals of Augsburg at the time was Wilhelm Rem (1462–1529) who was
both a brotherinlaw of Jakob Fugger (1459–1516) relative of Lukas Rem (1481–1541).
The first invested into the pepper fleet of 1505 and was one the major merchants the
Portuguese had to deal with in order to receive copper for their Indian trade. Lukas Rem
managed the Lisbon branch of the WelserVöhlin company from 1503 to 1508 which also
invested into the pepper fleet of 1505. This exemplifies the closelyknit network of German
merchants sharing business intelligence on the new markets in Asia. 9
The first German eyewitness reports originate from the fourth Portuguese voyage to India
and the second one of Vasco da Gama in 1502/03. Two accounts were unearthed in the
20th century, the “Vienna” and “Bratislava Manuscripts”. 10 Numerous academic discussions
have been launched about the identity of the author or authors, how they ended up in the
archives in Vienna and Bratislava and why they were written. 11 Whatever the case, both
texts prove that at least one German was aboard one of the ships bound for India in 1502.
This individual was most likely a merchant due to the information gathered in the
manuscript. If there were two authors, the other person might have been a soldado or
bombardeiro, since he took part in the conflicts during the journey.
5 Wolfgang Knabe: Auf den Spuren der ersten deutschen Kaufleute in Indien. Forschungsexpedition mit der
Mercator entlang der Westküste und zu den Aminen, Anhausen 1993, pp 53f, 92. More on the matter:
Malekandathil, p 39. Ibid, pp 34f, relates some details on German bombardeiros, their income and hiring,
and that Germans were preferred instead of Italians, at least in the beginning.
6 More on the chapel and the brotherhood, Malekandathil, pp 35–39.
7 Ibid, p 32.
8 Ibid, p 31. Cited in Andreas Erhard and Eva Ramminger: Die Meerfahrt. Balthasar Springers Reise zur
Pfefferküste. Mit einem Faksimile des Buches von 1509, Innsbruck 1998, p 57.
9 Family relationships in Wolfgang Reinhard (Ed.): Augsburger Eliten des 16. Jahrhunderts. Prosopographie
wirtschaftlicher und politischer Führungsgruppen 1500–1620, Berlin 1996, pp 155f, 686f, 690f.
10 Discovered by Christine Rohr: Neue Quellen zu den Entdeckungsfahrten der Portugiesen im Indischen
Ozean, in: Hans Mžik: Beiträge zur historischen Geographie, Kulturgeographie, Ethnologie und
Kartographie, vornehmlich des Orients, Leipzig/Wien 1929. Later edited in: Christine Rohr: Neue Quellen
zur zweiten Indienfahrt Vasco da Gamas (Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Geographie und
Völkerkunde, vol. 3), Leipzig 1939. Bratislava Manuscript: Miloslav Krása, Josef Polišenský and Peter
Ratkoš: The Voyages of Discovery in the Bratislava Manuscript Lyc. 515/8 (Codex Bratislavensis). European
Expansion 1494–1519, Prague 1986.
11 A synopsis of the discussion on the sources and their possible authors: Pohle, pp 190–199.
Both text convey no evidence about Germans within the fleet being organized. The
Bratislava Manuscript mentions Martin Behaims fatherinlaw on the Azores. 12 The author
seems to have been familiar with this famous German, although this proves very little.
What both recounts do demonstrates is that the German community in Lisbon was well
organized and interested in firsthandinformation on Indian commercial potentials. This is
also evident through the existence of the Brotherhood of St. Bartholomew in Lisbon. A
typical mix of religious and economic interests, the brotherhood was lead by the captainin
chief of the German bombardeiros in the 15th century. The brotherhood built a chapel and
financed a hospital by 1495 and it is likely that this organization was the head or prototype
for later German selforganization in India. 13 In other words, the German community served
as bridgehead for activities in India.
The next German text was written on the journey following Vasco da Gama's second
expedition. In 1503, Afonso de Albuquerque, Francisco de Albuquerque and António de
Saldanha led three squadrons to India. The “Leutkirch Manuscript” was recorded by a
unknown merchant from Upper Germany.14 The fact that the manuscript ended up in the
“Paumgartnerisches Handelsbuch” (trade usance book of the Baumgartner company)
stresses the German interest to get involved in Indian trade. It is unknown if the German
merchants officially sent an envoy to accompany the ships or if they gathered intelligence in
secret. Both options seem likely since D. Manuel seems to have allowed merchants to
accompany the fleets at times and at others he prohibited it. 15 The source is quite formal
and mentions very little about the structure of the journey or other Germans, although it
emphasizes the fact that the German merchants put considerable effort into participating in
the trade. This could only be done by relying on compatriots in Lisbon supporting the
cause, organizing the passage on board and accommodating travelers bound for India. How
and if this organization radiated to Germans in the Indian bridgeheads is unclear.
The body of source material changes in 1505 when six Upper German companies (Welser,
Fugger, Höchstetter, Imhoff, Gossembrot and Hirschvogel) took part in a GermanItalian
consortium rigging three of the 20 ships in the fleet of Francisco de Almeida. Two recounts
were written on the journey, one by Balthasar Springer (or Sprenger), the other by Hans
Mayr. The first is wellknown since it was printed als “Meerfahrt” (sea journey) and widely
circulated in 1509, illustrated with woodcuts by Hans Burgmair the Elder. 16 It describes the
journey and its adventures, mishaps and violent episodes. Springer explicitly notes that the
three German ships took part in all the action, as well as the attacks against Mombasa and
other places. He seemed to have experienced the plundering of Mombasa first hand, since
12 Krása, Polišenský, Ratkoš, pp 46, 81.
13 Malekandathil, pp 24ff.
14 Modern transcription in: Horst G. Nußer: Frühe Deutsche Entdecker. Asien in Berichten unbekannter
deutscher Augenzeugen 1502–1506, Munich 1980, pp 140–151.
15 Discussion about the possibility of Peter Holzschuher being the author and Manuel prohibiting German
merchants in the fleet of 1504/05 in: Pohle, pp 202ff.
16 Edited by Erhard/Ramminger, see above. An older edition is available in Franz Hümmerich: Quellen und
Untersuchungen zur Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem portugiesischen Indien 1505/06, in:
Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophischphilologische und historische
Klasse, vol. 30 (Reihe der Denkschriften, vol. 90), 3rd article of the volume, Munich 1918.
he writes about “we” when portraying the assault. 17 This usage of “we” continues
throughout the text, even when the ship was damaged in a storm and everybody including
Springer had to work the pumps. 18 Consequently, he was either on good terms with the
other people on his ship or at least considered himself to be part of a joint venture. The text
emanates a certain sense of belonging, though he does not mention names or details of
passengers and crew.
The other text on the journey of 1505 was written by Hans Mayr, or Johann Jacob Mayr. A
native of Nuremberg, he had worked for the Höchstetter company in Cairo and Alexandria
and had already traveled to Beirut and Aden in 1499. Since 1502 he worked for the
Moravian German expatriate and printer Valentim Fernandez in Lisbon. He was on board
on the St Raphael in the position of a writer and agent of the Portuguese crown. 19 His
recount is written in Portuguese, a clear indicator that the text was not for German eyes. It
is more formal – no “we” form is used and there is no personal information on crew and
other passengers.20
Still, both recounts convey quite a bit of information: First, the German merchants were
interested in participating in the trade and sent a number of representatives on their ships
in order to conduct and observe mercantile activities in India. Moreover, there was at least
one German in the fleet serving the Portuguese crown (Hans Mayr). The sources tell us
nothing about Germans creating a network or communicating among themselves. Partly
this is due to the textual format of the chronicle. Even so, Springer's text conjures the image
of companions of fate on a small ship cooperating closely to master the dangers of the
voyage. There is no support for Germans forming a group apart from the Portuguese or
Italians. Nationality seems to have played a minor role only regarding the early voyages.
The reason for this might have been that the Portuguese were just establishing themselves
in India and a Estado da Índia community was yet to get constituted. Moreover, the
majority of the merchants and factors dispatched to India by the Upper Germans returned
to Europe, so the community was rather unstable at this early time.
As mentioned above, the situation had changed significantly in 1514. There was a German
community in India and it was significant enough to build its own chapel. We do not have
recounts from German travelers to India between 1506 and 1517 though. After the voyage
of 1505, Upper German investors came into conflict with the Portuguese crown on how the
pepper was to be sold in Europe. As a consequence, the Portuguese crown barred German
traders from taking part in the Indian venture. Moreover, the crown's feitoria in Antwerp
became the transshipment point for German copper and Portuguese pepper although there
were Portuguese delegations to Augsburg in the following decades trying to come to terms
with the copper suppliers. Still, the transfer of 50 bombardeiros to India in 1525 and the
foundation of a gun powder factory by a German or Fleming in 1533 proves, that the
17 Erhard/Ramminger, pp 43f.
18 Idem, p 47.
19 Hümmerich, pp 90–104. Also: Knabe, p 62.
20 Idem, pp 127–134, German translation pp 134–149.
community did not cease to exist or actually even only become consolidated around
1510/15.21
What other indicators do we have on the German community in India? In 1517, Lazarus
Nürnberger left his hometown Neustadt an der Aisch (around 35 km northwest of
Nuremberg) for India. He was in the service of the Hirschvogel company from Nuremberg.
Again, the report gives little detail on possible networks. His report makes it clear that the
Portuguese had established themselves in the area. He recounts the capture of Goa and
other places, explaining why nobody in the area really liked the Portuguese. 22 The strength
of the forces is defined in Portuguese soldiers and local allies (Malabarese, Kanarese). No
other European nations are referred to, also it is likely that Italians, Germans or Flemish
fought in such battles. The numbers mentioned in the text show that there must have been
a significant number of Europeans in Asia by 1515. This is also supported by Piero Strozzi,
a Florentine living in Portuguese Asia from 1510 to 1522. He was among a large number of
other Italian merchants in Asia.23 In his report of the capture of Goa tells us about
“renegade Christians of every sort; among whom were Venetians and Genoese in the largest
numbers”24 on the side opposing the Portuguese forces and their Vijayanagaran allies.
Consequently by 1510, the European presence had created a substantial number of
renegades and adventures who also fought for the Indian rulers.
Like Strozzi, Lazarus Nürnberger traveled nonPortuguese cities like Calicut, Bhatkal and
Cannanore. He must have had some support in India in order to organize something like
that. Unfortunately, he does not mention how this was accomplished, whether he had local
support or German expatriates helping him. Strozzi apparently relied on such a network.
Moreover, Strozzi claims that he had befriended a company of Armenian merchants while
traveling India.25 It is highly likely that Nürnberger also relied on compatriots, like former
German bombardeiros or soldados now involved in casado (concession trade conducted by
married men) or intraAsian trade. 26 Lazarus Nürnberger's successor, Jörg Pock, clearly
shows this: He arrived in India in 1520, having been contracted by the Hirschvogel
company for three years to spy on the Indian spice trade and buy precious gems and send
them to the Hirschvogels (who conducted trade to supply European monarchs with gems).
From the beginning he seemed to have had his own plans, since he never returned to
Europe. In 1521, he accompanied a Portuguese horse trader to Vijayanagara to buy
precious stones on his own account. In order to get the permit to leave Portuguese India
and get involved with gem trade he had to be in good terms with Portuguese officials which
21 Malekandathil, pp 38f.
22 E.g. he wonders why the three kingdoms of Calicut, Bhatkal and Cannanore would not unite and fight the
Portuguese. He estimates their forces to number around 200,000, a number not too unrealistic for the size
of the kingdoms. Krása, Polišenský, Ratkoš, p 106. The English translation of his report pp 90–108.
23 An overview given in Sanjay Subrahmanyam: “Um Bom Homem de Tratar”. Piero Strozzi, a Florentine in
Portuguese Asia, 1510–1522, in: Journal of European Economic History 17 (1987), pp 511–526,
specifically: pp 511–515.
24 Subrahmanyam, p 516.
25 Subrahmanyam, p 522.
26 More on the matter: Malekandathil, p 39f.
proves that he had connections to people in India. 27 He had also contacted Martin Behaim
IV to deal with precious gems behind the back of his employers. 28 Later he renewed the
contract with the Hirschvogel firm which also allowed him to trade in his own name. Pock
died in Goa 1528.29 At the same time, Markus Hartmann, was in Goa, working for Lazarus
Nürnberger who had established himself in Lisbon. Hartmann also traded in precious
stones.30 These are indicators that these men were somehow integrated into a larger
community, that they did not act all alone. Unfortunately, we do not know any details on
how they organized their voyages and bargains.
A later visitor to India, Jörg Imhoff, sheds more light on this matter. He was member of an
important merchant family from Nuremberg, but worked for Jörg Herwart, an Augsburg
expatriate in Lisbon known to be a merchantcrafter of jewellry. In 1526, on his way to
Goa, Imhoff bought a ruby, a diamond and several pieces of jewelry from the German
merchant Balthasar Jorge in Mozambique, possibly a former bombardeiro.31 His mercantile
contacts included Arab gem traders, and the Portuguese navigator of the S Roque named
Bartolomeo Fernandez. The gems bought were not only designated for Jörg Herwart's
hands, but also for somebody called Weinholt and one Anton Bischof, probably Germans in
Lisbon, as well as one Jaques Charamela, possibly a Frenchman or Fleming. Still, unlike
Jörg Pock and Hans Schwerczer, Jörg Herwart seemed to have lacked connections to
Portuguese officials. When he left the Estado da Índia in 1528, he realized that it was hard
to return without an official permit. Consequently, he settled down in Vijayanagara where
he continued dealing with precious stones until his death in 1540. 32
A few more names of Germans in India are known, mostly former soldados now involved in
casado trade: Antonio de Bos is mentioned 1546, a former bombardeiro. One Marcos Roiz
Delemanha worked as a important secretary of the young king of Cochin around 1548. 33
These two stand for a larger number of exsoldiers who established themselves in India –
apart from the better researched entrepreneurs sent by the Upper Germans. Although we
have no firsthand reports of these people, their number must have been considerable and
it is highly likely that they retained an organized community, probably still around the
Brotherhood of St Bartholomew.
Summarizing the first half of the 16 th century, sources are scarce on the nature and extent
of the German community in India. Beside the initial remark in Afonso de Albuquerque's
report about the German chapel, nowhere do the German sources talk about a closelyknit
community of expatriates. This is owed to the fact that the sources are rather unemotional
27 The same is true for Hans Schwerczer who also visited Vijayanagara in 1534/5. A few words about the
royal privilege to trade with Vijayanagara: Knabe, pp 94f.
28 Hermann Kellenbenz, Die Beziehungen Nürnbergs zur Iberischen Halbinsel, besonders im 15. und in der
ersten Hälfte des 16 Jahrhunderts, in: Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Nürnbergs, vol. 1 (Beiträge zur
Geschichte und Kultur der Stadt Nürnbergs, vol. 11/I), Nuremberg 1967, pp 456–493, specifically 473.
29 Christa Schaper: Die Hirschvogel von Nürnberg und ihr Handelshaus (Nürnberger Forschungen, vol. 18),
Nuremberg 1973, pp 229–233. Knabe, pp 91f.
30 Knabe, p 92.
31 Knabe, p 94, 101.
32 Idem, p 94. More on the people above in Malekandathil, pp 63–70.
33 Malekandathil, p 40.
reports with few personal references. Still, the remark and other indirect indicators point to
the existence of an explicit German community that had organized by 1514. The
Brotherhood of St Bartholomew of German bombardeiros acted as formal nucleus of this
community. If merchants connected to this organization or formed a parallel community, is
unclear. Starting in around 1515, there are travelers to Vijayanagara, Cannanore, Calicut,
Bhatkal and other Indian places. These persons must have had supporters in order to travel
to such places that provided them with market intelligence, travel routes, places to stay and
trustworthy mercantile contacts. Without such an environment, a foreign merchant in that
time could not have established himself successfully. Whether these contacts originated
from an explicit German community, whether the Brotherhood of St Bartholomew or some
informal structure of exsoldiers (casado merchants), is an open question. Surely, Jörg
Imhoff traded with a German gem trader in Mozambique, German merchants in Europe
preferred to send compatriots to India and it is likely that Lazarus Nürnberger's contacts in
Goa helped his agent Markus Hartmann to conduct business more easily in India. On the
other hand, the German merchant do not seem to have kept to themselves: Like Piero
Strozzi they cooperated with Portuguese, Arabs, Armenians, Indians, and people from other
nations. The style of Balthasar Springer's report imparts the feeling of “we” as a community
of people sharing the same destiny, thus hurdling national constraints to a certain extent.
Apparently, the community was structured in multiple layers: Nation, profession and
personal relationships intermingled and formed various circles of interaction for individual
activities.
34 Malekandathil, p 73.
35 John G. Everaert: NonPortuguese Westerners Trialed by the Goa Inquisition (1563–1623), in: Pius
Malekandathil and Jamal Mohammed (eds): The Portuguese, Indian Ocean and European Bridgeheads
15001800. Festschrift in Honour of Prof. K. S. Mathew (Institute for Research in Social Sciences and
Humanities of Meshar, vol. 2), Tellicherry 2001, pp 149–161, here p 150.
36 Everaert, pp 150f.
followed by the Germans (11 cases), “with almost as many convicted for Lutheranism, a
few islamic renegades and some sodomites.” 37 Smaller groups were of Flemish, Dutch and
English origin. Most of these “crooks” seem to have been soldiers and mariners, but there
was also a turner from Aachen among the people tried. 38 This exemplifies that there existed
a diverse number of nonPortuguese westerners in Goa by the middle of the 16 th century
with Germans forming one of the larger groups. And unlike in Lisbon, the trials did not
disband the community.39
One can surmise that the Lutherans organized a secret network, not unlike the one that the
New Christian cryptoJews likey created. 40 Compared with New Christian convictions (71
death penalties compared to 7 for Lutherans), this community was either rather small,
better at masking its activities, or – which is most likely – immigrants converted to
Catholicism upon arriving in Goa. It should also be noted that the inquisition scrutinized
Portuguese New Christians much more thoroughly than foreigners.
Not all German Lutherans were subversive, as the arrival of Ferdinand Kron (or Cron) in
the late 16th century indicates.41 He came from a Lutheran family and adhered to the
Lutheran belief42, although he was neither charged nor tried during his stay in India
between 1587–1619. In fact, he became married, naturalized, and of his two daughters one
seemed to be such a devout Catholic, that she was later charged with biting off a piece of St
Francisco de Xavier in Goa.43 A number of other Germans accompanied Kron to India as
factors, scribes and other officials in the phase of SpanishPortuguese farmedout monopoly
contracts in the last quarter of the 16 th century.44 The Welsers of Augsburg and a Fugger
company (Georg Fuggerische Erben) were involved in the contracts and sent Ferdinand
Kron, Christian Schneeberger, Markus Zangmeister and the Flemish Gerrit of Affhausen
among others to Goa, Cochin and Malacca. Not much is known about his companions, but
Kron became quite prominent in the Estado da Índia. He was part of a multinational
venture in which Italians, Germans, and New Christians played the prodominant role.
Other personnel in India included the Germans Gabriel Holzschuher and Markus
Wolspunter and the Dutch Jan Galan who worked for Giovanni Battista Rovelasca from
37 Idem, p 152. Also see table on page 161.
38 Idem, p 154.
39 Pohle, p 273.
40 On the New Christians, see James C. Boyajian: Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs 1580–1640,
Baltimore/London 1993. Genealogy of the New Christians in: James C. Boyajian: Portuguese Bankers at
the Court of Spain 1626–1650, New Brunswick 1983.
41 First reported by Friedrich Dobel: Über einen Pfefferhandel der Fugger und Welser 1586–91, in:
Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereins für Schwaben und Neuburg [ZHVSN] (13), 1886, pp 125–138. More
popularized and on the other participants of the venture like Gabriel Holzschuher and Sixt Adelgaiß in:
Karl Heinz Reger: Pfeffer aus Fernost. Das abenteuerliche Leben eines Augsburger Kaufmanns (Reihe
Bavarica, vol. 26), Pfaffenhofen 1986.
42 Reinhard, pp 442f.
43 Malekandathil, pp 109f.
44 See: Reinhard Hildebrandt: Die “Georg Fuggerischen Erben”. Kaufmännische Tätigkeit und sozialer Status
1555–1600 (Schriften zur Wirtschafts und Sozialgeschichte, vol. 6), Berlin 1966. More on the contracts
in: James C. Boyajian: Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs 1580–1640, Baltimore/London
1993.
Milan.45 Affhausen, Schneeberger, Kron, Zangmeister and the serveral other (unnamed)
Germans were employees of the Welser and Fugger companies.
Ferdinand Kron stayed in India for over 30 years (1587–1619) and was not only involved in
business but in politics, too. Thus, during his time in India, he became completely
integrated into colonial live. Albeit, he kept contacts home: By 1590, a news network
between Europe and Asia had been created between the Ott brothers in Venice, the factors
of the Welsers in Lyon (Philipp Hensler and Valentin Holzheuser), and Ferdinand Kron.
Later correspondents included Jacome Artigo in Hormuz, Guilhes Quinto in Alexandria, and
Philipp Litscher in Madrid.46 Kron was an important node within this network, since he was
very well connected himself: He was related to the Portuguese official and merchant Garcia
de Mello through a godfatherhood, he did business with viceroys like Francisco da Gama,
and with new Christians like Fernão Jorge da Silva or Valentim Garcia. Last but not least he
supported queen Dona Margarida in order to finance the monestary of Escarnacion in
Madrid.47 His daughters married important Portuguese officials. 48 His intelligence service is
credited to have saved the Estado da Índia on occasion, because he could warn officials
about possible Dutch attacks. He was honored by the king, becoming fidalgo de sua casa,
and member of the Order of Christ. Later in his life he had a political clash with viceroy
João Coutinho and was briefly arrested and sent to Spain.49
Surely, Ferdinand Kron is an exceptional character, but his biography shows a certain trend
that foreigners often pursued in Portuguese India. A foreigner arriving in India acted within
an agglomeration of cultural contexts of nativeness and foreignness: He was foreign in
India, and foreign to the Portuguese culture. At the same time he shared certain values with
other Europeans, met new friends and possibility became naturalized by marrying a
Portuguese woman. They were forced to adapt to local cultural codes, while still retaining
their own distinctiveness. Still, this adaption alienated them from their original culture to a
certain degree.
Kron's reports are different from the earlier accounts, because they are written in a very
personal style. There is a famous passage on his personal hardships where Kron complains
about the “hombres desparados” on the ships and that India was not the “land of milk and
honey” (Schlaraffenland) promised, for example. 50 Moreover, his colleagues and
subordinates are mentioned, sometimes with very personal references. 51 This might be due
45 Dobel, p 127. Reger, pp 55ff.
46 Malekandathil, p 100.
47 Sanjay Subrahmanyam: The Portuguese Empire in Asia 1500–1700. A Political and Economic History,
London/New York 1993, pp 121, 235, 241.
48 Isabel's first husband was D. Pedro de Almeyda, commander of the fortress of Diu. Later she married D.
Diego de Melo de Castro, CapitãoGeral of São Tomé and later of Ceylon. She was the one biting of a part
off St. Xavier. Maria married D. Manuel de Sousa and later became a nun in the convent of St Monica.
49 Hermann Kellenbenz: Lebensbilder aus dem Bayerischen Schwaben, vol. 9 (Schwäbische
Forschungsgemeinschaft bei der Kommission für bayerische Landesgeschichte, series 3, vol. 9), Munich
1966, pp 194–210, here: pp 197–200.
50 Dobel, pp 130f, among others.
51 Schneeberger suffered a from an apoplectic fit in 1588/89, for example, which was reported to Europe.
See Hildebrandt, p 97.
to the fact that Kron's letters were for internal use only, but apparently there is a change of
style during the 16th century. Published voyages of other persons traveling Asia contain
more personal information compared to the earlier works.
One of these reports originated from the feather of Georg Christoph Fernberger, an
Austrian noble who traveled the globe in the late 16 th century.52 He met Kron twice on his
journey through Asia, once in August 1589 and again about one year later. Fernberger
characterizes Kron as “procurator contractus piperini, vir plurimum de me meriti” 53
(representative of the pepper contract, a man of many merits regarding myself). Fernberger
and Kron were on very good terms. In 1590, Fernberger specifies the reason for his
friendship: Ferdinand Kron from Augsburg accommodated him in his house and counseled
and supported him. Only through his help had Georg Christoph Fernberger been able to
visit Bengal, and he was able to travel back to Portugal without any cost – the Viceroy event
gifted him with 500 Lari. Fernberger is full of extraordinary praise for Kron who appears to
be someone who helps foreigners reaching Goa and a leader of the Goan community. 54
And this is not the only person, Kron supported in such a way. The Dutchman Jan Huyghen
van Linschoten regarded himself a friend of the pepper contractors. When his sponsor, the
archbishop of Goa had died in 1587, he intended to travel back to Europe. Linschoten
writes, that the factors of the pepper contract were Germans 55 and that he acquainted
them.56 He even mentions Gerhard of Affhausen by name.57 Also, he must have met
Ferdindand Kron who hired Linschoten as a factor on the ship Sta Cruz who had to monitor
the load of the vessel on its voyage back to Portugal. This unveils that Kron did not trust the
Portuguese regarding the pepper contract and preferred German and Dutch clerks.
Moreover, the community of nonPortuguese Europeans seems to have been small enough
to be relatively intimate, since both Fernberger and Linschoten met Kron who apparently
headed the German community at that time.
Linschoten relates more details about the community. First, he tells us about German and
Dutch gunners working in India, but despite being specialists, often deserted to work for
the Indian rulers where the payment was better and could retain their Protestant belief. 58
The story about the murder of the Dutch (precious) stone cutter Frans Conigh is a lively
story about the live in Goa at the end of the 16 th century.59 Goa was indeed a multicultural
community, but friendships and animosities did run along ethnic lines (among others).
There were soldiers, merchants and artisans from the Netherlands, Venice, Germany, Syria
and France. NonPortuguese had to marry native women in order to become naturalized –
52 Ronald Burger and Robert Wallisch (Eds): Georg Christoph Fernberger. Reisetagebuch (1588–1593).
Sinai, Babylon, Indien, Heiliges Land, Osteuropa. LatinGerman (Beiträge zur Neueren Geschichte
Österreichs, vol. 12), Frankfurt (Main) 1999.
53 Burger/Wallisch, p 91.
54 Burger/Wallisch, p 175.
55 Dutchmen in the English translation actually means German, see footnote 2.
56 Linschoten, p 219.
57 Ibid, p 253.
58 Ibid, pp 199f. See also p 206.
59 Ibid, pp. 204–215.
something that proved fatal for Coningh (his wife murdered him with the help of a
Portuguese soldier, her lover). Foreigners in Goa were sometimes discriminated, Linschoten
tells about a unit of German and Dutch soldiers having deserted a few years before, because
they had been “rejected and scorned by the Portuguese in India” as well as been abused
after they had asked to get paid at all. 60 This seems to have been one of the reasons why
they helped each other and very likely thus formed informal networks of support. Another –
and surely the main reason – was that support among the expatriates ensured their success
abroad. How “open” or “closed” such a network was to outsiders, and what exactly entitled
people to join it, remains an open questioned.
The Brotherhood of St. Bartholomew seems to have lost importance during the 16 th century
or even vanished altogether. Neither Kron, nor Fernberger, nor Linschoten even mention
the existence of such an organization. But they were no soldados after all. On the other
hand, their reports are more personal and show us that there was, indeed, a lively German
community by the end of the century. Business was a central part of the community.
Apparently, the foreigners also faced discrimination to a certain extent: The inquisition in
Goa suspected Dutch, Flemish and German nationals to adhere to the Protestant faith.
Additionally, Portuguese bore a certain bias towards nonPortuguese which likely motivated
the later to organize themselves in informal networks.
Germans and Dutch were surely accustomed to organize themselves. Many cities in the
Holy Roman Empire had strong institutions of selforganization: guilds and brotherhoods,
political entities in the Free Imperial Cities such as Nuremberg and Augsburg, and
organizations that send envoys to parliaments. This selfconception might have helped form
networks abroad, although in the case of the Estado da Índia, we do not see clear evidence
for this. Italian networks, on the other hand, do show networks of nations and extended
60 Ibid, p 199.
families.61 Unlike the Germans whose Indian participation was composed of episodes,
Italian traders were active in India throughout the whole century and thus able to create
more conspicuous networks. Consequently, the Italian patterns might or might not be a
model for a German network.
There is little evidence of how these informal networks worked: Ferdinand Kron was an
important figure in it, no doubt. He appears to have been some kind of sponsor or
godfather for the German community in the late 16 th century, helping out newcomers and
opening doors to colonial officials up to the Viceroy. How closed this network was along
national lines, is up for discussion. There was little distinction between Germans and Dutch,
which looks reasonable in the 16 th century – arguably the nation building process of the
Netherlands falls into the 17 th century. Still, both Linschoten and Kron (plus his fellow
factors) mention friends and acquaintances from Italy and other places, so it is reasonable
to speculate that this informal network was not quite defined by provenience. This
observation is also supported by the fact that foreigners were bound to lose part of their
“nationality” during the process of naturalization. The offspring of marriages between
foreigners and colonial women had little connection to their father's home culture and
blended into the Portuguese colonial community. The daughters of Ferdinand Kron prove
this quite vividly. Even Kron adapted quite well to his hosts' culture: He even had some
trouble writing in his native language since his reports are a mix of German and
Portuguese. Depending on the view point, people like Kron were seen and saw themselves
as both native and foreign. Ferdinand Kron supported the SpanishPortuguese crown on
many occasions and even became involved into colonial politics. On the other hand, his
information network was still tied to the Upper German merchants which proves that he
had not fully left his original roots behind. It also exemplifies that people like Kron were
part of a multilayered structure of personal relationships which could compose a number
of communities or “circles” an individual was active in.
To summarize, there are strong indicators for the existence of one or more German
networks in colonial India during the 16 th century. In the beginning an important formative
entity seems to have been the Brotherhood of St. Bartholomew, but apparently it lost
importance during the course of the century when informal networks prevailed. In the late
16th century, Ferdinand Kron played a predominant part in this network, having contacts
not only with his fellow factors in the pepper contract, but also with travelers like Georg
Christoph Fernberger and Jan Huyghen van Linschoten. 62 We do not know the extent and
nature of the network, and there are indicators that the network was not thoroughly based
on nationality, but rather on personal trust. It was multileveled in nature. It is also unlikely
that German networks in Europe acted as a model for this network since the cosmopolitan
yet biased culture of the Estado da Índia was quite different from things at home.
61 See Subrahmanyam for a brief introduction in the early times.
62 Pohle, pp 283–291, reaches similar conclusions: He divides the German commitment in Portugal and her
colonies into three phases: a) up to 1500 (not so relevant for India), b) 1500 to around 1525, c) after
1525 with a shift towards Spain – Pohle believes that this last phase was less intensive. This might be true
regarding German merchants, but this article delivers a different view. There was a lively community of
Germans in India, although the ties to and from home were declining gradually.
Foreigners blended into colonial more or less which makes it harder to draw clear
distinctions. What is left is the perception that Germans like other foreigners in India
organized themselves in order to survive in Portuguese India and/or be successful
commercially and otherwise.
CV
Maximilian Kalus is an economic historian and master of computer science. Born in
Munich, he studied Medieval History in Augsburg. Always having been interested in
computers, 1998 he started working as a software developer in a New Economy company.
In 2001 he became a teacher for IT vocational training. He switched back into university
career in 2005 at the chair of Social and Economic history in Jena (Prof. Rolf Walter).
Between 2005 and 2009, he did his Ph.D. on investor networks in IndianEuropean trade in
the 16th century. During this time, he developed a concepts and a software for historical
semantic networks and graduated in computer science at the FernUniversität Hagen. Since
2009 Max Kalus has worked on a number of research and historical projects, such as the
implementation of a FuggerWelser Museum in Augsburg, a large historical database
implementation for the concentration memorial site of Flossenbürg, and research on
historical financial crises sponsored by the elite program “finance and information
management” of the University Augsburg. In 2012, he received the “Fuggerpreis für die
Wissenschaft” (Fugger Award for Research) of the same university, and in 2014 he gained
sponsorship of the Winkel foundation (then based in Erfurt) for the improvement of his
historical semantic database. He is member of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft Geschichte und EDV
(AGE), an association to improve computer based historical research.