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Men of Color and Masculinities: (Re)defining Gender Identities within Chicano/Latino

Students in Higher Education

Jesus Delgadillo1, Diana Rea2, Irania Rodriguez3, and Ernesto Verduzco4

Department of Educational Leadership California State University, Fresno
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Abstract

Using a qualitative mixed-methods interview study design, this study will explore how
first-generation Chicano/Latino male students develop their gender identities, forms of
expression and create an understanding of machismo during college. The study will ask
first-generation Chicano/Latino college students questions of what it means to be perceived as
masculine, how they explore and navigate cultural gender norms, and whether or not higher
education helps facilitate consciousness towards a Chicana/Latina feminist epistemology.
Participants will also be open to explore what ‘manhood’ means to them.

Keywords: masculinity, machismo, first-generation, Chicano/Latino men

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Introduction
In the United States, studies analyzing Men of Color, specifically first-generation Men of

Color attending college, have been historically underrepresented in the past few years. Studies

have observed dominant hegemonic masculinities, or privileged masculinities, which exclude

specific groups of men from systems of privilege on the basis of their devalued group

memberships (Hurtado & Sinha, 2008). As first-generation college male student(s) maneuver

through systems and environments institutionalized by racism, racial stereotypes,

microaggressions, and low expectations from professors and others, it impedes academic

outcomes, sense of belonging, and willingness to seek help and use campus resources (Harper,

2013). The negative outcomes first-generation male college students of color are subjected to

influences graduation rates among the population. Graduation rates within Title IV institutions

(i.e., public, private nonprofit, and proprietary schools) identified that 53.3% of Hispanic or

Latino men graduated with a bachelor’s degree, whereas their White male counterparts achieved

a staggering 63.4% (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019).

First-generation Chicano/Latino students are at a racial disadvantage to their White

counterparts, which can impact the development of their gender identity. In essence, Latino men

are in a contradictory position within a system of privilege, as patriarchal structures privilege

them, and places them at a disadvantage, as they belong to devalued social categories (i.e.,

working-class, national origin, linguistics, sexual orientation, phenotype, etc.) (Hurtado & Sinha,

2016). Due to the inequitable structures that perpetuate systems of oppression towards

marginalized Communities of Color, first-generation Chicano/Latino students continue to face

hardship while they embark on their higher education journey. The exposure to multiple forms of

oppression influenced by hegemonic conceptions of masculinity correlates with negative social

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and psychological consequences, while it also provides material privileges (Hooks, 1992;

Messner, 1997; Hurtado & Sinha, 2005; as cited in Hurtado & Sinha, 2008). The exposure to

multiple forms of subordination caused by hegemonic masculinities impacts the gender

development among our first-generation Chicano/Latino students, as they become conscious of

the effects of being marginalized within systems of oppression influenced by dominant beliefs.

The experiences first-generation Chicano/Latino students live from oppressive behaviors

may help facilitate the development of a Chicana/Latina feminist epistemology, in efforts to

challenge machismo, or a form of hypermasculinity prevalent within the Latinx culture. As

Hurtado and Sinha (2016) state, “Latino men’s material experience of oppression based on race

and class can have a profound role in shaping their imagination, particularly in relation to

women’s oppression… [which] may mobilize their imagination and create empathy” (p. 13). As

first-generation Chicano/Latino students reflect on how patriarchal structures continue to

marginalize Chicana/Latina and Women of Color, they establish an empathetic approach to adopt

a critical Chicana/Latina feminist perspective to challenge dominant patriarchal forces and

machismo. This allows for many first-generation Chicano/Latino students to become socially

conscious of gender issues impacting Communities of Color and promotes efforts in redefining

self-iterations of “manhood”.

The purpose of this narrative inquiry study is to analyze the meaning and development of

“manhood” and masculinity for first-generation Chicano/Latino college students who are

enrolled at four-year public Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSIs). At this stage in the research,

first-generation Chicano/Latino students will be generally defined as students whose parents did

not attend or graduate from college, and are of U.S. and Mexican culture, language, and social

norms (Gurin et al., 1994; as cited in Hurtado & Sinha, 2016). One-on-one semi-structured
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interviews will be conducted to analyze each participant’s experiences to conceptualize

first-generation Chicano/Latino college students’ ethnic identity, definitions of “manhood”, and

shift towards a Chicana/Latina feminist epistemology. Research questions guiding this study

include, “How do first-generation Chicano/Latino students conceptualize the idea of

‘manhood’?” and “How has higher education contributed towards first-generation

Chicano/Latino conceptualization of Chicana/Latina feminist ideologies?”.

Review of Institutional Data

The population that this research project is studying are first-generation Chicano/Latino

students from Fresno State. Although the emphasis of the project is on self-identified

Chicano/Latino students, the institutional data did not provide that as an option to filter. The data

is filtered into the broader umbrella term “Hispanic.” The data sets can be broken down into

different subcategory filters such as first-year freshman, undergraduate transfer student, ethnicity,

and sex.

Figure 1 provides a detailed explanation of all student ethnicities which were enrolled

during a five-year span starting in the Fall 2015 semester through the Fall 2020 semester at

Fresno State. (See Appendix A). Figure 1 also provides the total combined number of first-year

students and undergrad transfer students that enrolled during the same periods in the Fall

semesters. Figure 1 also provides a description of the race and ethnicities of both sets of students.

The data collected demonstrates a five-year period between 2015 and 2020. The gathered

data shows a breakdown of different ethnicities that enrolled at Fresno State. Figure 1 also

provides the ratio of female and male students enrolled at Fresno State. The dataset provides a

wide range of areas that are of interest to this project.

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In reviewing the institutional data in Figure 1, we can see that students who identified as

Mexican make up the greatest percentage of “Hispanic” students. This correlates with the

Chicano identity that our research is targeting. In Figure 2, we can see the percentages of

Mexican students enrolled through the five-year period (see Appendix B).

The dataset is divided by gender and shows the total amount of female students and male

students in the Fall semester cohorts. The data highlights students who are considered first-year

enrollees and undergraduate transfer students. Interesting to note, this data set shows that there

were more females enrolled in Fresno State than their male counterparts. The trend kept steady

throughout all semesters. This correlates with national trends of more female students enrolled in

college than there are males.

The institutional data was acquired through the Office of Institutional Effectiveness at

Fresno State. The Office of Institutional Effectiveness or OIE provides data sets of institutional

interest. The OIE serves Fresno State by making its data meaningful with the goals of forming

the common understanding of our university population, creating tools to drive student success,

and inspiring a campus-wide culture of data-informed decision-making and continuous

improvement. (Office of Institutional Effectiveness, n.d.).

Our search through the Office of Institutional Effectiveness led to the finding of the

preceding datasets which were used as our examples. After looking at the data, we can see a

detailed breakdown that makes the data easier to understand. Key filter terms are color-coded.

There are also percentages and totals of all students that are shown in the datasets. On the OIE

website, you can click on the different columns and get more detailed information for the

provided information.
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Theoretical Frameworks

The study attempts to analyze the population by utilizing the Intersectionality framework.

Popularized by feminists of Color within feminist theory and antiracist politics, Intersectionality

seeks to examine how dominant forces tend to treat race and gender as mutually exclusive

categories of experience and analysis, which creates a distorted analysis of racism and sexism

(Crenshaw, 1989). From a critical perspective, the Intersectionality framework helps recognize

the privileged and marginalized identities of one, which helps understand how these identities

connect, influence, and clash with each other (Schuh et al., 2017). The Intersectionality

framework allows for first-generation Chicano/Latino students to reflect upon previous

experiences of privilege and oppression, in order to conceptualize how each facet of their

identities intersect with one another in an effort to make meaning of their masculinity and

definitions of “manhood” during their higher educational journey.

To further expand within the study, the study will also incorporate frameworks from

Gloria Anzaldúa’s Borderlands Theory. As stated by Anzaldúa (1987), “…the Borderlands are

physically present wherever two or more cultures edge each other, where people of different

races occupy the same territory, where under, lower, middle, and upper classes touch, where the

space between two individuals shrinks with intimacy” (p. I). Applications from the Borderlands

Theory will assist in conceptualizing how first-generation Chicano/Latino students interact and

make meaning within spaces shared with multiple backgrounds in higher education. In addition,

it will support the analysis of how cultural and institutional practices shape their definitions of

masculinity and “manhood”.

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Literature Review

To better understand what factors impact Chicano/Latino student's meaning and

development of “manhood” and masculinity, the literature review focuses on three major topics

that impact a Chicano/Latino student's meaning and development of “manhood” and masculinity:

(1) campus climate and the influence it has on Chicano/Latino students, (2) the involvement and

the influence of social groups, (3) involvement with faculty, staff, administrators, and student

support services in higher education, and (4) the role of culture and machismo.

Campus Racial Climate

Higher education institutions are often described as the perfect laboratories for students to

develop new abilities for learning across differences (Vaccaro, 2010). Nonetheless, the campus

climate of a university may influence the complexity and level of learning that happens across.

For its significance, campus climate has focused on higher education educators, scholars, and

administrators for decades (Vaccaro, 2010). Campus climate is defined in a variety of ways. In

essence, campus climate is a mixture of structural diversity, psychological climate, and

behavioral climate. Additionally, campus climate is complexly entwined to student’s

multifaceted attitudes and perceptions of their environment. Regardless of how campus climate

is defined, having a negative, unwelcome, and hostile environment can negatively impact the

retention and success of students of color, more specifically men of color and Chicano/Latino

male students.

Chicano/Latino male students’ academic performance and success are impacted by an

interaction between the campus racial climate, the structure of the institution, and the perception

students have on campus as hostile or welcoming (Sanchez, 2019). Perceptions of a hostile

campus racial climate highly lower Chicano/Latino students' sense of belonging. Most
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importantly, it reduces their commitment to finishing college (Sanchez, 2019). It is alarming

because college represents a time of intemperate optimism, exhilarating challenges, and a myriad

of opportunities (Yosso et al., 2009). Few Chicano/Latino students would predict that their

college experiences can potentially be marked by constant and racialized occurrences enquiring

about their cultural knowledge, academic merit, and self-efficacy.

Researchers have found that racial/ethnic minority students and their White peers who

attend the same institution often view the campus racial climate differently (Harper & Hurtado,

2007). At Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSI), regardless of the 25% of Latino students enrolled,

these institutions may still share similar struggles as non-HSI campuses (Sanchez, 2019).

Irrespective of the amount of Chicano/Latino students enrolled, mass diversity does not shield

students from experiencing racial microaggressions on campus. Chicano/Latino students, along

with other nonwhite students, can still face the three types of racial microaggressions on college

campuses: interpersonal microaggressions, racial jokes, and institutional microaggressions

(Yosso et al., 2009). Internalizing this climate may leave students to feel isolated, alienated, and

“outsiders” within their campus (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Yosso et al., 2009).

Moreover, students cope with hostile environments differently. Some students choose to

challenge the racial microaggressions but run the risk of their energy and enthusiasm quickly

draining (Yosso et al., 2009). At the same time, others decide not to be victimized by racial

microaggressions (Yosso et al., 2009). These students then find themselves fostering academic

and social counter spaces to provide a supportive environment to help them navigate school and

home (Yosso et al., 2009). Chicano/Latino students may ultimately internalize the messages they

are receiving, which can negatively impact their success in higher education (Sanchez, 2019). As

educators, we have to address these hostile environments and make an effort to integrate the
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voices of Chicano/Latino student groups, create a space for exposure and learning of all diverse

cultures, and support the different Chicano/Latino needs.

Social Group Influences

Identified as critical to Chicano/Latino student’s enrollment, academic performance, and

retention in higher education is the social engagement and peer relationships built on campus

(Gloria et al., 2005, Estrada & Hufana, 2017; as cited by Brooms et al., 2018). Estrada and

Hufana’s (2017) research on peer support suggests that male social bonding, masculinity, and

family orientation are noticeable in the experiences of college Chicanos/Latinos. Peer

relationships and bonding serve as sources of motivation for the students to develop a

community. Research tells us that students who are not involved in academic or social

communities may be more likely to drop out than those integrated into the campus community

(Clayton et al., 2017). Moreover, students who strongly express their Latino identity use it to

build relationships and typically seek out culturally-based organizations to find their sense of

belonging (Clayton et al., 2017). In the success of finding their form of social engagement, the

student’s sense of belonging contributes to the likelihood of retention (Brooms et al., 2018).

In addition, Sáenz et al. (2015) argue that “peers also serve as reference points to gauge

achievement, status, and gender role development, particularly for male college students, and

provide validation or disapproval of behavior as students develop their masculine identities” (p.

165). Students are then negotiating their status within peer groups by performing behaviors

defined by their peers as masculine (Sáenz et al., 2015). For Chicano/Latino men in college,

validating the definitions of masculinity can include hyper-masculine behaviors of dominance,

aggression, and homophobia (Sáenz et al., 2015). These traits are typically associated with the

development of academic struggles and decreased campus involvement (Davis & Laker, 2004; as
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cited by Sáenz et al., 2015).

Furthermore, in the Sáenz et al. (2015) study, students reported often feeling pressure to

drop out of college to improve their status among their friends who chose not to pursue

post-secondary education. Through a machismo and caballerismo lens, the pressure comes from

the cultural belief that men must financially support themselves and their families (Sáenz et al.,

2015). Their peers outside the institution do not necessarily view higher education as supporting

the cultural belief but rather view it as feminine pursuance (Sáenz et al., 2015). For students in

this position, the external pressure from their friends may cause a conflict with their gender

identity and academics. Students are having to choose to continue to pursue their academic goals

or having to conform to the gender norm being placed on them. Nonetheless, the importance of

finding a new community on campus may be critical for the student’s success.

For Chicano/Latino students, masculinity matters in how they see themselves actively

involved on campus (Brooms et al., 2018). Exposure to the various communities to get involved

with on-campus can help students’ identity and personal development. To support their growth,

students may seek to take on leadership roles that put them in positions to cooperate with others.

Even inside the classroom setting with group projects, students learn to work with others and

express their thoughts and emotions. The way students view their masculinity through college

may develop as they engage in the college. They learn to cope with the environment. They learn

to build relationships with their peers or university educators (Brooms et al., 2018). Overall,

students must get involved with academic or social communities to continue developing and

learning about their masculine identity.

Involvement Among Educators

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As we see the enrollment of men in higher education institutions declining, we also see,

more precisely, the enrollment of Chicano/Latino men students declining while enrollment for

females is projected to increase on a ratio of 60 to 40 in the coming years (Larabee, 2009). This

imbalance is represented in enrollment and graduation figures and through components of

students’ life and involvement (Larabee, 2009). These statistics are projected to remain constant

for the coming years, which results in Chicano/Latino men being outnumbered within most

colleges and universities. As a result, first-generation Chicano/Latino students are susceptible to

low expectations from professors, which can undermine their academic outcomes, and sense of

belonging. Students lack the willingness to seek help from faculty or staff and utilize campus

resources and student support programs (Harper, 2013). Having a low sense of belonging causes

many first-generation Chicano/Latino students to lose sight of the effectiveness of utilizing

campus resources, which places an emphasis on providing mentorship positions with individuals

reflecting their multiple identities.

Research tells us that providing mentoring and role models are essential methods to

engage male students and are also related to higher academic achievement (Larabee, 2009).

Moreover, interacting with faculty outside of class is also associated with higher academic

achievement, especially for Chicano/Latino male college students (DeFreitas & Bravo, 2012).

Among Latino college students, a mentoring program found that a greater frequency of contact

with one’s faculty mentor was related to higher levels of self-efficacy (Santos & Reigados,

2002). Having off-campus contact with faculty, feeling respected by them, and perceiving them

as approachable are all related to higher self-concept, which is important for minoritized students

who may not have access to other academic role models. Additionally, when students are

mentored and have interactions with faculty, this is likely to improve their self-concept since
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they are encouraged and provided with a role model (DeFreitas & Bravo, 2012). However,

Chicano/Latino men are less involved in the areas within the institution, such as advising, peer

mentors, and student support programs, compared to women and other male ethnicities

(DeFreitas & Bravo, 2012).

Though the benefits of creating connections with faculty, staff, and other support

programs are extraordinarily positive for the success of students’ academic and personal goals, it

is concerning that not all students are benefitting from this. More specifically, the lack of

Chicano/Latino student’s involvement in this area is utterly affecting this student population. The

results of the relationships students lack to create with educators within the institution can be

presented in them having one of the lowest grade point averages among all undergraduate

students, having lower completion rates, and measuring low engagement in the classroom and in

extracurricular activities. (Harper, 2013).

The Role of Culture and Machismo

Expectations placed on Chicano/Latino men to conform to machismo and masculinity are

occasionally barriers and assets during their navigation of higher education (Ramirez, 2018).

While there are explicit privileges afforded to them as men, the idea of machismo in the

Chicano/Latino culture also restricts and limits men (Ramirez, 2018). In this culture, men are

expected to express dominance, be self-reliant, and emotionally inexpressive, which can be

difficult as they constantly encounter new and challenging experiences while in college. The

expectations of being self-capable and autonomous can be a burden to Chicano/Latino male

students (Ramirez, 2018). On many occasions, these expectations disallow them from seeking

support from support programs, faculty, and advisors because they can be viewed as “weak.” In a

way, asking for help in any form may give students a sense of discrediting their masculinity.
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Methodology

To better understand how first-generation Chicano/Latino college students conceptualize

the idea of ‘manhood’ and whether their higher education contributes towards a paradigm shift to

a Chicana/Latina feminist epistemology, a qualitative methodology was selected for this study.

Researchers will be conducting a narrative inquiry via semi-structured interviews to identify how

first-generation Chicano/Latino college students' lived experiences influence their perceptions of

“manhood”, and how the students’ experiences alter throughout their college journey. Clandinin

and Rosiek (2007) state, “…narrative inquiry is not only a valorizing of individual

experiences but also an exploration of the social, cultural, and institutional narratives

within which individuals’ experiences were constituted, shaped, expressed, and enacted” (p.

42; as cited in Jones et al., 2013, p. 84). Narratives will be collected under semi-structured

interviews, which will collect views and opinions from the participants (Creswell &

Creswell, 2018).

Research Participants

This study will be facilitated within four-year public institutions categorized as Hispanic

Serving Institutions (HSIs) within the state of California. HSIs are defined as eligible institutions

that have an enrollment of undergraduate full-time equivalent students that are at least 25 percent

Hispanic students at the end of the award year immediately preceding the date of application

(U.S. Department of Education, n.d.). Researchers will be conducting semi-structured interviews

with approximately 15 first-generation Chicano/Latino identifying students between the ages of

18-25. Researchers identify this age demographic rich in knowledge, as this represents the age

range of the ‘traditional college student’. Recruitment will focus on cis-gendered males, students

whose sex at birth reflects as man, and students who express themselves as man or masculine.
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This will ensure that data highlights the male perspective within cultural ideologies and

transitions into institutions of higher education. Student support programs, such as the College

Assistance Migrant Program, TRIO SSS/SSS-STEM/SSS-Disabilities, Educational Opportunity

Program, as well as Cross-Cultural Gender Centers within the campuses, will be sent a

recruitment email, which will entail the purpose of the study, participant qualifications, and

instructions to sign up and participate in the study.

Data Collection Methods & Procedures

For our proposed research, we shall be using individual interviews. We will search for

fifteen individuals who meet the proposed research criteria. Since the methodology is qualitative,

interviews will be conducted to receive the data. The researchers decided that personal

interviews would be the best method to achieve the accurate data sets needed for the research.

The interviews are set to last for one hour. The interview questions to be asked to the research

subjects are to be open-ended. We want to have the interviewees be comfortable with the

researchers asking the questions, as well as keeping the conversation flowing with follow-up

questions in relation to the conversation being held.

Our questions are to be uploaded into the Qualtrics survey program prior to the

interviews. The research participants will not see the questions beforehand. Researchers want the

questions to be answered in an organic manner. Participants are able to be more open with

responses if they do not know which questions will be asked. Sampling techniques included

snowball sampling. For example, two participants invite their friends to participate in the study,

as they know that their friends meet the criteria listed for research subjects.

Consent will be gathered from participants before the interview questions are asked.

Research subjects will sign a waiver explicitly granting permission to have their voices recorded.
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The consent form will also be used to allow researchers to save the recordings as digital MP3

files. Participants will be given a choice to use their real names or pseudonyms. The male

researchers will conduct the interviews with the participants. Researchers felt that the presence of

our female colleagues would skew the conversation due to feeling uncomfortable from

participants being open about their lived experiences. Male researchers will be able to establish a

repertoire with the male research subjects, as both literature and cultural practices demonstrate

Chicano/Latino men expressing more with their male colleagues.

Data will be analyzed as it was collected from the interviewees. Instead of doing batch

reviews, the data will be reviewed per interview to ensure accurate record-keeping and not have

a pile-up of data to sort through. The interviews will be transcribed verbatim from the

recordings. Field notes will also be formatted as a digital file and saved into the same folder as

the recordings. Data will be categorized into different data themes and sets to see what were the

most frequent expressions and themes that emerged with the interviews.

The digital MP3 recordings will be uploaded into a secured and password-protected cloud

service. The researchers will be the only ones with access to the dataset. The recordings,

transcriptions and field notes will be filed into separate categories in the cloud services. Each

participant will have a folder with their name or pseudonym listed. In these folders will be the

recorded interviews and the notes created for each person. For additional security, the recordings

will also be gathered in a digital archive on a flash drive. Hard copies of the interview transcripts

will be printed and stored in binders in a locked cabinet.

Data Analysis

In this study, we will use a qualitative computer software program for assistance in

analyzing our data. We will particularly be using the OSR NVivo data analysis software to
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transcribe, organize, and analyze our data (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). We benefit from having

our recordings from the semi-structured interviews and other supporting documents safely stored

in a digital folder. Then we will be analyzing the data by using both expected codes

predetermined before the study and open coding, which will be collected during the process of

analyzing the data. Expected codings are “topics that readers would expect to find, based on

literature and common sense,” and open coding is to help identify any data that may be useful

through the beginning process of analyzing the data (Creswell & Creswell, 2018, 195; Merriam

& Tisdell, 2016). Our expected codes are as follows: a sense of belonging, paradigm shift,

resiliency, perseverance, empathy, familial influence, cultural differences, code-switching, and

forms of power.

Reflexivity Statement

This study attempts to gain a broader understanding of how first-generation

Chicano/Latino students conceptualize the idea of “manhood.” The study will take on a

constructivist approach as it focuses on the specific contexts in which participants develop

subjective meanings of their experiences (Creswell & Creswell 2018). Correspondingly, Author 2

believes taking a constructivist approach is important and fitting because in constructivism,

human beings construct values as they engage with the world they are interpreting (Creswell &

Creswell, 2019). This study will take on a qualitative approach as it introduces a range of

strategic, ethical, and personal issues into the research process (Creswell and Creswell, 2018).

The researchers conducting the study all identify as Chicanx and first-generation. Author 4

acknowledges that due to the population being studied, they bring researcher bias as they share

commonalities with the identities of the participants being studied. Author 1 also understands that

though they might share similarities with the population being studied, they can’t presume to
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know the participants’ own life stories or predict their responses. To prevent such bias, further

examination of the data with diverse gender expressions will occur to gain a profound

understanding of the research findings. Guido et al. (2010) state that “a practitioner cannot truly

be separated from or objective toward those they serve” (p. 15). Author 3 states that they

recognize the subjectivity they bring to study and their work and practices in student affairs and

acknowledges how the value of their personal, cultural, and historical experiences help shape

their position as a scholar-practitioner and in this study.

Concluding Remarks

Studies focused on examining the development of gender identities and forms of

expression within men of color have stagnated in literature. Although progress has been made

with African-American men, the Chicano/Latino experience has been ostracized. While there are

multiple commonalities across different groups of men, masculinity is dependent on race, class,

and culture for its definition (Hurtado & Sinha, 2008). The perception of masculinity solely

depends on multiple facets of the students’ identity. For Chicano/Latino men, culture is the

dominant force that creates obstacles in challenging machismo and other iterations of

hyper-masculinity. Therefore, future research must focus on the intersections of gender roles and

culture within first-generation Chicano/Latino men in efforts to expand the literature among men

of color and highlight the voices that have been historically and contemporarily marginalized in

American society. Saturating the literature of gender roles and identities of color can help in

student development practices. This can serve as a reminder for both higher education

practitioners and students that their experiences are worth sharing.

Expectations placed on Chicano/Latino men to conform to machismo and masculinity are

occasionally barriers and assets during their navigation of higher education (Ramirez, 2018). As
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first-generation Chicano/Latino students seek to challenge machismo, they begin to construct

their definition of masculinity. We hope to establish an empathetic approach to adopt a critical

Chicana/Latina perspective to challenge the dominant forces of masculinity. Engagement with

this study and other scholars’ related work can help students conceptualize and make meaning of

“manhood” and masculinity. We recommend students connect with a Chicano faculty, staff, or

administrator to support their growth and development through their time in higher education

and beyond.

When students are mentored and have interactions with faculty, they are likely to improve

their self-concept (DeFreitas & Bravo, 2012). Therefore, higher education institutions need to

include more representation of Chicano/Latino faculty and staff. By having role models students

can identify with, students might loosen the emerging pressure of growing up males within the

Chicano/Latino culture. Still, faculty and staff at higher education institutions have yet to

diversify. Roughly, only 3% of full-time faculty at degree-granting institutions comprise Chicano

males (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020). It is a concerning number that needs to

increase to see a more favorable outcome in the educational journey and gender identity

development of Chicano/Latino students. Institutional campuses can also collaborate by hiring

Chicano/Latino staff and faculty so that students can have a figure in which they can see

themselves reflected. Not only that but reaffirming the institution’s commitment to diversity can

better encourage success for this underrepresented group of students (Young, 2020).
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Latino and Black males’ brotherhood and masculinity through leadership in college.

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10.1177/1538192717699048

Clayton, A. B., Medina, M. C., & Wiseman, A. M. (2019). Culture and community: Perspectives

from first-year, first-generation-in-college Latino students, Journal of Latinos and

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Appendix A

Note. Institutional Data from OIE describing the total number of self-identified
Mexican-American students enrolled in Fresno State.
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Appendix B

Note. Institutional Data from OIE describing the total ratio of female to male Hispanic students
enrolled in Fresno State during the given five-year span.
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Appendix C

Interview Questions

1. What motivated you to attend college?

2. What have been the perceptions you have received about pursuing college?

3. Tell us about your journey through college.

4. What significance does the word “manhood” have to you?

5. What characteristics represent an admirable male role model to you?

6. What experiences have you had engaging with Chicano/Latino educators in college?

7. How has your culture played a factor in how you perceive masculinity or “manhood”?

8. How do cultural expectations of gender influence you on expressing your masculinity

when you are with friends or peers?

9. How do you feel that your identities influence your engagement with gender-related

issues in society?

10. How, if so, did your college experiences shape your definition and interpretation of

machismo/masculinity?