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First-Generation Social and Ethnic

Minority Students in Christian
Universities: Student Recommendations
for Successful Support of Diverse
Students
a
Kathryn Ecklund
a
Azusa Pacific University , Azusa , California , USA
Published online: 20 May 2013.
To cite this article: Kathryn Ecklund (2013) First-Generation Social and Ethnic Minority Students in
Christian Universities: Student Recommendations for Successful Support of Diverse Students, Christian
Higher Education, 12:3, 159-180, DOI: 10.1080/15363759.2011.598377
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CHRISTIAN HIGHER EDUCATION, 12(3), 159–180, 2013
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ISSN: 1536-3759 print/1539-4107 online
DOI: 10.1080/15363759.2011.598377
First-Generation Social and Ethnic Minority Students

in Christian Universities: Student Recommendations
for Successful Support of Diverse Students
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Kathryn Ecklund
Azusa Pacific University, Azusa, California, USA
This article, the second in a two-part series, provides an overview of the literature regarding first-
generation college students (FGCS), which has been largely based on studies of students in public
universities. The author shares outcomes from structured dialogues with FGCS attending Christian
universities. The students described how their Christian universities could better meet the needs of
FGCS. The author asserts that Christian universities can provide a unique, quality experience for
FGCS and provides recommendations for Christian universities to consider in developing services
that meet the needs of FGCS.
First-generation college students (FGCS) are a diverse yet distinct group, both demographically
and in terms of educational outcomes (Coffman, 2011; Terenzini, Springer, Yaeger, Pascarella,
& Nora, 1996). First-generation college students (FGCS) are defined as those students who are
the first generational cohort in their family of origin to attend a four-year institution of higher
education in the United States (HERI, 2007). When compared to their non-FGCS peers, FGCS
are likely to work more hours each week (Barry, Hudley, Kelly, & Cho, 2009; Dennis, Phinney
& Chuateco, 2005; HERI, 2007; London, 1992; Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak, & Terenzini, 2004;
Terenzini et al., 1996), live off campus and remain less connected to campus and university life
(Housel & Harvey, 2011; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Oldfield, 2007; Pascarella et al., 2004;
Tym, McMillion, Barone, & Webster, 2005), and maintain active family and community roles and
responsibilities (Barry et al., 2009; Bryan & Simmons, 2009; Bui-Khanh, 2002; Housel & Harvey,
2011; Lara, 1992). As FGCS frequently begin their college experience at 2-year colleges and
transfer to 4-year institutions (Bui-Khanh, 2002; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Tym et al.,
2005; Zalaquett, 1999), they are frequently older (Choy, 2001) and make slower progression
toward graduation than their non-FGCS peers (Dennis et al., 2005; Nunez & Cucaro-Alamin,
1998; Pascarella et al., 2004).
FGCS have higher attrition rates (Balz & Esten, 1998; Barry et al., 2009; Coffman, 2011;
Kulla, 2008; Majer, 2009; McCarron & Inkelas, 2006; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Orbe,
2008; Pascarella et al., 2004; Prospero, Russell, & Vohra-Gupta, 2012; Strage, 1999; Tym et al.,
2005; Zalaquett, 1999) and are underrepresented in graduation rates at the bachelor’s, master’s,
Address correspondence to Kathryn Ecklund, Department of Psychology, Azusa Pacific University, 901 East Alosta
Ave., Azusa, CA 91702. E-mail: kecklund@apu.edu
160 K. ECKLUND
and doctoral level of education (Kulla, 2008; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Orbe, 2008).
These students are more likely to attend college part-time (Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998),
extending their time in higher education. Additionally, FGCS are more inclined to consider
financial factors in their decision-making processes (Coffman, 2011; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin,
1998; Pascarella et al., 2004), which can result in intermittent breaks from enrollment. These
findings are consistent across gender, economic status, and race/ethnicity (Ishitani, 2003; Nunez
& Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Prospero et al., 2012).
A Higher Education Research Institute (HERI) report indicated that private universities could
benefit from increased effort at enrolling FCGS that come from underrepresented racial, eth-
nic, and socioeconomic groups (HERI, 2007). In order to do so, university administrators must
consider the implications of changing demographics. To be more successful with FGCS, Chris-
tian universities will need to consider shifting both university and student culture. This shift
may include modifications in curriculum, faculty and staff mentorship, advising, and university
life.
Christian universities, in general, are making a concerted effort to reach these under-
represented students and provide support to them once admitted to the university. This improved
commitment to reach underrepresented students is evidenced by on-campus efforts in the form
of faculty-mentored minority interest groups (e.g., ethnic/racial specific social clubs) and student
support services that may particularly benefit FGCS (although research has yet to validate their
use by or exceptional benefit to FGCS) such as writing centers, financial aid workshops and
assistance programs, and student employment and internship programs. Generally, successful
efforts to support FGCS are multidimensional supportive services that target a range of common
and specific needs that pertain to certain gender, ethnic, and cultural groups (Dalton, Moore, &
Whitaker, 2009; Schmidt & Akande, 2011). Although private institutions enroll 21% of all college
students, 31% of graduates attend private institutions, indicating that students who select private
universities are more likely to attain a degree (Balz & Esten, 1998). Although degree completion
rates for FGCS continue to be disparate in both private and public universities when compared
to non-FGCS (Balz & Esten, 1998; Barry et al., 2009; Kulla, 2008; Majer, 2009; McCarron &
Inkelas, 2006; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Pascarella et al., 2004; Strage, 1999; Tym et al.,
2005; Zalaquett, 1999), private universities may graduate a greater percentage of their FGCS than
their public counterparts.
The goal of this paper is to provide information that may be of value to Christian colleges and
universities committed to closing the disparity of underrepresented students in their population,
specifically FGCS, a group largely composed of ethnic, racial, and socioeconomically underrep-
resented students. The focus of this paper, the second of a two-part series, is the postenrollment
needs of FGCS.
METHOD
Drawing on previous research involving in-depth interviews with FGCS and their families (Eck-
lund, 2008a), as well as previous quantitative research with FGCS from secular universities
(Ecklund, 2008b), the author formed an FGCS collaborative work group. Seven FGCS attending
a faith-based university formed a small group to share their experiences orally and in writing. This
group met face-to-face biweekly and engaged in electronic communication over the course of one
FIRST-GENERATION COLLEGE STUDENT MATRICULATION 161
semester. The group read and discussed the current literature reviewed in this paper. The facilitated
dialog focused on how the diverse group of FGCS’s experiences, perceptions, needs, and wishes
converged or diverged from the existing literature, and how being a student at a Christian univer-
sity influenced their experience as FGCS. Following the completion of this semester-long small
group experience, the seven students led an open group forum that was offered university-wide
for FGCS from across the university to participate in a two-hour long discussion of the FGCS
experience at a Christian university. Fifty-six FGCS self-selected to participate in the two-hour
discourse. The two-hour conversation involved a brief overview of the literature that the small
group of seven students had considered during the course of the previous semester’s work group,
and then opened up discussion with the 56 participants regarding their own experiences as FGCS
at a Christian university. The seven FGCS in the small work group included: two males, five
females, three Hispanic students, two Asian American students, and two Euro-Americans. The
open forum involved a diverse group in terms of ethnic/racial backgrounds, and included both
immigrant and non-immigrant, male and female students.
The following recommendations were generated from the aggregate findings of these two
group experiences. During the course of the semester-long work group, the author observed and
took detailed notes of student oral conversations, as well as retained and utilized written text from
electronic conversations. During the two-hour open forum, the author observed and took detailed
notes of FGCS experiences, perceptions, and suggestions regarding how Christian universities
may support FGCS students. Following the open forum, the seven-member FGCS work group
reviewed the narratives from the forum and discussed how the larger FGCS group experiences
and ideas related with the data gathered from the semester-long work group. The aggregate of
student ideas were developed into the recommendations presented here. Illustrative narratives
were taken from both the seven-member work group and the larger group forum.
RESULTS
This section includes a brief overview of the literature related to various topics, student narratives
from the data collection, and then student-generated recommendations for each topic.
FGCS Parent Involvement
Research on FGCS demonstrates that school engagement, self-efficacy, and retention are corre-
lated (Thayer, 2000; Zalaquett, 1999). For FGCS, there is a dynamic relationship between self,
school, and family. In order to understand the diversity of FGCS, one cannot separate FGCS
from their family context. For FGCS, parent and family relationships are complex and critical for
success. First-generation student family involvement and support is an important aspect of suc-
cess in college (Coffman, 2011; Gofen, 2009; HERI, 2007; York-Anderson & Bowman, 1991).
First-generation students report that parents are more influential than peers and teachers in the
formation of higher educational aspirations (HERI, 2007), as well as in college continuation and
degree completion (Bryan & Simmons, 2009; McCaron & Inkelas, 2006). This influence appears
to be especially important for FGCS of color (Cho, Hudley, Lee, & Barry, 2008). In one study
of FGCS, perception of parent prioritization of good performance in school (support) and parent
162 K. ECKLUND
involvement were the most significant factors contributing to degree completion (McCarron &
Inkelas, 2006).
Although central to college success, the FGCS relationship with parents can also be ambivalent
and stressful. For example, FGCS perceive lower levels of parental support than their non-FGCS
peers (Housel & Harvey, 2011; McCarron & Inkelas, 2006; Schmidt & Akande, 2011) and report
feeling isolated from and conflicted with their family (Schmidt, 2003; Tym et al., 2005). These
feelings may be linked to the stress of ongoing involvement and responsibility in family life
during college (Bryan & Simmons, 2009; Padron, 1992; Phinney & Haas, 2003; Tym et al., 2005)
or the perception of the lack of parental involvement in preparation for and adjustment to the
college experience (McCarron & Inkelas, 2006).

For parents of FGCS, it can be especially challenging to provide the support needed and
to be involved in their student’s pursuit of college (Ecklund, 2012). In addition to parental
support for higher education, parental knowledge of educational pathways and college culture are
correlated with student retention (Dennis et al., 2005; McCarron & Inkelas, 2006). Since parents of
FGCS likely possess less knowledge of college educational pathways then their children, finding
constructive inclusion opportunities for parents may be challenging (McCarron & Inkelas, 2006).
First-generation students have demonstrated resilience, despite this challenging situation.
These students indicate the importance of interpersonal and instrumental support for their
college success. Specifically, parental belief in the value of the college education (interper-
sonal/noninstrumental support) and family provision of instrumental support (time, resources,
and decreased family responsibilities during their higher educational period) are linked to FGCS
perseverance (Schmidt, 2003). However, FGCS are less likely than non-FGCS to receive instru-
mental support in the college pursuit and matriculation process (Tym et al., 2005). First-generation
students who experience the presence of the noninstrumental/interpersonal support in the absence
of instrumental support indicate that they are sympathetic to this dynamic and do not express
resentment toward family as a result (Bryan & Simmons, 2009).
Despite this student resilience, parent involvement influences parental expectations for in-
terpersonal and instrumental support. For example, parents of FGCS that are involved in their
children’s educational experience are more encouraging, supportive, expressive of positive value
and attitudes toward education, and more likely to actively engage in their students learning (e.g.,
discussing, processing, and applying learning with their student) (McCarron & Inkelas, 2006).
The research on family involvement may help deconstruct factors contributing to higher attrition
rates among FGCS, when compared to their non-FGCS peers (Zalaquett, 1999). Therefore, it
may be important for Christian universities to engage parents and families of FGCS with a variety
of opportunities for support and involvement.
Student Narratives
Student participants consistently mentioned the importance of involving their parents in their
education process. Emphasis was placed on communication, developing understanding, and a
degree of involvement.
One Asian American female student described her approach:
Communication is really a key for FGCS families, because of the [college capital knowledge] gap,
since they haven’t been through college, they don’t know what you are going through. By talking
with them about it, without being condescending, you help them to understand what you are going
through and you grow as a family. That has been evident in my life.
Another student, a Hispanic female, shared how communication and involvement made a
major difference in her experience:
My parents didn’t understand. They still expected me to help out, take care of my brothers and sisters,
and still go to school and study. My parents didn’t understand, but I took time to explain, show them
what I am doing. I showed them flashcards, study material, talked about study groups, and class times,
readings, et cetera. They saw how committed I was to it and how much work it was. I showed them
and told them exactly what I was doing and included them in it. It helped, they were more accepting
of my not coming home and working on projects instead. They became interested in the things I was
learning, and felt they were learning too. As I would talk with my parents about the material I was
learning in class, they would get to understand what I needed to know, and that helped me learn the
material better too!
When asked if their university made an effort to support family involvement, students noted
that little effort was made to involve parents. However, one student commented on the single
intervention that his university did offer for parents of FGCS:
During new student orientation, there was a section for FGCS where they met with the parents of
FGCS. It was helpful! Not only did I get to meet other FGCS but my parents got to hear things and
learn things that they wouldn’t have known otherwise. Getting to meet other FGCS parents was a
positive experience as well. I think my parents felt relieved that they (and I) were not alone in this
process.
Student Recommendations
Christian universities may be situated in an advantaged place to support FGCS in this area. Re-
search with FGCS at public universities suggests that these diverse students frequently share a
Christian faith system with their family (Ecklund, 2008a). Therefore, Christian universities could
become valued contexts for higher education of FGCS. It may be beneficial for Christian universi-
ties to consider ways they can be more inclusive of FGCS families through the development of an
intentional, supportive educational environment for the FGCS and their family (Lowery-Hart &
Pacheco, 2011). Opportunities for inclusion in the college culture could serve as college cultural
capital and empathy-building opportunities for the FGCS parent.
For example, there is a greater proportion of ethnic/racial and cultural diversity among FGCS
families when compared to their non-FGCS peers. Many of the FGCS involved in the discussions
that generated this article had parents in pastoral and leadership roles in their home churches.
Christian universities could create opportunities for FGCS parents to serve as prayer partners
or spiritual mentors to students, or lead community-building and service/ministry groups for
students. Christian universities may want to include FGCS parents in diversity events on campus,
perhaps leading circle talks on topics about which they are knowledgeable (e.g., Christian min-
istry and faith experience from a diverse perspective), or serve as liaisons to establish ministry
partnerships between the FGCS parent home church and the university. Bridging the parent home
church and the university may serve to bring the college culture into the lives of parents within
their home culture in a way that may be more appealing (Lowery-Hart & Pacheco, 2011). Parent
164 K. ECKLUND
inclusion could create a strengthened support system for the FGCS and an opportunity for the
Christian university to benefit from the diversity of life experiences to which students are exposed.
Universities may consider making recorded chapel sessions available online. Inviting parents
to view these would allow them to dialog with their child about the chapel content and experi-
ence. Additionally, FGCS parents of faith may appreciate publications, webinars, or other easily
accessible materials that provide an overview of the foundations of faith or other courses that their
student may take. Providing parents an introductory, lay-level communication about the material
their student will be learning in their Bible, theology, or other introductory courses would allow
them to be more involved in their student’s education. This inclusion would enable parents to
engage in critical conversations with their child about content that is relevant and meaningful
to them. Many students involved in the discussions that generated these ideas emphasized the
importance of the university providing information in easily accessible formats, such as online,
video, and written materials. The students also emphasized the importance of information be-
ing made available in Spanish or other regionally dominant second languages, given that some
immigrant parents of FGCS do not speak or read the English language fluently.
FGCS Student Self-Efficacy
Research about FGCS demonstrates that school engagement, self-efficacy, and retention are
correlated (Thayer, 2000; Zalaquett, 1999). Self-efficacy as a predictor of college GPA (Majer,
2009) is linked with successful coping among FGCS (Phinney & Haas, 2003). Self-efficacy
is defined as “a cognitive resource that involves an individual’s confidence or belief in one’s
ability to effectively engage in behaviors toward desired goals” (Majer, 2009, p. 243). First
Generation studies have suggested that self-efficacy is an area in which many FGCS may struggle.
Self-efficacy concerns may be seen in college selection, enrollment, and matriculation (Barry
et al., 2009; Pascarella et al., 2004). First-generation students perceive themselves as not well
prepared/skilled for college. They report feeling as though they need to study more than their
peers, express greater self-doubt, and fear failure more than non-FGCS peers, despite equivalence
in GPA and admission data (Barry et al., 2009; Bui-Khanh, 2002; Lowery-Hart & Pachecho, 2011;
Pascarella et al., 2004; Tym et al., 2005; Zalaquett, 1999).
FGCS have a bachelor degree completion rate of 25%, as compared with their non-FGCS
peers’ completion rate of 66%. These disparate findings are present, even when controlled for
demographic variables such as race, gender, socioeconomic status, and institution type (Balz &
Esten, 1998; Majer, 2009; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998). Additionally, FGCS are less likely
to perceive themselves as graduate school bound than their non-FGCS peers (Coffman, 2011;
Tym et al., 2005). Some of the factors that may be related to the challenges that FGCS experience
in relation to self-efficacy include intersecting cultural identities, motivation/values, and stress.
Given the relationship between self-efficacy and success for the FGCS, it may be of value for
Christian universities to develop programs for building self-efficacy among FGCS. Based on
the literature, these interventions would aim to (a) increase meaningful engagement with the
university community, (b) improve salience of self-motivation factors that may be suppressed
during periods of stress, (c) improve awareness of the connection between the process of education
and students’ desired outcomes, (d) increase successful coping strategies, and (e) decrease stress.
Given the breadth of the factors that are found to impact self-efficacy, these domains will be
considered separately.
Intersecting Identities
First-generation student groups are often comprised of ethnically, racially, and socioeconomically
underrepresented students (Coffman, 2011; HERI, 2007); therefore, consideration of FGCS stu-
dents cannot be divorced from consideration of their diverse identities (Ecklund, 2008a; Lowery-
Hart & Pacheco, 2011). As minority students on culturally foreign college campuses, FGCS
often report feeling disconnected from the group identity of the college culture (Coffman, 2011;
Lowery-Hart & Pacheco, 2011). These students report stress related to the intersecting identities
of the family of origin culture and the college cultures (Jehangir, 2009; Lowery-Hart & Pacheco,
2011; Orbe, 2008). Often, the tensions related to these two developing identities relate to a fam-
ily of origin culture that tends toward more collectivistic identity constructs, whereas the U.S.
education culture, and the student emerging vocational culture, tend toward more individualistic
identity constructs (Orbe, 2008).
Orbe (2008) describes six primary dialectic tensions that FGCS experience and how these
tensions manifest themselves in the home culture and in the campus culture. Lowery-Hart and
Pacheco (2011) reduce the tensions to three: (a) integration—separation; (b) stability–change; (c)
expression–privacy. Although FGCS struggle with these tensions in both their home and campus
culture, the tensions experienced within the university context tend to be more dominant (Lowery-
Hart & Pacheco, 2011). First-generation students often feel conflicted about the expectations
toward stability/sameness in the home culture and the expectations toward transformation in the
college culture. Both sets of expectations place the FGCS in a context where one aspect of the
student’s identity is perceived as marginalized or devalued by their social context (Jehangir, 2009;
Lowery-Hart & Pacheco, 2011). This tension can result in students feeling “different” from their
peers, conflicted internally, and isolated socially (Lowery-Hart & Pacheco, 2011).
Supporting FGCS by providing an opportunity to critically consider their multiple identities
and how each is being shaped by their cross-cultural experience in the academy provides an op-
portunity for transformational learning that can enable FGCS to develop more complex cognitive
schemas for their self, their peers, their contexts, and the educational curriculum (Jehangir, 2009;
Lowery-Hart & Pacheco, 2011).
Student Narratives
FGCS describing their Christian college experience frequently mentioned their perception of
living in two worlds. Some students reported that their parents’ commitment to their education
supported their identity development; others reported that this foreign identity was not one their
parents could understand and actively support, resulting in a dual-identity segregated experience.
One student, a Hispanic-American male, reported:
For me it felt like I was balancing two lives. When I go home for a few days, everything is different.
Even when I am here at school, my mom texts me and calls me every day. All of our groups’ [FGCS]
moms were frequently connecting with us during [the year]. They were worried about us and if we
were okay. Then when I go home, everything goes back to what it is like there. I am expected to be
166 K. ECKLUND
the same, do the same things in the same way as before college. It is difficult to balance between the
two worlds but it is essential.
Another student, an Asian American female, reported:

My parents are both immigrants from China. I feel like I am living in two worlds in my life. I have
to call home and speak in Chinese, and separate than that, I have my college life. The two worlds are
very different. But I think it is made easier for me with my parents wanting me to go to college. They
are really proud of my being here, so it does bring us together as a family, and easier for me to be in
both worlds.
The themes that emerged in consideration of this dynamic and how Christian universities could
support FGCS converged with some of the literature findings reported from secular university
research with FGCS (Jehangir, 2009; Lowery-Hart & Pacheco, 2011) regarding opening, valuing,
and facilitating dialog and critical conversations about the diversity of their experience, contexts,
knowledge, and ways of knowing within a context that expressly values their contribution.
However, the FGCS students involved in the discussions emphasized the strength of a common
faith in supporting the development of shared identities where inclusion and connection could
occur. Christian FGCS report their faith identity served as a bridge between the home culture and
the college culture. This shared intersecting of cultural identities was viewed as a resource that can
buffer some of the tensions that are experienced as minorities on the university campus. Student
participants recommended that universities strengthen their efforts at valuing the diversity of
expression of the shared Christian faith within the university context to help FGCS successfully
navigate the tensions of multiple intersecting identities.
Additionally, students talked about improving classroom-based dynamics. These dynamics
will be considered later, but students felt that if faculty created classroom cultures that valued
their diverse contributions, avoided “calling them out,” and generally created an openness to-
ward perspectives that emerge from their diverse cultural and socioeconomic contexts, students
would not feel as guarded about bringing their diverse identities into the educational identity
developmental process.
Motivation
First-generation students are a highly motivated group of individuals. Self-motivation has been
identified as a greater predictor of college adjustment and persistence than peer or family-based
motivation (Dennis et al., 2005). First-generation students report self-motivation as most salient
in their ability to persist through the educational process (Dennis et al., 2005; Strage, 1999).
Achievement motivation, the drive to succeed academically, is more influential in FGCS success
than academic or social inclusion within the university (Strage, 1999) and has been linked to
learning outcomes and degree completion (Prospero, Russell, & Vohra-Gupta, 2012). Intrinsic
motivation factors for FGCS include (a) self-efficacy and educational capability, (b) personal
commitment to educational goals, (c) self-identity as a college student, and (d) desire to overcome
negative societal and economic situations and expectations (Ecklund, 2008a; Prospero, Russell,
& Vohra-Gupta, 2012).
First-generation students are also motivated by extrinsic motivational factors. These students
often report a desire to have “more meaningful” careers and improved economic outcomes
than those of their parents (Coffman, 2011). FGCS from lower economic achievement homes
report being concerned with how college will benefit their family economically after degree
completion more than their non-FGCS peers (Bryan & Simmons, 2009; Cho et al., 2008; Coffman,
2011). Ethnic minority FGCS have been found to express “extrinsic motivation” that is linked
to collectivistic cultural identities, for example, the importance of effective collaboration and
cooperation in educational endeavors (Prospero, Russell, & Vohra-Gupta, 2012).
Research with culturally diverse FGCS does question the validity of the intrinsic-extrinsic
labels applied to FGCS motivations, suggesting that for collectivistic cultural identified individu-
als, these “extrinsic” motives may actually function as intrinsic motives. Regardless, FGCS who
are able to maintain focus on both sets of identified motivational factors may be more likely to
persist to degree completion (Prospero, Russell, & Vohra-Gupta, 2012). Because FGCS tend to
receive less interpersonal support from others who can help them stay focused and committed
to these motivational factors (Bui-Khanh, 2002; Phinney & Haas, 2003; Richardson & Skinner,
1992; Strage, 1999; Thayer, 2000), they may become discouraged during times of stress, and risk
losing sight of their goals.
Student Narratives
Several themes emerged from discussions with student participants regarding motivation. Consis-
tent with the aforementioned research, distinguishing intrinsic and extrinsic motivation for FGCS
is complex. These students’ personal and familial motivations were often intertwined. One theme
that emerged was achievement motivation that was driven by a desire to open up educational op-
portunities for other FGCS family members. Being successful in college and persevering through
the intersectional challenges in the home culture were viewed as beneficial not only for the FGCS
themselves, but for future college students within the family.
One Hispanic male student commented, “As a FGCS, I have nephews that are going to college
now, because I am in college! It is my responsibility is to be an example [of making it] . . .
period.”
Another student, an Asian American female, echoed this sentiment:
I am a model, I have a nephew too who I am helping get ready for college. They [his parents] talk
to me about how I am doing it, and want [him] to follow in my footsteps. It is pressure, but it is a
good pressure. It is rewarding, because no one in the family talked about college before, and now,
the nephews, nieces, sons are talking about it, and it is part of the conversation now, when it wasn’t
before. In all the things I do in college I am aware that I am modeling for them.
Another related theme also emerged: students were motivated to establish the next generation
in the family with greater social and economic opportunities. One student, a Central American
immigrant female, discussed this responsibility and its importance to the whole family:
[My going to college] was really important to my dad because getting their kids to make it through
college and to be able to have a firm foundation, being able to support themselves means a lot to
them. They know how it is to struggle being poor. They don’t want us to struggle. It’s the same way
with my cousins, my uncles are like that, too, they’re like, “School is important, you need education.
168 K. ECKLUND
Because in this country, it’s hard. Nothing comes for free—you have to work at it. You got to be the
best you can be.”
One theme related to the intersection of faith and education also emerged. Many students
discussed how much pleasure their family expressed at the idea of attending a Christian university.
Students frequently talked about how, although finances were a significant concern, it was a
concern that was expressed after family celebrated with immense pleasure at the impending
reality of their child attending a Christian university. Likewise, these students themselves reported
their faith as an important motivation for attending university. Stated desires to serve in Christian
ministries following graduation, and to be able to integrate their faith belief system with their
educational learning, were frequently discussed as motivational factors.
One student discussed this dynamic when she shared about the supportive family environment
that she experiences as linked to her own and her family’s desire to become educated within a
Christian context. Speaking to the idea of having an education to open career doors, and a Christian
education to equip her for Christian ministry, one student, a biracial Afro-Caribbean/Hispanic
female shared:
Dad said that when we (a sibling and the student) finish our degree and get our bachelor’s, if we want
to still pursue graduate school he’d support us. He is glad we are at a Christian university pursuing
our Christian ministry goals. He just wants us to have an education to fall back on in case we change
our minds about serving God. That’s something that’s really important to him.
Students also reported being motivated by the desire to prove themselves in the classroom.
Many FGCS students perceived lower expectations from faculty and peers because of their diverse
identities. One student, a Hispanic female, was surprised and frustrated with this experience:
I’m going to succeed! I will make it through college and I will. . . . I always had that pressure on me.
That’s a lot of pressure to have. But I was always the one making good grades—I never had problems
in school. . . . Then when I got to college, it seemed like people assumed I wasn’t very good. Faculty.
Classmates. It really made me frustrated, but also motivated me to prove them wrong. To work hard
to be really good!
Despite a high degree of motivation among FGCS, students talked about feeling worn down
from stress, occasionally making them question themselves and their perseverance. These students
mentioned that they lacked supportive peer relationships at the college and their family does not
truly understanding the demands of college.
As one Asian American female noted, “I have to study a lot, and my family complains, ‘Why
I am always studying’? They want me to stop to spend time with the family, it gets irritating,
because they don’t get it!”
Universities that wish to increase support for FGCS self-efficacy may consider training faculty
advisors, student life staff, and other mentors how to uphold FGCS in the area of sustained
motivation. Interventions such as motivational interviewing may prove helpful. Being mindful
to include conversations that maintain student goal orientation with FGCS may prove valuable
during periods of stress. These conversations should reinforce both individual and interdependent
motivational factors, as both “intrinsic” and “extrinsic” motivations are relevant for sustained
perseverance with FGCS (Prospero et al., 2012).
The value of a college education is often considered intangible. As one college president stated,
“[T]he real benefits of higher education are difficult to calculate: to learn how to learn and how to
flourish as a free human being for a lifetime; to be a good citizen in a democracy” (Haley-Will,
2005, p. 17). Although most would agree with this statement, for many FGCS higher education
also is about the link between degree completion, career employment, and the economic benefits
for the family that can result from successful career placement (Coffman, 2011). First-generation
students may experience considerable stress in their families due to financial strain. Decreased
economic contribution to the family as a result of decreased work hours while attending school
may also be present. Therefore, it may be important to FGCS students and their families to make
the connection between career placement and educational outcomes.
Universities seeking to support FGCS in this area may consider infusing economic and career
placement data into career conversations throughout the university. For example, institutions
could include information on average household incomes for people with and without college
degrees, average incomes in specific careers 5, 10, and 15 years postgraduation, and average
incomes within a career field at the BA, MA, and PhD levels within disciplines in publications
and websites. Although this may appear crass to some, it is the relevant information that FGCS
parents need to be informed on the economic value of their commitment to the educational
process.
These information sites or conversations should also include education to career pathway
information. What options are most commonly available to graduates from a specific degree?
Where do people with this particular degree work? Specific data (e.g., regional employers and
positions of graduates with the degree under consideration) would be of particular benefit.
Additionally, consistent with FGCS research at public universities (Jehangir, 2009; Prospero
et al., 2012), the FGCS in this study linked interpersonal connections within the university setting
with sustained motivation. Discussion included both peer relationships and faculty relationships,
which will be discussed shortly.
Stress
Although college is stressful for most students, FGCS face a unique set of stressors that their non-
FGCS peers do not. First-generation student self-efficacy challenges have been linked with stress
(Phinney & Haas, 2003). These students have been found to struggle with competing identity and
role responsibility demands. First-generation students are likely to be actively engaged in roles
of responsibility in their family and home community, which can create competing demands and
priorities (Bryan & Simmons, 2009; Lara, 1992; Phinney & Haas, 2003; Tym et al., 2005). These
students live in two distinct contexts, placing FGCS in two diverse cultures with different values,
expectations, and norms (Housel & Harvey, 2011; Lowery-Hart & Pachecho, 2011) which can
be a unique source of stress for FGCS. First-generation students, as ethnic/racial/social minority
group members, are also vulnerable to the stressful experience of discrimination and bias (Cho
et al., 2008; Green, 2006; Phinney & Haas, 2003; Richardson & Skinner, 1992; Terenzini et al.,
1996), and the dialectic tension of assimilation versus segregation on campus (Lowery-Hart &
Pacheco, 2011).
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Additionally, FGCS have been found to experience stress related to (a) university life (Cho
et al., 2008; Green, 2006; McCarron & Inkelas, 2006; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Phinney
& Haas, 2003; Richardson & Skinner, 1992; Terenzini et al., 1996; Tym et al., 2005; Zalaquett,
1999), (b) academic preparation (Choy, 2001; Green, 2006; Housel & Harvey, 2011; Tym et al.,
2005), and (c) financial and employment factors (Barry et al., 2009; Bui-Khanh, 2002; Dennis
et al., 2005; HERI, 2007; Padron, 1992; Pascarella et al., 2004; Terenzini et al., 1996).
Coping strategies for managing stress among college students generally span a range of
internal coping skills (e.g., time management, organizational strategies, self regulation) and
external coping strategies (relaxation and recreational activities, social supports, study breaks).
In these areas, FGCS may struggle. This struggle is evidenced by their higher levels of work and
community responsibility, which decrease their time for self-care (Barry et al., 2009; Bryan &
Simmons, 2009; Bui-Khanh, 2002; Dennis et al., 2005; HERI, 2007; Padron, 1992; Pascarella
et al., 2004; Terenzini et al., 1996), and higher attrition rates (Balz & Esten, 1998; Barry et al.,
2009; Kulla, 2008; Majer, 2009; McCarron & Inkelas, 2006; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998;
Pascarella et al., 2004; Strage, 1999; Tym et al., 2005; Zalaquett, 1999).
Researchers studying coping strategies of FGCS have explored the use of social supports.
First-generation students are more at risk of not having adequate interpersonal supports within
their family of origin (McCarron & Inkelas, 2006; Prospero et al., 2012) and less likely to disclose
stress related to academic issues with family (Barry et al., 2009). These students are more likely
to live in their home community away from the university (Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998;
Oldfield, 2007; Pascarella et al., 2004; Tym et al., 2005) and to be transfer students (Bui-Khanh,
2002; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Tym et al., 2005; Zalaquett, 1999). Together, these
factors increase the likelihood that FGCS may not establish strong social supports within the
college community (Barry et al., 2009; Jehangir, 2009; Phinney & Haas, 2003; Prospero et al.,
2012).
Studies indicate that FGCS benefit from the social and cultural capital that engagement in peer
relationships at college affords (Barry et al., 2009; Coffman, 2011; Dennis et al., 2005; Housel &
Harvey, 2011; Pascarella et al., 2004). Social engagement moderates stress and coping in FGCS,
and therefore, despite the challenges, FGCS should be supported in developing interpersonal
relationships within the context of university life (Barry et al., 2009; Coffman, 2011; Jehangir,
2009). Peer support in the face of college effectively decreases stress and activates successful
coping among FGCS (Barry et al., 2009; Dennis et al., 2005; Phinney & Haas, 2003) and has
been linked to positive academic outcomes (Barry et al., 2009).
Student Narratives
Participants identified three unique discourses regarding stress that they felt their non-FGCS
were not as likely to face. First was the stress of unknowing. This stress related to the issue of
college cultural capital and the fact that FGCS enter college without the same level of knowledge
or understanding of the process, language, expectations, and systems of the university. As one
student, a Hispanic female, noted:
Even though I went to a community college before transferring here, I had no idea what I was doing!
I thought you apply, you get in, and it just happens. I had no idea how much I needed to know that I
didn’t know! I feel like I am always playing catch up! There is a lot of stress in that!
The second theme that emerged was related to the family/home culture demands and diversity
from the university culture and expectations discussed previously. One student, a FGCS Euro-
American female, shared how her non-FGCS peers do not share the same familial stress:
They don’t understand that college is so different than my home life. [For example] my mom is really
cautious and worried about my life at college. I am the first one to go away to college. All my friends
stayed with their parents, and I went 30 minutes away. It was hard at first, and my friends here didn’t
understand why I was going home so much, not staying around [on weekends]. I had to go home to
take care of my family and assure my family that I was OK. They [non-FGCS peers] didn’t have that
stress and didn’t understand mine.
The third theme that emerged related to diversity issues for the ethnic minority FGCS. Specif-
ically, issues of different appearance, different experiences with bias, and difficulty with fitting
in were discussed. Unique to the Christian FGCS experience was the additional stressor about
ethnic/cultural biases; FGCS did not expect they would be an issue at a Christian college. One
student, a biracial African-American/Korean-American female student, shared a painful story of
experiencing bias within the Christian community:
I was so upset! Because it was so rude and in your face. If it was done in Denny’s I would have been
more OK with it—I have been there a gazillion times. I didn’t expect it here! That is what surprised
me and upset me so much. I couldn’t believe that went so far to be that blatant. It was rude, totally
rude . . . what can you do? If you are racist and you say you are Christian, it is not my place to
accuse them of not being a Christian. It is not my place to point a finger. I can’t do anything. I can
say it is wrong. But I can’t do anything. I feel that racism among Christians is bad. It is uncalled for
[and] it doesn’t need to be there.
In order to provide opportunities to build interpersonal support among FGCS, Christian univer-
sities may consider developing transfer student and FGCS social networks that would enable
students with similar stressors to build interpersonal support (Gullatt & Jan, 2003; Jehangir,
2009). In essence, this support network would serve to create a personal, relevant cohort, which
has been linked to improved student retention (Schmidt & Akande, 2011; Thayer, 2000). Student
gathering places specifically designated for transfer and FGCS can provide comfortable and fa-
miliar social settings that enable these students to build relationships with each other (Jehangir,
2009; Richardson & Skinner, 1992; Zwerling, 1992).
Interpersonal sharing serves as an active coping strategy that decreases perception of stress
among FGCS (Barry et al., 2009). This sharing is more likely to occur when students feel they have
a place in which they are welcome. A comfortable “home” on campus may also serve to increase
perception of goodness-of-fit with the campus social climate, which also moderates stress and
coping among FGCS (Choy et al., 2008; Jehangir, 2009). This finding appears to be especially
salient for FGCS from ethnic/racially diverse backgrounds. The development of a cohort within
which relationships can form would also provide opportunity for FGCS to collaborate on the use
of other stress coping strategies identified previously.
Students also discussed issues related to campus climate and inclusion, suggesting that im-
proved integration of FGCS experiences in the classroom and university life context may provide
172 K. ECKLUND
greater validation and support for their unique experiences. Recommendations related to these
issues are discussed below.
Engagement with University Life
Researchers have raised awareness of the fact that although FGCS are less likely to be involved in
university life (Barry et al., 2009; Cho et al., 2008; Dennis et al., 2005; Lowery-Hart & Pachecho,
2011; Pascarella et al., 2004; Piorkowski, 1983; Tym et al., 2005), when these students engage
in university life they derive greater benefit from it than their non-FGCS peers. This benefit is
attributed to the social college cultural capital that is gained in the absence of family college
cultural capital (Barry et al., 2009; Cho et al., 2008; Lowery-Hart & Pachecho, 2011; Pascarella
et al., 2004; Phinney & Haas, 2003; Richardson & Skinner, 1992; Strage, 1999; Tym et al., 2005).
The challenges FGCS face can impede engagement with university life. First-generation students
report difficulties in this area with time availability and with negative experiences of biases on
campus (Cho et al., 2008; Green, 2006; Phinney & Haas, 2003; Richardson & Skinner, 1992;
Terenzini et al., 1996), which serve as impediments to their involvement in the university social
communities.
Student Narratives
Student participants included a significant number of commuter students who were attending
university full-time while living with family in the surrounding communities. Consistent themes
of feeling ignored, isolated, and marginalized in the university life activities that occur outside of
the classroom were noted. The dialog acknowledged the challenge FGCS face with time demands
and time management issues, where students felt that their own demanding schedules contributed
to the challenges they faced in feeling a part of the university community life. However, students
felt that there was room for the university to improve in including FGCS students in the community.
One student, an FGCS Euro-American male, commented:
There really isn’t any outreach to us [by the university]. As an FGCS there is dissociation with the
university when I am not here. I am not involved except classes. Although I don’t have the time. But
more options for activities would be nice at different times that might fit better with my demanding
schedule.
Another Hispanic female noted:

You don’t want to be separated and excluded, and I often feel that way. It feels like my roommates
know a lot more about when and how to get involved than I do. Maybe it is my own fault, but I think
FGCS could use more support in figuring it out. When I am around the girls on my floor and they are
talking about their different activities, I feel like I am not invited to participate. I don’t know if that
is the case. It is just a feeling.
Christian universities may consider making focused efforts at engaging FGCS in university life
by making it more relevant to students of a diverse range of cultures and ages. Culturally sensitive
university life programs will facilitate identification with and building of a “home” community
for FGCS on campus (Schmidt & Akande, 2011). Planning student events that may be appealing
to people from diverse cultures would create greater interest in involvement for many FGCS.
Attending to issues of social responsibility and respect for diversity across the university broadly
would also assist in this process (Richardson & Skinner, 1992).
First-generation students also report that community involvement would likely improve if there
were greater accessibility to student events. Students suggested that varying activities across the
day/evenings and weekdays/weekends would increase the likelihood of being able to fit events
into their heavily packed schedule of responsibilities. Students also reported that communication
with FGCS about these events could improve. Because FGCS are more likely to live off campus,
they spend a larger portion of their time in their home communities. Improved communication
between student life planning groups and commuter students is recommended. Using electronic
social mediums to reach students who do not live on campus may help engage FGCS more in the
university community.
FGCS and Curriculum Issues
Despite FGCS reports of being satisfied with their educational curriculum, development of skills
necessary for success in the work force, and their own intellectual growth (Balz & Esten, 1998),
FGCS report feeling marginalized, and consider themselves as academic “outsiders” (Oldfield,
2007). This feeling relates to several factors, including (a) differential ways of thinking, learning
and communicating (Jehangir, 2009; Lowery-Hart & Pacheco, 2011), (b) curriculum that is not
inclusive of their own worldviews and experiences, (c) assumptions of cultural and conceptual
comprehension within course expectations that FGCS may not possess (Jehangir, 2009), and
(d) concerns about being judged by others (Lowery-Hart & Pacheco, 2011).
Student Narratives
Throughout the conversations in this study, educational processes were consistently identified
as areas of concern for participant FGCS. Three of the themes that emerged include: FGCS
inclusion in the classroom, the process of course administration, and the structure of university
matriculation.
One student, a Euro-American male FGCS, contrasted his experience of inclusion at the
community college where he previously attended with his experience at the Christian university
he was currently attending:
At this [Christian university], I have never felt more encouraged by teachers. I feel like the staff here
are really good about connecting with the students; there is a sense of community in the classes. Your
thoughts and ideas are encouraged and heard. That has been a huge help to boost my confidence to
know that you are respected and appreciated by faculty.
Another student, a Hispanic male, expressed concern that some faculty administer courses
without appreciation for the complexity of the FGCS student context, making it difficult to
incorporate out-of-class time expectations:
174 K. ECKLUND
I have had some faculty understanding that as a FGCS, I have responsibilities at home and sometimes
it is difficult to do some things. Other professors, though, don’t understand and it gets difficult. They
say, oh well, other students are doing it.
A third student, also a Hispanic male, commented on the struggles of matriculation and
how finances and other responsibilities have resulted in difficulties with finishing courses on
time, as well as needs for intermittent breaks from course enrollment. This student spoke to
his positive experience with faculty at the Christian university assisting him in these difficult
times:
Here the faculty gets to know you. When I have had problems come up and stopped going to class,
I have had faculty call to check in on me, concerned about how I am doing. A lot of instructors here
are willing to work with you. They will sit down with me and help me figure out how to get things
done to finish classes. Once when I had to take a semester off, one of my teachers called me to see
how I was doing! That really meant a lot to me.
Despite some positive experiences reported by FGCS at Christian universities, student participants
felt there were things that could be done to further improve the FGCS-curriculum relationship.
Regarding inclusion of first-generation students and their diverse worldviews in the classroom,
two main factors were identified that could decrease the experience of marginalization. First,
given that FGCS are more likely to be diverse students than their non-FGCS peers, infusion
of diversity issues, topics, and considerations (including SES diversity) in course curriculum
would likely decrease this experience for FGCS (Hao, 2011; Oldfield, 2007; Schmidt & Akande,
2011). In doing so, however, participants felt it was important that academicians conceptualize
diversity and FGCS from a strengths perspective. Strengths conceptual models focus on the
skills, abilities, and resources that first-generation and diverse students bring to the classroom and
focus on creative educational strategies that support successful performance and outcomes for
these students (Green, 2006; Hao, 2011). In contrast, deficit conceptual models focus on negative
outcomes and deficiencies in diverse groups (Hao, 2011).
Second, given that FGCS value education that is linked with a clear direction for their studies
(career outcome oriented), it would be beneficial for academics to incorporate in their curriculum
education-to-career pathways information. Including in the classroom discourse the career options
for students interested in areas of study under consideration would help FGCS develop clear career
and education goals (Richardson & Skinner, 1992).
Regarding the process of course administration, it was identified that FGCS may require more
flexibility in outside-of-classroom time demands. First-generation students often have consid-
erable work, community, and family responsibilities that limit the flexibility of their schedules
(Barry et al., 2009; Bryan & Simmons, 2009; Bui-Khanh, 2002; Dennis et al., 2005; HERI,
2007; Padron, 1992; Pascarella et al., 2004; Richardson & Skinner, 1992; Terenzini et al., 1996).
Accommodating this diverse student experience may involve a paradigm shift on the part of
faculty. For example, one may consider these students when designing classes that require small-
group work outside of the classroom, computer or research lab schedules, service learning, and
chapel attendance structures. When not in class, these students are likely off campus managing
heavy schedules with work, family, and community responsibilities. Faculty and administrators
may benefit from creating more flexible requirements. For example, one may consider the fol-
lowing options: provide opportunity for students to choose to work in small groups or to work
independently; offer a flexible menu of opportunities to fulfill laboratory and external course
assignments; offer a variety of times, opportunities, and venues for fulfilling service learning and
chapel requirements.
First-generation students are vulnerable to experiencing urgent demands from roles outside
of the college community. Faculty and universities that have strict attendance policies may
benefit from considering supplemental opportunities for making up missed course sessions and
attendance points. For example, making online class equivalents available could be considered,
allowing the student to “attend” class by covering the content in an online format.
Discussion regarding use of university assistance programs revealed that consistent with
secular FGCS research, these students were hesitant to seek assistance when needed (Hao, 2011).
Active encouragement by faculty to utilize resources available to students may help FGCS make
the effort to seek assistance when needed. Additionally, flexible availability of those resources
was discussed, with recommendations that resources be available during a broader range of hours,
and at satellite campuses as well as central campus locations.
Regarding matriculation concerns, FGCS identified concerns regarding their needs being met.
Most universities now have traditional undergraduate programs and adult-learner undergraduate
programs. The adult-learner programs tend to be cohort-based, accelerated programs that focus
on quickly completing the bachelor degree in order to minimize time and delays. These programs
are typically available to older students (above the age of 25 or 30), and are designed to meet
the needs of working adults. Traditional undergraduate programs are modeled on the liberal arts
tradition. These programs are designed to meet the needs of 18–25-year-olds with limited respon-
sibilities and time demands. Many FGCS attending Christian universities are transfer students
from community colleges where they spent two to four years completing their general education.
These students are likely older than their “traditional” track peers, and, as FGCS, have more time
demands and role responsibilities, which puts them at risk for not completing their degree (Balz
& Esten, 1998; Barry et al., 2009; Kulla, 2008; Majer, 2009; McCarron & Inkelas, 2006; Nunez &
Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Pascarella et al., 2004; Strage, 1999; Tym et al., 2005; Zalaquett, 1999).
First-generation students electing to enroll in the traditional undergraduate program, rather
than the adult-learner, do so for a variety of reasons. Although one may argue that they may better
fit with the adult-learner program, these students seek the traditional undergraduate educational
program nonetheless. Therefore, FGCS may benefit from a creative blending of the two under-
graduate models. Universities may look to blend the cohort, intensive model of the adult-learning
track with the traditional liberal arts undergraduate model that provides these younger students
the classic college experience and a wider range of major selection that they are seeking. This
model may be a “transfer traditional track” model that creates a two-year program for students
who can be placed in loosely formed cohorts and be guided through their remaining undergrad-
uate education with their peers, while still retaining the benefits of a wide range of majors to
select from. Although this model would require the development of specific advising and cur-
riculum plans, it could enable greater support of FGCS, enabling them to matriculate through
the bachelor’s degree in a supportive and timely manner. Universities interested in exploring
these traditional/cohort models may wish to investigate College Assistant Migrant Programs
(CAMP) that have established this model to support FGCS that are children of migrant workers
(http://www.csus.edu/camp).
176 K. ECKLUND
First-generation students are at greater risk for attrition due to family life or financial respon-
sibility issues (Hao, 2011). Universities that work closely with students to address and support
course completion and readmission following enrollment breaks were seen as an important re-
source for FGCS participants.
FGCS Mentoring and Advising
Research demonstrates that FGCS do not differ from their non-FGCS peers in terms of satisfaction
with university or program/major choices (Bui-Khanh, 2002; Cho et al., 2008). However, the
literature does suggest that FGCS perceive themselves as less prepared for, and less competent at,
academics in college (Striplin, 1999; Zalaquett, 1999), experience greater anxiety about failure
(Barry et al., 2009; Majer, 2009) despite performance that is successful and equitable to their
non-FGCS peers (Pascarella et al., 2004; Strage, 1999; Tym et al., 2005; Zalaquett, 1999), and less
confident in their social engagements in the university (Chaffee, 1992; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin,
1998; Strage, 1999; Thayer, 2000).
Additionally, FGCS are more likely to have entered the university with an educational back-
ground that has not prepared them as well for college as their non-FGCS peers (Brost & Payne,
2011; Dennis et al., 2005; Tym et al., 2005), are less knowledgeable of education-to-career path-
ways (Vargas, 2004; York-Anderson & Bowman, 1991), and have less knowledge of important
time management and study skill strategies and less knowledge of how to navigate the bureau-
cracy of the university (Zalaquett,1999). Research also indicates that FGCS are less likely to
seek out advisors and mentors at the university (Terenzini et al., 1996; Tym et al., 2005), despite
findings that suggest faculty relationships are an important factor in FGCS success (Brost &
Payne, 2011). These factors could decrease the likelihood of FGCS benefiting from the social
and cultural capital of the college experience (Pascarella et al., 2004), which could be related to
the elevated risk of attrition (Choy, 2001; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998).
Research has identified additional sources of stress that FGCS face, including (a) experiences
with racism and classism from peers and university faculty and staff (Phinney & Haas, 2003;
Strage, 1999), (b) negative expectations from faculty or lack of supportive guides at the university
(Terenzini, et. al., 1996), (c) cultural marginalization and isolation (Phinney & Haas, 2003; Tym
et al., 2005; Zalaquett, 1999), (d) educational material and faculty interests that are not culturally
relevant for the FGCS, (e) expectations that are unclear for the FGCS (perhaps due to lack of
familiarity with the common language of the education system and those proficient in it) (Housel
& Harvey, 2011; York-Anderson & Bowman, 1991; Zalaquett, 1999), and (f) silencing of the
diversity of their life experience in classroom discussions (Housel & Harvey, 2011; Lowery-Hart
& Pachecho, 2011).
Student Narratives
Themes that emerged during the discourses included: anxiety regarding academic competence
and involvement in faculty research; fears about biases and stereotypes being applied to them;
and the positive value of faculty who reached out to students to mentor them, and a negative value
related to feeling ignored by faculty or uninformed that mentoring was available to students.
One Latina student commented on her experience of being mentored by faculty in the Christian
university:
I recently got into graduate school for next year. When I started here as a freshman I didn’t even
know what graduate school was for. Only because I have had great mentors here have I been able
to not only learn what I want to do but learn what I can do! I would never have thought I could do
research, present papers at professional conferences, or go on to graduate school. My mentors took
an interest in me, and saw something in me I didn’t know I had in me. I don’t think I would have had
that experience if I hadn’t been at a Christian college.
Conversely, another student, a Euro-American female, commented:

I have not had any mentoring here. Until this conversation, I didn’t know it was an option. No one has
ever said anything about it! I thought professors’ office hours are for meeting if there is a problem in
a course. I didn’t know that you could talk with professors about other things. Don’t get me wrong,
I have had great professors who teach wonderful classes. I just didn’t know that it was OK to meet
with them outside of that.
When discussing faculty biases and support, one biracial African American female FGCS stated:
[At my previous college] I felt like faculty were making assumptions about me without giving me a
chance to prove myself. Here it has been different. [Faculty] accept anyone, regardless of who they
are and it shows. Since I transferred here I have noticed my grades have increased, and my attention
span in class is better! It has been such a blessing!
These themes demonstrate that FGCS may require a different approach in advising and mentoring.
These students, while possessing the capacity to be successful, may not have interpersonal support
or knowledge of the pathways that would allow them to successfully apply their capabilities in
the college setting. These students are less likely to initiate a mentoring relationship and may
need encouragement to build working relationships with faculty that are more personable.
This domain is where Christian universities may be particularly well suited to meet the needs
of FGCS. Private universities typically differentiate themselves from public universities in their
lower faculty-to-student ratios and accessibility of faculty. Faculty at Christian universities should
be cognizant that FGCS may not feel confident in seeking out those relationships. Many FGCS
are diverse ethnic/cultural students. In many traditional cultures, hierarchical relationships are
formal in nature and informal or casual relationships with authority figures are not allowed unless
initiated by the authority figure. Therefore, it may be necessary to encourage FGCS to familiarize
themselves with faculty in out-of-classroom contacts.
Christian universities may have FGCS faculty that could be instrumental in mentoring FGCS,
providing a success model and mentor. These faculty should be encouraged to identify themselves
both in and outside of the classroom, and make themselves available to FGCS as supports,
role models, and mentors (Schmidt & Akande, 2011). Issues that are specific to FGCS, such as
language code switching (Housel & Harvey, 2011), should be incorporated into mentoring dialog.
Additionally, as one of the primary vehicles for mentoring relationships with students is
through involvement in faculty research, faculty scholarship should be considered through the
lens of the FGCS (Schmidt & Akande, 2011). Are faculty interests relevant to the life experience
and world of the FGCS? Are there ways in which faculty can bridge their interests to the world of
the FGCS? Are there ways in which faculty can share their interests so that they are experienced
as relevant to the “real world” of the FGCS? Does the university have diverse faculty who
178 K. ECKLUND
have scholarly endeavors that leave the academic/intellectual world of the “ivory tower” and are
applicable and meaningful to the FGCS’s home culture? Will FGCS have an interest in faculty
research such that they may join faculty research teams, which will enable them to be mentored
more closely?
First-generation students also have advising needs that may be distinctive. Academic support
resources such as student learning centers, writing centers, study groups, and organizational and
time management seminars, are frequently available at universities. Currently, there is no research
that suggests that FGCS are more or less likely to utilize these available resources. Research does
reflect that FGCS are likely very busy with outside role demands (Hao, 2011; Peterson-Hsaio,
1992) and feel less competent in navigating the university bureaucracy (Striplin, 1999; Zalaquett,
1999), which may suggest that these students are less likely to take advantage of services and
resources available to them. University faculty may need to be mindful of these resources and
encourage FGCS to utilize them. Likewise, university staff may consider making extra efforts to
reach out to FGCS and offer these services in a FGCS user-friendly way. For example, consider
services that have flexible time schedules, resources that are available at satellite campuses as
well as main campuses, online supports and resources, or seminars and workshops recorded and
made available through web links.
Finally, it is important to be aware that many FGCS are minority students who have faced
discouragement and racism/classism related pain. Faculty mentors at Christian universities should
not underestimate the power of their support and encouragement. Opening up dialog with students
about their experiences with bias may provide an opportunity for support and healing for FGCS
that have experienced diversity-based discrimination.
CONCLUSION
This article shares ways Christian universities can support FGCS to successfully matriculate to
graduation. The diversity of the FGCS population requires Christian universities to approach the
preparation, recruitment, and retention of these students with a variety of supportive methods
(Cho et al., 2008). It is the author’s hope that this article can serve as a springboard for Christian
university faculty and administration to create, diversify, and support a range of services for and
approaches to working with FGCS.
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Christian Higher Education

First-Generation Social and Ethnic

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15363759.2011.598377

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First-Generation Social and Ethnic Minority Students

FGCS Parent Involvement

college experience (McCarron & Inkelas, 2006).

FGCS Student Self-Efficacy

Another student, an Asian American female, reported:

stress and didn’t understand mine.

Engagement with University Life

Another Hispanic female noted:

FGCS and Curriculum Issues

FGCS Mentoring and Advising

Conversely, another student, a Euro-American female, commented:

at Lyndon State College. New England Journal of Higher Education, 26–27.

narrative approach. Journal of Social Psychology, 143(6), 707–726.

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