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Module 8: Can We Become Happier? Sources of Pessimism and Optimism
Module 8: Can We Become Happier? Sources of Pessimism and Optimism
Module 8: Can We Become Happier? Sources of Pessimism and Optimism
We all want to become happier. Thousands of self-help books seems to be talking about
various strategies to increase our happiness. But the question is it possible to increase our
happiness level?
There are sources of both optimism and pessimism for this questions.
Research indicates some possible reasons such as-Genetic set point and hedonic adaptation.
Genetic set-point
It means our genetics sets a limit on our experiences including emotions and happiness. A
growing literature has accumulated evidence that we all have a baseline level of happiness
which is in part influenced by our genetics (Bartels and Boomsma, 2009; Lykken and Tellegen,
1996; Rietveld et al., 2013). Our happiness level remains relatively stable because of this set
point.
Several lines of research show a large heritability influence for happiness. Some are as
follows-
Twin studies: Identical twins have been found to report more similar levels of happiness than
fraternal twins, even if they were raised in different households (Bartels and Boomsma, 2009;
Lykkenand & Tellegen, 1996).
Although studies have found varying heritability coefficients (ranging from 0.25 to 0.55), the
overwhelming conclusion of this research is that happiness has a large genetic component.
Personality traits and happiness
Personality may underlie the genetic influence on happiness. Subjective well-being is highly
positively correlated with extraversion and negatively correlated with neuroticism (Costa and
McCrae, 1980; DeNeve,1999;Furnham and Brewin, 1990; Hayes and Joseph, 2003).
Personality has a genetic component as well. Genetics may influence personality which in turn
may influence our happiness. Some research suggest that the genetic influence on
extraversion, neuroticism, and conscientiousness entirely explains the heritability of SWB
(Weiss et al., 2008). Personality traits often predict happiness better than life circumstances,
which may at least partially explain the stability of our happiness level across time. Self-reports
of subjective well-being was found to be very stable across a 10-year period for people
regardless of whether their income increased, decreased, or stayed the same (Diener,
Sandvik, Seidlitz, & Diener, 1993). These findings suggest that we are disposed to experience
certain levels of happiness irrespective of our life circumstance. This predisposition may be in
large part due to genetic and personality factors.
Hedonic Adaptation
People experience increases in happiness following positive life events and declines after
negative ones. However, these shifts in happiness do not last. A growing literature has shown
that individuals become habituated to changes in their lives via hedonic adaptation (Frederick
and Loewenstein, 1999).
It is based on the concept of walking on a hedonic treadmill (Brickman & Campbell, 1971)
where our feet moves but we remain stagnant. It may be caused by genetic or personality
factors.
Functions of Hedonic Adaptation
-It protect people from potentially dangerous psychological and physiological consequences of
prolonged emotional states.
-It allow unchanging stimuli to fade into the attentional background, so that change in the
environment receives extra attention.
-It allows individuals to disengage from goals that are less likely to be successful by reducing
emotional reactions associated with them.
People engage in the sequential process of attending, reacting, explaining, and ultimately
adapting to events. When something emotionally-relevant happens, it draws our attention and
we react with some emotions (happiness or sadness). The next step is explaining where we
try to understand and explain why and how of what happened. This step determines the rate of
adaptation. (e.g., “I didn't qualified in the job interview because I am less qualified and skilled
than other applicants.)
Negative Events
Evidences are not very consistent in case of negative life events. Some studies have found
that individuals only partially adapt to events such as divorce (Lucas, 2005) and widowhood
(Lucas et al., 2003), whereas others have found evidence for complete adaptation following
these adverse negative events (Clark et al., 2008). Lucas and his colleagues (2007),
conducted two panel studies, one with 40,000 people living in Germany and the other of
27,000 living in Great Britain, were assessed yearly for up to 14 to 21 years. They examined
the extent to which people adapt to the life events such as marriage, widowhood, divorce,
unemployment, disability, and severe disability. They found that the level of adaptation is not
same for all events. People who experienced marriage, widowhood, divorce adapted and
returned to their baseline level of SWB. However, people who experienced unemployment
and disability did not adapt completely (adaptation was less). Further, they observed most
pronounced lack of hedonic adaptation for those with a severe disability. There was no
rebound 7 years after their low point following their life-altering event.
Positive Events
Hedonic adaptation is more likely to be complete and faster in case of positive experiences
than negative experiences (Lyubomirsky, 2011). There is a consistent evidence that people,
on average, adapt completely to major positive life changes such as getting married, acquiring
a new job, and even winning the lottery (Boswell et al., 2005; Brickman et al., 1978; Clark and
Georgellis, 2012).
Lyubomirsky (2011) proposed some possible mechanisms from the existing literature-
Cognitive effects of negative stimuli are stronger than positive stimuli (such as negative
events and words are twice more likely to be recalled as compared to positive events or
words).
People are more likely to monitor, pay attention, remember, and influenced by negative
feedback than positive feedback.
The impact of everyday negative event is more powerful and long lasting than positive events
(indicated by dairy studies).
References
Bartels M, Boomsma D.I. (2009). Born to be happy? The etiology of subjective well-being.
Behavioral Genetics, 39(6):605-15. doi: 10.1007/s10519-009-9294-8.
Costa, P. T., & McCrae, R. R. (1980). Influence of extraversion and neuroticism on subjective
well-being: Happy and unhappy people. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 38(4),
668–678. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.38.4.668
Weiss A, Bates TC, Luciano M. (2008). Happiness is a personal(ity) thing: the genetics of
personality and well-being in a representative sample. Psychological Science, 19(3):205-10. doi:
10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02068.x.
Diener, E., Sandvik, E., Seidlitz, L., & Diener, M. (1993). The relationship between income and
subjective well-being: Relative or absolute? Social Indicators Research, 28(3), 195–223.
https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01079018
Frederick, S., & Loewenstein, G. (1999). Hedonic adaptation. In D. Kahneman, E. Diener, & N.
Schwarz (Eds.), Well-being: The foundations of hedonic psychology (p. 302–329). Russell Sage
Foundation.
Brickman; Campbell (1971). Hedonic relativism and planning the good society. New York:
Academic Press. pp. 287–302. in M. H. Apley, ed., Adaptation Level Theory: A Symposium,
New York: Academic Press
Wilson TD, Gilbert DT (2008). Explaining Away: A Model of Affective Adaptation. Perspectives
on Psychological Science, 3(5):370-386. doi:10.1111/j.1745-6924.2008.00085.x
Lucas, R. E. (2005). Time does not heal all wounds: A longitudinal study of reaction and adapta-
tion to divorce. Psychological Science, 16(12), 945-950.
Lucas, R. E., Clark, A. E., Georgellis, Y., & Diener, E. (2003). Reexamining adaptation and the
set point model of happiness: Reactions to changes in marital status. Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, 84(3), 527-539.
Lucas, R. E. (2007). Long-term disability is associated with lasting changes in subjective well-
being: Evidence from two nationally representative longitudinal studies. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 92(4), 717-730.
It is clear that there are barriers in our pursuit of happiness such as genetic set point,
personality and hedonic adaptation. Additionally, hedonic adaptation seems to be more
complete and faster in case of positive experiences. Is our pursuits of happiness futile?
Sources Of Optimism
Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, and Schkade (2005) suggested following sources of optimism for our
pursuit of happiness-
Some interventions for increasing happiness seems to work such as practicing virtues such
as gratitude, forgiveness etc.
Many motivational and attitudinal factors have been found to facilitate happiness and well-
being such as pursuing intrinsically motivated goals and optimism.
Many research (both cross-sectional and longitudinal) indicate that older people tend to be
happier than younger ones. This at least indirectly indicate that people can enhance their
happiness using their attitudinal and volitional factors.
One set of research indicate that we are doomed in our pursuit of happiness because of some
strong barriers in the path. However, another set of research indicate otherwise. Why this
paradox?
Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, and Schkade (2005) proposed a sustainable model of happiness. They
proposed three major determinants or causal factors of happiness: Genetic set-point, life
circumstances, and intentional activities. Based on the past research, they proposed
approximate percentages of contribution each factor makes in our life. Existing evidence
indicate that approximate 50% of variance in happiness is accounted by genetic set-point,
about 10% by life circumstances (Diener et al., 1999) and they proposed remaining 40% can
be accounted by intentional activities. They used a pie chart to show that (See video lecture).
Sustainable Happiness Model Pie Chart
Set-point
Set-point ‘‘is genetically determined and assumed to be fixed, stable over time, and immune to
the influence of control’’ (Lyubomirsky et al. 2005). Evidences from twin studies and personality
traits provide support for this stable component of happiness. Although studies have found
varying heritability coefficients, approximately 50% variance can be attributed to genetics.
Life circumstances
Circumstances are the secure and stable elements of a person’s life, that is, the incidental but
relatively stable facts of an individual’s life.
-Sufficiently wealthy to meet basic needs (Diener and Biswas-Diener 2002; Diener et al. 1993,
1995, 2010).
All circumstances combined account for a very small percentage of variance in happiness
levels (only 8% to 15%) (Diener et al., 1999). This is a counterintuitive and paradoxical
findings as we presume happiness depends largely on our life circumstances. The reason
could be hedonic adaptation and people seems to adapt rapidly to life circumstances and
events (Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, and Schkade, 2005).
Both genetic set-point and life circumstances are largely not in our control and does not
provide fruitful avenues for increasing our happiness levels. Although, some circumstances
can be changed but such changes may not lead to chronic changes in happiness due to
hedonic adaptation. However, the last component, that is, intentional activities provide the
fruitful avenues for our pursuit of happiness.
Intentional activities
Intentional activities are effortful actions or practices that include the variety of things people
think and do (Lyubomirsky et al. 2011; Lyubomirsky et al. 2005). Intentional means effortful or
people choose to engage. Intentional activities does not happen by itself. It needs conscious
efforts. Lyubomirsky et al. (2005) posited that life circumstances happen to people, and
intentional activities are ways that people act on their circumstances. Activities are more
controllable than genetic factors, personality and most circumstances and offer the greatest
potential to sustainably increase happiness (Lyubomirsky et al. 2011; Sheldon and Lyubomirsky
2007).
Lyubomirsky et al. (2005) describe three types of intentional activity-behavioral, cognitive and
volitional.
Behavioral activity reflects a person’s actions such as physical activities, meditation and
mindfulness and social activities such as deliberate acts of kindness and gratitude. All these
activities have been found to increase happiness or SWB.
Cognitive activity includes a person’s attitudes such as cultivating gratitude, forgiveness, and
cognitive approaches to coping with adversity. They have been found to increase SWB.
Volitional Activity includes motivation towards achieving goals such as pursuing goals that
are concordant with one’s values and interests, maintaining hope and meaning in life etc. They
have been found to increase SWB.
Brown and Rohrer (2019) in a critical evaluation of happiness pie model suggested following-
Sheldon and Lyubomirsky (2019) suggested that they accept these criticisms and cautioned in
their original article that the percentages are only approximate and indicative. They are not
exact. However, the basic idea of the model (determinants of happiness) is correct and is
supported by ample evidences. The basic idea is that-It is possible for people to influence their
own happiness by their intentional activities. As it is clear that our happiness is not completely
determined by our genetics and/or life circumstances and it fluctuates from time to time. Our
volitional activities are one such logical source of influence in the fluctuations of our happiness
levels.
References
Lyubomirsky, S., Sheldon, K. M., & Schkade, D. (2005). Pursuing happiness: The architecture
of sustainable change. Review of General Psychology, 9(2), 111–131.
https://doi.org/10.1037/1089-2680.9.2.111
Diener, E., Suh, E. M., Lucas, R. E., & Smith, H. L. (1999). Subjective well-being: Three
decades of progress. Psychological Bulletin, 125, 276–302.
Diener, E., Gohm, C. L., Suh, E., & Oishi, S. (2000). Similarity of the relations between marital
status and subjective well-being across cultures. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 31,
419–436.
Myers, D. G. (2000). The funds, friends, and faith of happy people. American Psychologist, 55,
56–67.
Diener, Ed & Biswas-Diener, Robert. (2002). Will Money Increase Subjective Well-Being? Social
Indicators Research, 57, 119-169. 10.1023/A:1014411319119.
(Ed.), Oxford handbook of stress, health, and coping (pp. 200 -224). New York: Oxford
University Press.
Brown, Nick & Rohrer, Julia. (2020). Easy as (Happiness) Pie? A Critical Evaluation of a
Popular Model of the Determinants of Well-Being. Journal of Happiness Studies, 21, 1285–1301
Lecture 24: Sustainable Happiness with Intentional Activities
Sustainable happiness model indicates that intentional activities offer the greatest potential to
sustainably increase happiness as it is under our control unlike genetic and circumstantial
factors. Intentional activities are effortful actions or practices that include the variety of things
people think and do (Lyubomirsky et al. 2011; Lyubomirsky et al. 2005). Intentional means
effortful or people choose to engage. For example, gratitude, optimistic thinking, prosocial
behavior. However, one significant question is what about hedonic adaptation of intentional
activities? Do we get adapted to intentional activities also? How are they then different from
life circumstances?
Lyubomirsky et al. (2005) suggested that hedonic adaptation undoubtedly can constrains the
happiness-inducing effects of intentional activities, just as it does for circumstances, however,
this effect seems to be much weaker in case of intentional activities.
Why?
Episodic nature: Intentional activities are transient and episodic. It is not a chronic or
permanent aspect of ones life. People engages in them only in certain time. Therefore, we are
less likely to adapt to a transient episodic activities. For example, we experience or practice
gratitude sometimes.
Varied nature: People can vary intentional activities according to their wish. This nature
reduces adaptation as we are less likely to adapt to a variable or changeable stimuli or activity.
For example, we can vary ways of expressing gratitude such by writing, or speaking.
How Can We Use Intentional Activities For Increasing Happiness?
According to Lyubomirsky et al. (2005), for the best result of intervention, diagnosis of person-
activity fitness is essential.
Person-activity fit
Any one particular activity may not be suitable for all person. People have different strengths,
interests, values, that will predispose to benefit more from some activities than others. For
example, extraverts may benefit more from outgoing activities and connecting with others as
compared to an introvert.
Fit with the source of your unhappiness: People may be unhappy for a variety of reasons.
Find the source of unhappiness and match it with activity that addresses the specific source.
For example, a pessimist may benefit from cultivating optimism.
Fit with your strengths: Person-activity fitness can also be done by identifying strengths and
talents. For example, a creative person may express love, gratitude through painting or writing.
Fit with your lifestyle: Choose activities that can be adapted and fit with your lifestyle. For
example, if you have a hectic lifestyle, choose activities that can be done in short duration. If
you are a spiritual person, choose activities associated with it (such as meditation).
Positive activities are simple, intentional, and regular practices that mimic the healthy thoughts
and behaviors associated with naturally happy people such as gratitude, optimistic thinking,
prosocial behavior (Lyubomirsky and Layous, 2013). A varieties of PAIs have been found to be
effective in increasing well-being and reducing negative symptoms in randomized controlled
interventions-
writing letters of gratitude (Boehm, Lyubomirsky, & Sheldon, 2011; Layous, Lee, Choi, &
Lyubomirsky, 2012)
All of these practices are brief, self-administered, and cost-effective. All these PAI exercises
works by promoting positive feelings, positive thoughts, and positive behaviors, rather than
directly aiming to fix negative or pathological feelings, thoughts, and behaviors (Layous, &
Lyubomirsky, 2012). A meta-analysis of 51 randomized controlled interventions studies found
that people who engaged in positive intentional activities, such as thinking gratefully,
optimistically, or mindfully, became significantly happier (Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009).
According to Lyubomirsky & Layous (2013) Positive activities may work best under certain
conditions. It may include-
Person-activity fit: Certain types of activities are better for certain types of people.
“Positive activities are positive for an individual only to the extent that they stimulate increases
in positive emotions, positive thoughts, positive behaviors, and need satisfaction, which in turn
increase happiness”(Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013; P. 60). Some studies reported positive
emotions experienced as a result of a meditation activity nurtured personal resources such as
social relationships and physical health, which, in turn, increased life satisfaction (Fredrickson
et al., 2008). Studies also show that expressing gratitude and optimism increased self-reported
autonomy and relatedness which in turn increased life satisfaction (Boehm, Lyubomirsky, &
Sheldon, 2012).
Specific positive intentional activities for enhancing happiness will be discussed in the
next module.
References
Lyubomirsky, S. (2007). The how of happiness: A scientific approach to getting the life you
want. Penguin Press.
Lyubomirsky, S., & Layous, K. (2013). How do simple positive activities increase well-being?
Current Directions in Psychological Science, 22(1), 57–62.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721412469809
Sin, Nancy & Lyubomirsky, Sonja. (2009). Enhancing well-being and alleviating depressive
symptoms with positive psychology interventions: A practice-friendly meta-analysis. Journal of
clinical psychology. 65. 467-87. 10.1002/jclp.20593.