Embarrassing Time, Performing Disunity

Rugby, the haka, and Aotearoa-New Zealand in the

United Kingdom
       

As autumn sweeps over the northern to the game, following

hemisphere, some creatures prepare to the performance of
hibernate, and others emerge from slumber. national anthems. As
Blinking and wide- the team faces the
eyed, these are the belligerent sports- opposition, a senior
writers colloquially known as Wind-Up Ma¯ori player leads
Merchants. Their deliberate attempt to ‘wind- the team in roughly
up’ those who do forty seconds of
not agree with them relies upon the chant and stylized
provocative stance they adopt in their gesture, where the
writings.1 Even by these standards, former chief players slap their
sports-writer Frank Keating set especially hands against their
hostile pen to paper with his 18 November thighs in rhythm with
2008 column in The Guardian, in which he the stamping of their
anticipated the arrival of the All Blacks rugby feet. As authorities
team of Aotearoa-New Zealand2 with a sneering on haka such as
nursery-rhyme headline: ‘It’s time the haka Timoti Ka¯retu and
posture was put out to pasture’. Wira Gardiner
The All Blacks’ pre-match performance of observe, the
the haka is virtually synonymous with the performance
team and, for many, with rugby as a sport. is disciplined but
The word haka is a generic term for a range emotional, and ‘Ka
of performances Mate’ is a haka ngeri,
involving movement and chanting or song a haka to wake, to
within Ma¯ori culture, used for a range of energize and to attest
ceremonial purposes including encounter, to the importance of
performing narrative and celebrating victory the occasion (Ka¯retu
(Gardiner 2007 [2001]: 23–33). The haka most 1993: 25, 41; Gardiner
readily identified with the All Blacks team is 2007 [2001]: 30).
‘Ka Mate’, a haka composed in the early Gardiner
nineteenth century by suggests that
Te Rauparaha, rangatira (leader) of the ‘Ka Mate’ is
Nga¯ti Toa tribe, as he successfully evaded often misread as
capture.3 purely
It commemorates his escape and his aggressive
exhilaration at facing his fear (Gardiner 2007 rather than as a
[2001]: 46–52, performance of
Ka¯retu 1993: 63–8). vigour. This
In the context of the rugby match, the haka clearly spurs
involves the All Black team assembling at Frank Keating’s
halfway on the playing field immediately prior rebuke in The
Guardian, where he declares that the haka has
‘long passed its sell-by date’ and is now a
‘charmless, eye-rolling, tongue-squirming dance’.
Further, he laments, ‘there is not a jot of fun in it
anymore’, and it should be greeted with ‘a look of
seriously adult disdain’. Finally, he concludes
that this ‘pre- match native rumba’ should be
consigned to
the past, affirming, ‘All those who agree, stick out
your tongues in grotesque mime’. Keating’s self-
portrayal as embarrassed arbiter of civilized etiquette
is an exemplary ‘wind-up’ indeed.
Keating’s summoning of an imagined public in
supportive agreement resonates with Michael
Warner’s theorization of textual performativity.
Warner proposes a reflexive system of interplay
between texts and public, where textual
declarations generate publics that in turn impact
upon texts. His example of the visceral force
37
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17).
1 The term ‘wind-up’ entered usage as indicating trickery
and provocation as early as 1984, according to the
Oxford English Dictionary. The latter usage of WUM to
refer to public figures is less clear in origin but
widespread in the online comments sections of
newspapers. See, for example, the community of online
posters in the rugby section of the Guardian,
www.guardian.co.uk/sport.
2 The bicultural name for the country, with the forename
in Te Reo Ma¯ori.
3 This glosses over a more nuanced account of ‘Ka Mate’,
which would require a fuller addressing of its imbrication
with colonial appropriation. These are beyond the scope
of this article. Further, ‘Ka Mate’ was not the haka
performed by the 1888 team (Mulholland 2009:
unleashed upon those who transgress aggressively uncivilized act appears in
against the norms of the public (Warner the writings of nineteenth-century
2002: 26) is apparent in Keating’s journalists covering the
condemnations. They demonstrate not only tour of the United Kingdom by the 1888
the parsing of publicly acceptable New Zealand Natives team. Rather than
behaviour but the disciplining of simply noting the similarities between
transgressive colonial bodies. Keating the accounts of tours
draws upon a recurrent sentiment in the in 1888 and 2008, I aim to examine
British press, whether in paternal 1888 and
admonishments that the performance of the
haka is overly sensitive
and ‘precious’, or contentions that it should be
retired altogether on the basis that it
constitutes ‘arrogance’ and is ‘just short of an
exhortation to murder’ (Cleary 2006, Jones
2010).
Criticizing these writers at face value is a
tempting reaction. Similarly enticing is an
aggressive recuperative counter-reading,
responding to inaccurate characterizations
by formally analysing the haka for
meaning.
However, these strategies are refused here,
as they succumb insidiously to the
fetishistic logic of Keating and his ilk and
earnestly sidestep the contestations that
drive the haka’s violent rejection. This
discussion is also grounded in
a keen awareness of speaking alongside
and with, but not in place of, those vested
with the authority of speaking for Ma¯ori
culture. Instead, it is an examination of the
discursive shifts
that underpin the sports-writers’ statements,
attempting to understand their embarrassment
as they defend what they see as the norms
of their reading public.
This approach adopts the strategy proposed
by John Fletcher for the critique of stances
with which the author does not agree:
understanding the stance as a meaningful
one, even as it is argued against (Fletcher
2010: 110–11). Keating’s sentiment of
discomfort is not a disconnected
contemporary emergence but one with
historical precedents. The portrayal of the
pre-match performance of the haka as an
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8
2008 as twin moments temporally connected by the

Hartigan
performance of the haka. This examination offers
an affective vector for considering the ongoing
tensions in colonial discourses of assimilation
even as the common public thread of rugby seems
to suture them.
The ongoing interaction between bodies of writing
already forms a temporal connection between these
two rugby tours. More explicitly, these conjoined
moments of 1888 and 2008 enact what Homi
Bhabha calls the ‘ambivalent temporalities of the
nation-space’ (Bhabha 1994: 142). If, as he contends,
it is essential to examine the representation of the
nation as a temporal process, then tracking the
formation of publics requires a temporal operation
to understand
the disjunctures and liminalities within the nation
that undermine claims to representing a
homogenous public (148). Warner’s term for
those who are marked as different and in tension
with a larger public is a ‘counterpublic’ (Warner
2002: 56), which Bhabha’s argument positions with
an additional temporal dimension.
Elizabeth Freeman comments that the colonial
state intervened early into indigenous temporality,
a norm of the nation inscribed on bodies through
the colonial calendar and the working week
(Freeman 2005: 57). Concomitant with this is the
representation of colonial civilization as
progressive, figured against the portrayal of
precolonial models of time and history as backward.
In the case of the haka, a neocolonialist
historiography presents Ma¯ori culture as that
which must give way to the
modern. The haka is historicized as a precolonial
performance in order to be dismissed as outdated
while also rendered ahistorical and unchanging.
Freeman refers to this fusion of temporality and
political power as chronopolitics, which I deploy
here as an analytic. As cracks and disunities are
revealed in the modality of time that haunts the
postcolonial model, they can serve to dismantle the
successionist chronopolitics that underpin
it. Crucially, this reveals the haka as a temporally
troubling pre-colonial relic that embarrassingly
refuses to disappear.

3
 Nicholas Ridout observes that the word
‘embarrass’ in its original noun form is an
obstacle. The verb derived from it, with
which he generates an affective poetics of
Embarrassing Time, Performing
audience embarrassment in performance
(2006: 70), means to encumber, to impede,
to perplex or throw into doubt or difficulty.
While queer theorists have taken up the
transformative powers of shame
(Hemmings 2005: 549), I ask: what if the
haka does not act to shame, but to
embarrass? This operates on two levels of
affective temporality. The first is its kinetic
histories acting to ‘embarrass’ any
foreclosure of colonial linear narratives.
The second, as revealed by Frank Keating’s
stance
of embarrassment, is the haka’s refusal of
the norms of its viewing public. It does not
simply import and reenact the bloody legacy
of colonial histories but activates and enacts
that history in the present. As a cultural
encounter, the haka is a space that tears
open time, evoking Gloria Anzaldúa’s
memorable refiguring of a border
as a wound. An enquiry that does not look
away from the wound sees the historical
moments that remain open, bleeding, refusing
the colonial logic of successionism and linear
time.
In comparing the accounts of 1888 and 2008,
a striking element is the burden of
embarrassment assumed by the viewer as they
watch the
poor uncivilized colonials. These
moments are explicitly connected by
Frank Keating’s
accusations. He compares the 2008
performers with the 1888 team, suggesting
that the historical performance could only be
tolerated on the basis that it was an all- 4 Briefly,
New Zealanders
Ma¯ori team. On the other hand, because the of European ancestry.
contemporary team contains Pa¯keha¯4
players performing the haka
alongside Ma¯ori players, Keating is mystified
and personally affronted, asking ‘why should
they want to perform a war-dance of the
conquered?’
This sentiment is echoed by Stephen
Jones in The Times, who affirms that the
haka is clearly a call to war, an
undignified turn in a
‘tradition [that] has been hijacked’ (Jones
2010). Revealingly, Jones also quotes an
anonymous fellow critic whom he believes
represents the general public’s perspective.
Invoking the cry of the disaffected, Jones
says that most people regard the haka as ‘a
politically correct lunacy’. These statements
reveal the ambivalence of invoking the value
of tradition, where Jones finds acceptable the
performance of national
• Sydney Morning Herald
political editor Peter
Hartcher describes Tony
Abbott, Australian
Opposition Leader, as
performing a political
haka, which he
characterizes as a 'pre-
4
0
 game pantomime of
chest-pufing, thigh-
slapping, tongue-poking,
eye-rolling intimidation.
© artist Rocco Fazzari.
originally published in the
Sydney Morning Herald of
March 20, 2010

4
 anthems in international sporting fixtures but film Invictus uses the 1995 Rugby World Cup in South
fails to note their imbrication with sung Welsh Africa as a backdrop for a narrative of cultural
responses to the haka in 1905, which arguably reconciliation. Eastwood simplifies the complex racial
5 Anthems were initiated the tradition.5 The presence of the dynamics of the relationship between Aotearoa-New
uncommon in sporting
haka once more embarrasses, as it exhausts its Zealand and South Africa, treating
fixtures until after World
War 2, and they were invited presence as pre-match colonial spoil.
not used even in the
Olympic Games until
These attitudes expose key fissures in
1924. naïve constructions of cosmopolitics,
replicating Stanley Fish’s parodic ‘boutique
multiculturalist’.
Such a figure, ‘characterized by its
superficial or cosmetic relationship to the
objects of
its affection’, is steadfastly committed to
‘multiculturalism of ethnic restaurants, [and]
weekend festivals’. However, they will ‘always
stop short of approving other cultures at a
point where some value at their centre …
offends the canons of civilized decency as
they have been either declared or assumed’
(1997: 378). When Keating notes that he could
enjoy a haka when it was a ‘once diverting
wheeze’, and Jones affirms that the haka was
once a ‘theatrical affair’ enjoyed by ‘children
and armchair fans’,
the limits of their tolerance immediately
become apparent.
Redressing these attitudes carries high
stakes. Christopher Balme describes the
process of ‘performance as a metonymy of
culture’, where haka as a specific
performance form stands in
as representative of Ma¯ori culture as a
whole (Balme 2007: 97, 115). The haka's
prominence in popular culture also allows it
to lead a separate, decontextualized existence
as a symbol of strength and integrity – so
much so, that it is
a centerpiece in the recent US coming-of-
age sports film Forever Strong (2008), a
stirring tale of a white teenager from Utah
who turns aside from a misspent
adolescence by learning the haka and
playing rugby, both of which seem to have
been miraculously invented somewhere in
Utah.
More recently still, Clint Eastwood’s 2009
4
2
 Hartigan
the emergent South Africa. Although embodied knowledge of performance in
perfo in the narrative arc of sporting examining the histories that lie behind this
rman confrontation the All Blacks moment on the rugby field.
ce of are necessarily the antagonists, This is especially pivotal given that haka
the this becomes increasingly constitute and are themselves constitutive
haka problematic. As the only of history, acting as a wananga – a
in the identifiable adversary in the film, storehouse of learning, retaining memories,
conte the team becomes demonized debates and individuals as ‘alive in the
xt of with strange political effect. This tribal memory’ (Gardiner 2007 [2001]: 13–4).
a is especially evident in the film’s Haka are continuously responsive to shifts
histor climax, where the hulking, racially in their performance, making them a rich
ically mixed All Blacks team faces off site for a
charg against a Springbok team all-
ed white but for one player. While
rivalr the character of Francois Pienaar
y in (portrayed by Matt Damon)
an stands mid-field
Afrika to accept the haka, the
ans- foregrounded reaction shot of his
led anxiously creased brow is
sport strikingly backed by the stadium
as a screen, where the looming hands
mom of the All Blacks’ player Jonah
ent of Lomu seem to reach out towards
spect the white Springboks team and
acle. its captain.
This Despite the overtly
has theatrical staging of many
the sports, including rugby,
effect inquiries that explore the
of historiographies of sport
unwitt through performance are still
ingly relatively rare. Given the
rende colonial histories that define
ring sports, their cultural space
the acts as ‘a lustrous site for
All enactments of national
Black imaginings’ (Falcous 2007:
s 376), but performance theory
rugby tends
team to operate as a productive
a metaphor rather than as an
ciphe analytic. In this context, the
r for haka’s invitation as encounter
racial models the productive dialogue
ized between scholarly approaches
fears that enables sports theory to
in the contribute alongside the

4
 complex dynamic of cultural borrowings
and redefinitions, as revealed by the
agency of
Ma¯ori in reworking haka even in the
Embarrassing Time, Performing
the United Kingdom. Keating’s 2008
diatribe claims that this team was all-
Ma¯ori. However, two thirds of the team
had Pa¯keha¯ ancestry, and five players

context of nineteenth-century versions identified themselves as Pa¯keha¯.

staged for the Crown. In Dwight Furthermore, the team was renamed the
Conquergood's terms, the haka defies ‘Natives’ only after
stabilization, operating as a
force of productive contradictions that resists
closure as it troubles binaries of ‘traditional
and ‘inauthentic’ performance (Balme 2007:
121,
Conquergood 1995: 138).
Reframing Margaret Werry’s writings on
theatre and spectacle in the Pacific, the haka's the addition of
performance within the cultural space of sport Pa¯keha¯ players
is deeply entangled in the politics of selected by team
postcolonial representation (Werry 2005: 355), founder and leading
with a history reaching back far earlier than Ma¯ori player Joe
the contemporary Hollywood film. The Warbrick. If Frank
introduction of sports such as rugby was a Keating’s 2008
marker of colonial power – Lord Harris writings purport to
commented in the 1870S that sport had ‘done hermetically seal the
more to draw the Mother Country and colonial period and
the colonies together than years of beneficial advance to a fictive
legislation’, and sports’ economic imperatives point of postcolonial
continue to be a major conduit of cultural unity, then the
capital. Especially because of its circulatory formation of the 1888
momentum, sport is not just a representational Natives team reflected
practice but is materially constitutive of the a desire to expunge
worlds it imagines (Falcous 2007: 374–5, Werry the violence and
2005: 356). Simon During comments that this bloodshed of the
is particularly true colonial period and
of rugby, where an upper-class English game display the colony
was erected in Aotearoa-New Zealand as a newly unified under
symbol the banner of rugby.
of collapsing class distinctions and colonizer- However, these
colonized reconciliation. New Zealand rugby apparent unities were
writer Spiros Zavos accepts this critical fragile, and the
reading without question, contending that the awareness that
haka is ‘a sign of the integration of rugby and Ma¯ori had almost
New Zealand society, its people and its history’ defeated the mighty
(Falcous 2007: 379, Zavos 1998: 68). British Army in the
Zavos’s attempt to offer the haka as a sign bloody New Zealand
of cultural unity returns the enquiry to its Wars of the 1860s
earlier historical moment: the formation of the was still very much
1888 New Zealand Natives Rugby Team to tour

4
in public consciousness well into the early 1900s
(Balme 2007: 115). This was a legacy of which Joe
Warbrick was well aware, and eager
to exploit, when he provocatively instituted the
practice of performing a haka before each
game. Considerable unease was soon revealed in
press reports from the Natives tour. Journalists
from Sporting Life attempted to minimize the
performance by pouring scorn on the haka as
a mere ‘pantomime a whoop in the vernacular’ (Ryan
1993: 52). The visiting Australian press warned that
the haka might provoke their Antipodean cousins to
forget altogether the rules of the game, let alone of
civilization, and ‘dash out the brains of some of the
players on the slightest sign of a dispute’ (Ryan 1993: •
Newspaper depiction of the touring 1888 Natives team
53). The sight of non-Ma¯ori team members, who took great delight in playing on the British imagination.
Illustrated London News 13 October 1888
joined
in the haka and played alongside the Ma¯ori
players, was a considerable source of confusion

4
 for the British press. Team co-founder of
Thomas Eyton contended that the press had mimicry, where even the most sincere
expected mimicking of colonial manners
a team composed entirely of uncivilized ‘black accomplishes an act of flawed
fellows’, and were not only disappointed by the mimesis: the imitator can never
appearance of the team, but especially become the imitated. However, this
surprised to see them play so well. (Eyton 1896: chain of mimesis discloses the
72) ambivalence of colonial discourse,
Of course, the physical prowess of the team
did not confound the colonial narrative so
much as confirm it. Even if beaten on the
pitch, the United Kingdom could still win
discursively. The Times accommodated the
praise of the Natives team by considering it

a tribute to our colonising faculty. The

colonising race that can imbue the aboriginal
inhabitants of the colonised countries with a
love for its national games, would seem to have
solved the problem of social amalgamation in
those countries.
(Ryan 1993:
50)

A Scottish reporter from the Hawick Press

extended the sentiment by describing the
players, somewhat erotically, ‘as fine a body of
stalwart, muscular, athletic men as anyone
might wish to meet … They are not unlike
Europeans’ (Eyton 1896: 27). Discussing the
colonial genealogy of savagery and sport,
sports theorist Brendan Hokowhitu comments
that this tour confirmed the creation of the
Ma¯ori sportsman as disciplined brute.
Because his aggression
was now confined to the sporting arena, it
provided evidence that the colonial system
had enlightened and assimilated its savages
(Hokowhitu 2004: 270). This colonial move
has
also historically incorporated Pa¯keha¯ players
in the discourse, revelling in the taming of
their colonial energies, presenting them as
wild men, raw farmers and in the case of
the legendary All Black Colin ‘Pinetree’
Meads, a completely inanimate plank.
In Homi Bhabha's terms, the rugby fluency
of the Natives team reveals the problem

4
 Hartigan
revealing its construction and disrupting its
authority. In this instance, the praise of the players
on the field revealed the failed colonial mimesis of
the Natives team: in their thorough Anglicization as
rugby players, playing up and playing the game, but
playing it with ferocity, they showed themselves
emphatically not to be English (Bhabha 1994: 125).
Notwithstanding the elegance of Bhabha’s
perspective, Rey Chow suggests that he remains
susceptible to a binary reading of mimicry between
colonizer and colonized (Chow 2006). In doing so, he
cannot easily account for the presence of non-Ma¯ori
players alongside Ma¯ori, complexly entangled with
this act of flawed mimesis. To extend Bhabha's shift
from failed mimicry to the
encroachment of menace, the performance drives a
wedge into the concept of the unified colony.
These productive contradictions signal the
tensions in colonial discourses of assimilation even
as the common thread of rugby seems to rehearse
them. Pivotally, they demonstrate the impossibility
of suturing the colonial wound and presenting
the team as an emblem of postcolonial national
unity. To refigure Joseph
Roach's thoughts on racialized identities in Cities of
the Dead, the haka rips apart surrogation (Roach 1996:
3-6). While surrogation relies on colonial discourses
constructing the myth of
the community's unified core identity, fulfilling ‘a
desire for the telos of perfect closure’ (Roach 1996:
33), the haka falls awkwardly between the options of
affirming or refuting the proximity of the
performers in order to construct the myth of unity.
In particular, the mere presence of
Pa¯keha¯ performers sabotages the folklorizing
possibility of fixing the haka as a prepositional
moment in a precolonial past. In these terms, the
haka displays not unity but productive,
problematic and challenging disunity. Displaying the
disjunctures and liminalities at the heart
of cultural formations undermines not only
claims to a unified public but the contested
temporalities that seek to foreclose colonial
history.
While the haka of the All Blacks team could

4
 be presented as the non-normative actions of a
counterpublic, attempting to stand outside and
in opposition to a general public, its
performance exceeds this model. By
Embarrassing Time, Performing
imaginary: Promotional media constructions during the 2005 Lions tour
of Aotearoa-New Zealand’, Journal of Sports and Social Issues 31(4): 374–
93.

interweaving affect in the social structures of

the public, the haka of 1888 exerts a
gravitational pull, a temporal drag upon the
haka of 2008. In Carolyn Dinshaw’s terms, past
bodies palpably connect with present ones, and
relations with the past become material
touchings upon contemporary bodies (Dinshaw
1999, Freeman 2005: 60). As a result, the
present is rendered temporally porous. The
past of
1888, percolating in the shape of Pa¯keha¯
players performing the haka alongside Ma¯ori
players, acts as an obstacle to simple
stabilizations
of national identity. Subsequently, the
haka’s contradictions, problematics and
challenges become a productive
encumbrance. They serve as a demand to
recognize the temporal
operations of the colonial past upon the
present and future, and as a performance,
above all, that embarrasses.

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