Amir, some writers, especially a huge chunk of Kannada writers in
the old Mysore region, have glorified Tipu Sultan to sickening degrees. Is there no end to their slaughter of truth done under the mask of exercising creative freedom? I’ve always believed that there should be no restriction of any kind on writers. I must now admit with some shame that while at one time, I was part of this same group that loudly howled about unconditional, unlimited artistic freedom, I now realize what they were—me included—doing all along. We hollered about our right to artistic freedom, but denied the same freedom to our critics. What we did was gangsterism—we defined everything. Our idea of progress was Progress, our classification of dialectics became Logical Reasoning, our definition of economics was Economics and we had the Final Word on history because, well, because we were doing all of this in the service of history. Spreading the distorted version of Tipu Sultan’s story is just another page in their grand project of projecting falsehood as truth because it helps the march of Progressiveness. And I’ve happily played my part in this, leading from the front on several occasions. The legend of Tipu as a hero started during the period of our freedom struggle as songs sung by wandering minstrels. These rustic, uneducated, illiterate singers sang his praises at street corners, before shopkeepers, at village fairs and in marketplaces to earn their livelihood. It’s incredible to seriously believe that these folks had any accurate idea of the historical Tipu. Rich Muslim shopkeepers paid them quite handsomely to listen to the praises of the long-deceased sultan. But because it was the time of our struggle for independence, anybody who had fought in the past against the British for whatever reasons was automatically considered a freedom fighter. Thus, plays were written at that time glorifying Tipu as a patriot and audiences believed these plays. And this was really how Tipu became a legendary freedom fighter in the popular imagination. This trend continued post-Independence. Myths are hard to create but far harder to destroy. Our Marxists, vote-bank politicians, artists, film- makers…everybody wanted a piece of this heroic Tipu. And so, true history was buried. Nobody bothered to verify the basis of the legend of Tipu Sultan the Great. Look how insidiously an idea is buttressed with careful deletion of facts. As an example of British hard-heartedness, our eminences harped on the British taking Tipu’s two sons as hostages. However, they concealed the fact that taking war hostages was originally an accepted practice among Muslim kings. Mir Jumla, a general under Aurangzeb, defeated and looted the entire treasury of the king of Assam. And he didn’t stop there. He demanded more money and took the king’s sons and a daughter as ransom till the king brought him the sum. Mir Jumla also took the sons of the king’s feudatories—Burhagohain, Borgohain, Gad Gonia Phukan and Bad Patra Phukan—as prisoners of war. Saqi Mustad Khan records this event in Masir-i-Alamgiri, Aurangzeb’s authorized history, written in 5th Al Hijra 1072.5, which corresponds to January 1603. I looked this up in Jadunath Sarkar’s A Short History of Aurangzib (Orient Longman, 1979, p. 108). When Khurram’s rebellion against his own father failed, Jahangir took his son’s sons—his own grandsons, Dara and Aurangzeb—as captives. Not just that: during the Mughal rule, every Rajput king had to station at least one son in the badshah’s court as a sign of respect. The undertone of this arrangement was clear to both parties—the son was a glorified hostage, ensuring obedience from the Rajput kings. It might surprise you but this custom was inaugurated by Akbar. This took on other forms—a Rajputruler defeated in war had to marry his daughter off to the Mughal king—a wife, but nevertheless a permanent hostage, really. Most Rajput kings agreed to this, given their vanquished status. Maharana Pratap was the exception. He refused to send his son to Akbar’s court. It is also a fact that every such prisoner was compulsorily converted. But Cornwallis, who took Tipu’s sons as hostages, treated the boys with the care and propriety that befitted royal heirs, something that none of the Muslim rulers did in similar circumstances. If our progressive historians and writers paint Tipu Sultan in heroic hues for the sole reason that he fought the British, why do they remain mute about the Marathas, who fought the same British? The British by their own admission had identified the Marathas as a bigger threat to their imperial ambitions. And then there’s this other mass of very vocal Kannada-language champions who hail Tipu as the ‘son of Karnataka’ and the ‘true son of Kannada’. Kannada was the official language of the state when the Wodeyar dynasty ruled over the Mysore kingdom. I’m talking about the time before Tipu’s father, Hyder Ali, a trusted general of the Wodeyars, usurped the throne of Mysore. But when Tipu took over, he changed the administrative language from Kannada to Farsi. You can see this even today. Land and revenue records in Karnataka use Farsi terminology till date —‘Venkata Gowda’s son Narasimhe Gowda’ is written as ‘Narasimhe Gowda bin Venkata Gowda’. Similarly, we’ve still retained ‘Khata’, ‘Khirdi’, ‘Pahani’, ‘Khanesuvari’, ‘Gudasta’ and ‘Baranamoona’, a direct handover from Tipu’s times. Not just that—Tipu changed the names of entire cities and towns: Brahmapuri became Sultanpet, Kallikote became Farookabad, Chitradurga became Farook yab Hissar, Coorg became Zafarabad, Devanahalli became Yusufabad, Dinigul became Khaleelabad, Gutti became Faiz Hissar, Krishnagiri became Phalk-il-azam, Mysore became Nazarabad, Penukonda became Fakrabad, Sankridurga became Muzaffarabad, Sira became Rustumabad, and Sakleshpur became Manjarabad—are these samples of Tipu’s nationalism and religious tolerance? But Tipu merely followed a time-honoured precedent set by most Muslim rulers: renaming cities from their original Hindu names to Islamic ones. Aurangzeb renamed Chatagaon to Islamabad. After demolishing the Keshava temple in Mathura, he renamed it Islamabad as well. In his time, Varanasi or Kashi became Mohammadabad. Other Muslim rulers also did their bit: Delhi became Shahjahanabad, Agra became Akbarabad, Golconda became Hyderabad, Bidar became Zafarabad, Kadapa became Neknamabad, Kalpi became Mohammadabad, Khandauth also became Mohammadabad, Prayag became Allahabad and today’s Aligarh was called Kol. This list is just a fraction—my father’s research yielded eight pages, complete with the names of cities, towns and villages that were renamed. I’m reproducing his note on the subject: ‘This list is incomplete. The ideal method is to tour every corner of India and talk to scholars and local people and then compile a comprehensive volume of the list of places that have been renamed during Muslim rule. I wouldn’t really care if they built a town from scratch and gave it an Islamic name. But renaming existing cities is as heinous as forcibly converting a living, breathing person to another religion.’ Amir, my father’s notes open a whole new world. I’m still unable to imagine how he managed to accomplish so much.