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School leadership between the cross and the crescent: spiritual capital and
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DOI: 10.1080/09518398.2021.1982061

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School leadership between the cross and the

crescent: spiritual capital and religious capital in
the southern Philippines

Jeffrey S. Brooks & Melanie C. Brooks

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the cross and the crescent: spiritual capital and religious capital in the southern Philippines,
International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, DOI: 10.1080/09518398.2021.1982061

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION
https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2021.1982061

School leadership between the cross and the crescent:

spiritual capital and religious capital in the southern
Philippines
Jeffrey S. Brooksa and Melanie C. Brooksb
a
School of Education, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia; bLearning and Teaching Building,
Monash University, Clayton, Australia

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

This study investigated the ways that principal leadership practice is Received 16 May 2021
shaped by religion and spirituality, both in terms of how beliefs inform Accepted 9 August 2021
their work and in relation to how religion and spirituality are manifest
KEYWORDS
in school and community. Data were collected over a 6-month period
Principals; educational
from public school principals working in mixed Catholic-Muslim com- leadership; spiritual capital;
munities in the Philippines. The authors developed a conceptual frame- religious capital; Philippines
work that integrated research on principals with multidisciplinary work
on spiritual capital and religious capital. Findings suggested that religion
and spirituality are very important to principals as individuals and that
spirituality and religion form two closely related (but distinct) symbolic
systems in which principals must participate to effectively lead in school
and community. The study also raised interesting methodological issues
related to translation and to cultural relevance for the Australian-based
researchers.

While religion and spirituality are among the most important philosophical touchstones that
guide principals’ practice of moral leadership, they remain under-studied and misunderstood in
much of the educational leadership literature (Brooks & Normore, 2017; Dantley & Rogers, 2001).
However, as Dantley (2003) argued, the separation of religion and spirituality from educational
work is a social construction that renders educational practice culturally irrelevant for certain
contexts and people. This underscores the importance of not only centering research on religion
and spirituality as part of an overall effort to understand how leadership is conceptualised and
practiced but also a call to explore the various ways that principals are motivated by these
dynamics around the world. Additionally, as religious education is in some contexts marginalised,
and in other contexts a compulsory area of study, an examination of the ways that principals
practice leadership is critical to developing a more holistic understanding of the topic. Given the
scarcity of research on the issue and the need to broaden and deepen the field’s understanding
of the roles spirituality and religion play in the work of school principals, we designed a project
to investigate the issue in the under-researched context of the Philippines, a country with par-
ticularly interesting socio-religious and educational dynamics (Brooks & Brooks, 2018).
Religion and spirituality are complicated sociocultural and educational issues for school lead-
ers in the Philippines – perhaps more so on the southern island of Mindanao than anywhere
else in the country (Brooks & Brooks, 2018). Though the Philippines is primarily a Catholic

CONTACT Jeffrey S. Brooks Jeffrey.brooks@rmit.edu.au School of Education, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia
ß 2021 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
2 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

country (Abinales & Amoroso, 2005), Mindanao has a sizeable Muslim population, with certain
regions of the island predominantly Muslim and others a patchwork of integrated and segre-
gated religious communities (Brooks, 2017). While much of this coexistence is peaceful,
Mindanao’s history is punctuated by the actions of violent religious separatist factions, with
Muslims and Catholics in rising and falling periods of theological and social conflict (Milligan,
2005). This makes leadership of public schools difficult, as official policy calls for religious inclu-
sion, even though students, staff and local populations often disagree about what the co-educa-
tion of Muslim and Catholic students should look like (Baring, 2011) – or indeed, whether co-
education should happen at all (Cornelio & Salera, 2012; Milligan, 2006).
The purpose of this research was to examine principal perspectives on how religious and spir-
itual dynamics, within and between self, school, community, and society influenced leadership
beliefs and practices in Mindanao’s public schools. The research questions that guided the
inquiry were:

1. How do Philippine principals’ personal beliefs about religion and spirituality inform their
leadership practice?
2. How do religion and spirituality in society, community, and school influence Philippine prin-
cipals’ leadership practice?

Building on a foundation of research that investigates principal religiosity and spirituality

(Brooks & Normore, 2017; Brooks & Brooks, 2018; Dantley, 2010; Dantley & Rogers, 2001; Brooks
& Ezzani, 2019), we also drew from multidisciplinary inquiry on spiritual capital (Finke, 2003) and
religious capital (Baker & Miles-Watson, 2010) to develop an exploratory conceptual framework
suited to the topic. Our perspective considers both individual dynamics to ascertain the ways
principal beliefs guide leader behaviours, and relational dynamics to better ascertain the ways
that principals influence (and are influenced by) people and practices in their schools, commu-
nity and society (Brooks & Normore, 2010).
As this purpose demands a nuanced and rich exploration of multiple perspectives, we
employed a qualitative methodology consistent with case study research (Marshall & Rossman,
2011; Merriam, 2009). Data collection took place over a 6-month period in Cagayan de Oro city,
Mindanao, and included semi-structured interviews, focus group sessions, observation, and a var-
iety of technical documents. Findings suggested that while many principals and their school
communities highly valued religion and spirituality, there was an overall lack of interfaith dia-
logue and education in schools and communities. This means that while many Filipinos have a
strong personal dedication to their beliefs and reside in vibrant communities of faith, these com-
munities can be segregated and mistrusting one another. Put differently, positive religious values
are strong within faith communities, but weak across them. In religiously diverse schools, this has
profound implications for the practice of educational leadership as it means there are intense in-
group bonds, but quite a lot of social distance – and even exclusion – between students and
educators of different faiths (Brooks, 2018). Further, while many principals reported that a per-
sonal commitment to religion and spirituality were among the most important aspects of their
lives and leadership integration efforts often yielded mixed and non-sustainable results.
In the sections that follow, we provide a description of the context of education and school
leadership in The Philippines, Mindanao, and Cagayan de Oro. We then present a review of litera-
ture organised into subsections on (1) school leadership, religion, and spirituality, (2) spiritual
capital and (3) religious capital. This is followed by a discussion of the conceptual framework we
employed in the study. Next, we present an explanation of the study’s methods and then the
findings of our thematic analysis. A discussion section explores how the study connects to and
builds on extant research, and the article concludes by considering the significance of this work
for researchers and practitioners.
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 3

Education in The Philippines, Mindanao, and Cagayan de Oro city: social, political
and religious contexts
Education is highly valued in Philippine culture (Brooks & Sutherland, 2014). It is prioritised in
governance documents, official value statements, and budgetary allocations (Reyes, 2015). Article
XIV of the Constitution (1987) provides guidance related to the provision of educational services
across the lifespan. The article includes sections devoted to equity, the complementary roles of
public and private educational systems, and the need to be attentive to the ways that delivery
and content of education may be different across contexts. This flexibility is important, as the
country features nearly 200 ethnolinguistic traditions dispersed throughout an archipelago that
consists of over 7,600 islands (Tyner, 2010). Islands are organised into three geographic clusters:
Luzon (north), Visayas (central) and Mindanao (south). Within each of these, public education is
administered through a certain number of School Divisions, which offer guidance and coordin-
ation to local schools and communities. School Divisions are geographically large, and it is com-
mon for them to include large urban schools with high numbers of students, remote schools
that might serve a very small number of students, and all school sizes in between. Despite
school size or context, many Philippine schools are under-resourced, and educators routinely
struggle with inadequate facilities and infrastructure for teaching and learning (Chua, 1999). To
obtain additional resources, school leaders commonly rely on the generosity of parents, busi-
nesses, neighbourhood government institutions called barangays, and on city government contri-
butions (de Guzman & Guillermo, 2007). Thus, alongside the ineffective formal education system,
informal political and economic norms form a shadow system in which principals and teachers
must engage if they are to provide basic services for their students (Tan et al., 1997).
For the purposes of this study, we were most interested in formal and informal education on
the southern island of Mindanao, the second-largest island in the Philippines. Home to some 25
million people, the island is also the country’s most religiously diverse, with approximately 70%
of inhabitants reporting that they are Christian and 24% Muslim (Cornelio & Aldama, 2020). As
the country’s centre for religious diversity, Mindanao is a paradox in that it is simultaneously a
vanguard for positive integration efforts and a flashpoint for religio-political tension and violence
(Brooks & Brooks, 2018). The government school system dominates the educational landscape,
but a growing number of private and religious institutions serve students and communities.
While some schools are overtly religious in nature and mission, religious education is also consti-
tutionally mandated in government schools and seen as a cornerstone of character education
and national identity (Baring, 2018). As such, in addition to Christian or Catholic religious instruc-
tion, government schools in Mindanao must create and staff madrasahs (Islamic schools-within-a-
school) to accommodate Muslim students. In schools with large Muslim populations, uptake in
madrasahs can be high, but in schools with fewer Muslim students, resourcing a madrasah can
be a challenge and enrolments may be low (Milligan, 2018) .
The context for this study is the port city of Cagayan de Oro, located along the North Central
coast of Mindanao. With a total population of approximately 675,000 the “City of Golden
Friendship” is part of the Department of Education’s Region X, which encompasses 3,173 public
and private schools, and serves approximately 1.3 million students (Cagayan de Oro Division of
Education, 2021). As in other parts of the Philippines, inadequate funding is perhaps the domin-
ant educational issue in Cagayan de Oro’s schools, forcing students to share desks, textbooks,
and to try and learn in overheated and overcrowded classrooms. Under-funding in the system is
compounded by widespread poverty that means many students come to school hungry, without
basic educational resources such as pencils and paper, and with persistent health and hygiene
problems (Alampay & Garcia, 2019). High dropout rates are another key educational issue in
Cagayan de Oro, with enrollment declining with each year of matriculation through the system
(Republic of the Philippines Department of Education, 2020) as children often enter the
4 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

workforce, scavenge, or stay home to look after siblings rather than remain in school
until graduation.
These conditions mean that school leadership in Cagayan de Oro is challenging. Inside of
the school, principals are routinely confronted with the social issues of the community and
spend a great deal of their time procuring basic resources for students and teachers–food,
potable water and basic instructional materials. Even when a principal manages to obtain
these for students and educators, buildings are not secure, and valuables that took months
and great expense to acquire can be stolen overnight. In the community, principals enjoy
elevated cultural, social, and political status, but must use their standing to act as street level
bureaucrats and negotiate with barangay captains, parent association leaders, business repre-
sentatives, and city government officials to barter for resources (Atienza, 2006; Brooks &
Brooks, 2018). The informal procurement systems a principal must use to obtain resources for
their school is highly transactional, and to acquire the basic resources that keep the school
open, they must routinely make promises of favours and special consideration of services,
such as use of the school facilities for events or political support on a community issue
(Chua, 1999). Support from the School Division and Department of Education is generally
lacking, as the formal communication structure is top-down, meaning that principals who are
not politically connected in these organisations have no clear way of making requests and
even less hope that their requests will be heard and attended to. For principals with political
connections, leading a school is a very different experience–in addition to basic teaching and
learning resources, they may have more advanced science and technological equipment,
more funds for staffing, and a more robust ability to support student health and wellbeing.
In summary, principals in Cagayan de Oro must work hard on instructional issues with limited
resources, but also learn to navigate, negotiate, and network in complex and conflicted edu-
cational, political, and social systems in school and community (Brooks & Brooks, 2018;
Brooks & Sutherland, 2014). Much of their time and energy is consumed operating in an
informal shadow system, and the highly transactional and relational nature of this system
means that cultivating and maintaining individual relationships, navigating networks of in-
groups and out-groups, and negotiation with people whose interests may or may not align
with the school, are critical to success. It follows then that being able to understand and
influence social dynamics that connect and separate people in the community is important.
As religion and spirituality are important aspects of Philippine life, a principal’s religious affili-
ation and spirituality has a huge bearing on their ability to advocate for their school. In the
following section, we review key concepts and findings from extant literature related to prin-
cipals, religion, and spirituality and then present the conceptual framework used in the study.

School leadership, spirituality and religion

Spirituality and religion are interrelated and complicated concepts, and the ways that they shape
principal leadership is not well-understood–it remains an area of study at the margin of educa-
tional leadership inquiry (Brooks & Normore, 2010). That said, while there is not a great number
of studies on the topic, we can draw from some outstanding conceptual and empirical research
and look across the social sciences for further guidance.
Scholars have identified that spirituality can be an important part of a school leaders’ practice
and that it may inform ethical, relational, and organisational aspects of their work (Zaharris et al.,
2017). As Dantley (2010) explained, spirituality is a multifaceted phenomenon that:
inspires creativity, inquiry, and transformative conduct. Our spirit enables us to connect with other human
beings; it underpins our ability to take steps to dismantle marginalizing conditions while simultaneously
creating strategies to bring about radical changes to less-than-favorable circumstances. Our spirituality is
the core of who we are. It is the place of our authentic selves or the genuine persons that we are. It is the
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 5

place where motivation and inspiration live. Our spirituality connects our lives to meaning and purpose.
(p. 654)

Spirituality, is “what makes us human and individual. It determines who we are at work. It is
inseparable from self. We draw on our central values in how we deal with people every day. Our
values dictate whether we set a good example, take care of people, or try to live the Golden
Rule. Our spirituality helps us think and act according to our values” (Fairholm, 1997, p. 77).
Dantley (2005) also argued that spirituality is distinct from religion, which as socially-con-
structed systems of belief are “built upon the premise that order, continuity, and stability are
essential to any civil society” (p. 653). While spirituality is an inward experience of connection
with a transcendent meaning and purpose, “organized religion looks outward; depends on rites
and scripture; and tends to be dogmatic, exclusive, and narrowly based on a formalized set of
beliefs and practices” (Klenke, 2006, p. 59). Critically, this means that people may share the same
spiritual values even though they may not adhere to the same religion. It also means that people
who share the same values may interpret and operationalise them differently based on the pre-
cepts, dogma, and norms of their religious tradition. As a way of understanding how principals
experience spirituality and lead religiously diverse schools, we drew from multidisciplinary
research that explores the theory of spiritual capital.

Spiritual and religious capital: individual, organisational and societal dynamics

Religious capital and spiritual capital are theoretical constructs based on Bourdieu’s (Dubos,
2017) work on human capital and social capital. Broadly speaking, Bourdieu suggested
that capital
encapsulates assets other than money and property. Education, social networks, artistic abilities, and cultural
knowledge are all obtained at the expense of labor, and these forms of symbolic capital are all subject to
the same laws of accumulation, inheritance, and exchange that govern material forms of capital.
(Verter, 2003)

There are many forms of symbolic capital, and these are produced, distributed, exchanged,
and consumed through transactions that have co-constructed rules particular to people who
operate in the contextualised system. As to spiritual capital, this symbolic economy is based on
expectations for how people regard their personal relationship with “beliefs, examples and com-
mitments … which attach people to the transcendental source of human happiness” (Verter,
2003, p. 151). We are speaking here of the expression and embodiment of kindness, empathy,
patience, and a whole cluster of other dispositions and behaviours that people express to one
another that transcend the boundaries of religious doctrine.
Religious capital, then, is defined as:
skills and experiences specific to one’s religion, includ[ing] religious knowledge, familiarity with church ritual and
doctrine, and friendships with fellow worshipers. Thus, knowledge, familiarity, and friendships specific to a given
religion help individuals to produce religious commodities they define as valuable. (Finke, 2003, p. 2)

To take part in the symbolic system of religious capital, a person must have knowledge of
dogma, apocryphal texts, and local interpretations of behavioural expectations to participate in
the system. People who share a religion will have greater religious capital with one another than
with non-members. In this sense, religious capital creates in-groups, out-groups, and preferential
networks of adherents who operate within the boundaries of their particular religious commu-
nity. As Finke (2003) explained,
Most religious groups outline a set of core teachings and practices that are considered essential for full
membership in a religious movement (often listed in confessions, catechisms, or summary faith statements).
These core teachings are embedded in a unique history, make specific claims to truth about the
supernatural, and are typically supported by sacred texts, narratives, divine revelations, and writings from
the most respected and charismatic leaders of the movement. Justifying the very existence of the religious
6 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

organization and often providing distinctive beliefs (e.g., new prophecies, spiritual gifts, worldview) and
distinctive practices (e.g., special diets, required prayers, moral codes), these core teachings help to form the
unique religious capital offered by the group. (Finke, 2003, p. 5)

While spiritual capital can be thought of as expansive and transcendent, religious capital is instead
more focused on explicit delineation of expected behaviours, participating in traditional practices, and
deepening knowledge and connection to an exclusive community of faith. While spiritual capital offers
individuals a way to connect with people from any faith, religious capital instead creates barriers to con-
nection and categorizes individuals and communities into “us” and “them” (Iannaccone, 1990).
Conceived in this way, the concepts of religious capital and spiritual capital are two related
systems that help us make sense of ways that people and groups create harmony and experi-
ence strife within and across faiths. These dynamics play out simultaneously at several levels:
individual, institutional, community, societal and global. Each of these “levels” of spiritual capital
and religious capital exist in a nested relationship with each other in that they are related rather
than being wholly distinct (Figure 1).
The two systems are distinct, but together form a religious and spiritual context for the practice
of educational leadership. For the purposes of this study, the individual represented the principal,
the institution was the school and/or the religious organisation, community was the local context,
society was the nation of The Philippines, and the global level suggested connections beyond
national borders to others through spirituality, religion, or a combination of the two. Importantly, the
framework suggests that while principals operate in both spiritual and religious systems, they might
have greater or lesser capital in one or the other. This means, for example, that principals might
have a high level of religious capital within their faith community, but low spiritual capital within the
school. Of course, this could be the opposite, and it is possible that some principals might have high
or low capital across both, or may possess a balanced amount of capital.

Methodology
This study used a qualitative methodology consistent with case study research design (Merriam,
1998). The case was Cagayan de Oro City located on the Southern Island of Mindanao. Data
were initially collected during a 6-month period and then the lead author conducted follow-up

Figure 1. Conceptual framework for exploring principal spiritual capital and religious capital.
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 7

interviews and observations that helped clarify certain issues and concepts. Data collection was
guided by the conceptual framework (Figure 1), which informed data collection and analysis. In
the sections that follow, we provide more detail about the specific methodological aspects of
the study.

Data collection
Due to the help of a former superintendent in the participant recruitment process, 93 principals
in Cagayan de Oro took part in the study. This included 43 individual semi-structured interviews
with different principals, each of which lasted between 45 min and 2 h. The additional 59 partici-
pants took part in one of 13 focus group sessions. The average length of each focus group was
approximately 1 h and fifteen minutes. The interview protocol for the study was based on the
study’s conceptual framework (Figure 1) and included questions related to (a) religious capital,
(b) spiritual capital, (c) principal leadership, and the relationships between them. Participants
were also asked about the various aspects of their personal history, their perspectives on school
and community, their experiences of formal and informal policies and practices, and their views
on the purpose and nature of schooling in the Philippines. Seventy-five of the 93 participants in
the sample self-identified as Catholic or Roman Catholic, with 17 of the remaining participants
self-identifying as Christian and one participant choosing not to answer. While in other contexts,
identifying oneself as Catholic or Roman Catholic may be interchangeable, in the Philippines,
these distinctions distinguish a more strict form of practice (Roman Catholic) from one that is
less dogmatic (Catholic). The term “Christian” denotes a wide range of non-Catholic/Roman
Catholic possibilities that includes Born Again, Protestant, and the Philippine Independent
Church, or Iglesia ni Cristo (Abad, 2001; Sapitula & Cornelio, 2014). All participants explained that
they lived and worked in religiously diverse communities, most of which included Muslim stu-
dents and parents. Interviews were conducted in English, Tagalog and in a few instances in
Cebuano, often moving between languages given the preferences of interviewees. For the inter-
views not conducted in English, a paid translator was present for the interview and focus group
sessions. The interview transcripts included annotations for concepts that did not have an
equivalent word in English, which was explained during the interviews by the translator (Temple
& Young, 2004).
With respect to how translation influenced this qualitative study, we considered three essen-
tial questions posed by Temple and Young (2004) as a guide for data collection, analysis, and
meaning making:

1. Does the act of translation need to be identified as a methodological issue? We decided

that it was important to disclose that we employed a translator as part of the data collection
and transcription processes. Approximately 40% of participants chose to conduct the inter-
view or focus group in a language other than English. While English is widely spoken in the
Philippines, using a translator allowed for more participants to take part in the study. This in
turn allowed us to ask questions of clarification with participants during interviews not con-
ducted in English, put some participants at greater ease, and helped the researchers better
understand cultural dynamics by allowing participants to discuss their perspectives and sit-
uations using terms with cultural and colloquial meaning. To be sure, adding translation
into the process added a level of complexity to the process, but the positive aspects of the
approach outweighed the extra work (Regmi et al., 2010).
2. What are the epistemological implications of who does translation? From an epistemological
perspective, we felt that by having a native translator during interviews along with bilingual
Filipinos transcribing the recorded interviews was in-keeping with the purpose of the study.
As the research was focused on personal reflections and making sense of culture inside and
8 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

outside of school settings, having people who understand cultural nuance helped ensure a
more accurate representation of data (Ross, 2010).
3. What are the consequences regarding the final product when including a translator in
research? The translator was instrumental in member checking and explaining non-directly
translatable phrases throughout the data collection process. These additional insights helped
shape the findings, discussion and conclusion sections of this paper.

Data were also generated via 194 h of naturalistic observation in schools and division-level
professional development sessions. Technical documents such as School Improvement Plans, a
divisional accreditation report, discipline plans, meeting agendas, and DepEd memos were col-
lected when available. As religious education is mandated as part of the curriculum in the
Philippines, we found mention of religious education and spirituality in both formal and informal
documents (Bogdan & Biklen, 1997). The data we are reporting in this article is part of a larger
study that looked at many aspects of educational leadership in the city. While the interview and
focus group protocols were wide-ranging, the inductive and iterative approach (Fielding & Lee,
1998; Silverman, 2001; Strauss & Corbin, 1998) we employed allowed for sufficient questions for
clarification, yielding a thick and rich dataset.

Data analysis
We analyzed the data using open microanalytic procedures (Silverman, 2001), beginning with
broad a priori categories focused on the various aspects of the conceptual framework: (a) reli-
gious capital, (b) spiritual capital, and (c) principal leadership. This included an expansion into
instances where principals discussed issues related to religious communities and spiritual tran-
scendence. As we explored and refined these categories (and the relationships between them)
using the constant comparative method (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007), the analytic process eventually
moved certain categories toward theoretical saturation (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Then, through
further analytic induction, we identified patterns that suggested themes across categories. These
themes are presented in this article in the findings section.

Member checks and trustworthiness

The lead author conducted member checks throughout the process to establish trustworthiness
(Shenton, 2004). This included sharing transcribed interview data for accuracy, which was particu-
larly important as interviews were conducted in multiple languages. This allowed the researchers
to further clarify the meanings of certain phrases or words in context. Further, as a second form
of trustworthiness, the lead author discussed the themes presented in the subsequent findings
section with participants to ensure that interpretations of the events were in keeping with par-
ticipant perspectives.

Findings
Principals explained that spiritual capital and religious capital were important in making mean-
ingful connections with students, teachers, and community members. Their own beliefs about
spirituality and religion shaped the nature of their leadership practice in schools and community.
Yet, as the conceptual framework suggested, religious capital and spiritual capital were related,
but not identical. In the sections below, we present analysis of the findings organised into four
major themes: (a) Principal Religion and Spirituality; (b) Principal Religious Capital; (c) Principal
Spiritual Capital; and (d) Connections between Religious and Spiritual Capital. Each of these
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 9

themes included several sub-themes that relate back to and refine the central concepts of the
conceptual framework. These are explained in turn below.

Principal religion and spirituality: from the personal to the public

Interviews with principals suggested that as a group, they were highly religious. The reasons for
this were varied, and their explanations of how religion and spirituality guided their leadership
practice were manifest in several ways.

Growing up in a highly religious and spiritual society

It was common for principals to report that they grew up in observant and religious households.
For the principals in the sample, this meant being part of a Christian tradition and faith commu-
nity. The following quotes were typical of principals in the study: “My parents were both very
religious and so were my lola (grandmother) and lolo (grandfather). We went to church every
Wednesday and Sunday.” Another principal reflected,
My mother would pray for me and my sister every night when I was a child, just before we went to sleep.
It was comforting to know that she loved me, and that God would watch over us through the night.

A male principal shared,

My father is a very religious man. To this day, he prays before every meal and reads his bible
in the morning and at night. He was always quoting from the bible to teach us lessons. I used
to love the stories of Jesus and the apostles and I think he raised me to be a good and holy
person.In addition to having these messages reinforced at home, principals also stated that they
were raised by and socialised into faith communities. As one principal explained:
All my friends growing up were in the church. I would come home from school, and then run along to play
with other children from my church. All my parents’ friends were part of the church also. We ate with them,
saw them at mass, played basketball with them, and shopped in their stores. It was like the church and
barangay, and to a lesser extent the school, was all a part of my church family. We were all friends.

Other principals reinforced this experience and opined that message from church and home
were mutually reinforced. As two principals explained in a focus group:
Principal 1: When I went to church, they would preach to me from the Bible. We all heard it. I would go
home and for the rest of the week my parents would be talking about the pastor’s sermon.
Principal 2: You would get not one, but two, or three pastors! The word was always around you. God spoke
to us through the church, but you also heard him at home through your parents and grandparents. In my
barangay, even the shopkeepers would talk about that week’s teachings!
Principal 1: That’s right–God was everywhere you turned in those days.

Additionally, participants explained that they saw Philippine society as essentially pious and
principled. Nearly every principal said something akin to this principals’ statement: “Filipinos are
a God-fearing people. We are basically happy and devoted to God. We have our problems … no
one is perfect, but the Filipino people are a good people.”

A faith-focused approach to educational leadership

Growing up in a religious society meant that principals drew on their faith to make ethical deci-
sions in their leadership practice. Nearly all principals said they called on their religious teaching
and on their spiritual nature in making educational decisions:
… the bible teaches you what is wrong and what is right. If you need to settle a dispute between teachers,
students, or parents, you can usually draw on your faith to help you make decisions. For example, look at the Ten
10 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

Commandments or the Golden Rule. I use those daily to help me make decisions about what we are doing in the
school. I am only God’s hands on Earth. I take guidance from him and do my best to carry out his plan.

Other principals related similar approaches to making decisions, and a few intimated that
they also consulted a pastor or priest on a regular basis in relation to educational matters, pre-
ferring their counsel to school division administrators. As one principal said,
the priest knows me, knows my students, and knows my teachers. He knows their heart and he knows how
they learn. He is also a man of God, so who could be better than him to help me make decisions about
his flock?

While deference to religious leaders on operational or pedagogical matters was not wide-
spread, nearly every principal said they counted a religious leader among their confidantes or
personal support network.

Filipino leaders are expected to espouse their faith

As public figures, principals felt obliged to be both a religious and spiritual role model for stu-
dents, teachers, and the school community. In practice, they were expected to open meetings
with prayers, evoke the name of God when discussing hardships in the school or community,
and quote scripture during the school day as a way of teaching lessons about morality and eth-
ics. A secondary principal explained:
Filipino leadership is based on the word of God. You will hear leaders in every sector say how important
God is to them. This is good and bad. When it is good, our leaders listen to the Lord, it brings out the best
of what it is to be Filipino. But when they are bad, they also talk about God! Even when a leader, say a
politician or a businessman, is caught red-handed doing something bad, something illegal, they put
themselves in the hands of God or they say only God can judge them. God is there, for better, or for worse.

Two primary school principals offered responses that revealed the high value placed on
spirituality.
Principal 1: First and foremost you must be a good person, a good brother, and a good sister. When you
are a good person people know it. They trust you and they will follow you when you lead. Being a kind
and good listener is what is important for a leader.

Principal 2: I have my belief in God, but more than that I have compassion and patience. I try and feel what
other people are feeling and be sympathetic. If we can first care for each other, then we can be a servant
to the kids and to the school.

There may be limited space and resources, but you always have your faith
Principals often used faith in God to explain unfortunate events in the school and community.
For example, we asked about issues related to both corruption and ongoing lack of resources
and infrastructure. The responses were uniform:
Principal 1: Is there corruption? I would say yes, but who am I? We must let God answer questions like that.
It is not for me to judge another person’s soul or conduct.

Principal 2: I may not have enough desks or books for students, but I have faith. God willing, we will teach
the children and help them learn regardless of items.
Principal 3: I may be a principal, but I am nothing in the eyes of God. If there are no manipulatives, no
microscopes, no computers for the children, that is part of God’s plan.

Offering education with limited space and resources is daunting, but the principals believed
that the school would be provided for because the students were essentially good people and
that academic shortcomings were part of a divine plan they could not know.
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 11

Principals as pastors
During interviews and focus groups, nearly one third of the participants said that they were either a
pastor or studying to become one. This seemed like a high number, and we asked for further clarifica-
tion about why a school principal would become a pastor. One principal explained:
Being a principal is helping people, it is doing God’s work because you are there for the children and for
the community. Being a pastor, being able to preach the word of God from the pulpit? That is the highest
calling for any person. Here (at the school) I can help people grow their mind, but with my own church, I
can help grow their souls. I want to give myself fully to the service of the Lord. One day, I will open my
own church.

Other principals expressed similar notions, suggesting that they saw their work in education as a
career in which they were engaged until they could answer a higher calling as a religious leader.

Thematic summary: religion and spirituality are central to principal leadership

Principals saw both religion and spirituality as central to their personal and professional identity.
They viewed themselves as part of a local religious community and part of a country where reli-
gion and spirituality were highly regarded shared values. This perspective shaped the way they
saw their role as school leaders, and in some ways, helped them cope with a lack of resources
to support instruction. Religious capital, on the other hand, positioned leaders as an inside mem-
ber of a religious community and an outside member to other religious communities. This “us”
and “them” had bearing on how leaders navigated their practice.

Principal religious capital: working within and across communities

Participants explained that they were conscious of the need to learn about the various religious
communities in their school and neighbourhood. Moreover, they stressed the importance of
knowing religious leaders in the community and understanding the types of philanthropic work
in which they engaged. They also said that it was important for them to have a good working
relationship with people within and across the religious community they belonged to, and to
develop at least a basic understanding of the religious beliefs and expectations of the religious
communities that flowed into the school and community. Such understandings enabled them to
make informed decisions about how they approached others for support and the ways in which
they formed coalitions to provide improved services for students. This also helped principals
understand the various forms of religious education they needed to offer, as required by the cur-
riculum, in order to ensure that all students had access to religious development.

Diversity within Christian and Islamic communities

Principals explained that there was great diversity within the Christian and Muslim faith communities.
They also highlighted the importance of understanding this diversity in context and being responsive
to the different needs of their students. For example, one secondary principal explained:
Our student and teacher groups are quite varied. This morning, some of our Catholic pupils asked
permission to attend mass at 10:00 o’clock. In this school, we also have the Filipinistas and Iglesia Filipina
Independiente members and a few different groups who are Born Again. They all claim different traditions,
but deep inside they keep the Bible close to their heart. It is a bit confusing sometimes. I don’t have the
same kind of relationship with all groups. We also have different Muslim groups. I know less about them,
and I don’t hear from them as much, but they are present. I would say that all told, there are about 15
different religious groups in the school.

Another participant said in a focus group:

To do my job, I invite Catholic Priests and Catechists to be part of the school’s work. Born Again pastors and the
Muslims–what they call Mustads–also come in from time to time to instruct students who are aligned with these
12 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

faiths. Since we are a public school, I try to cater to the different religious needs. If they are Muslim, they go with
the Muslims to study religion. If they belong to Roman Catholic, then they go to the Roman Catholic classes, and
so on.

As with principals, some teachers were themselves religious leaders and outspoken members
of a faith community. This meant that principals had to manage ever-shifting discourses at the
school around religion and from time-to-time, this created friction.

Segregation and integration: navigating co-existence and tension between religious

communities
Principals explained that religious communities were largely insular and their interactions with
others religious groups occurred infrequently. Data typical of this response included:
Principal 1: The Muslims and Christians keep to themselves.

Principal 2: I have never, well, rarely saw a problem between the religions. One does their own thing and
the other also does their own thing. There is not a lot of interaction between them.
Principal 3: Even when they are young, such as grades one and two, children and parents keep to
themselves. I don’t have many Muslim students, but the ones I do have are only friends with other Muslims.
It is rare that Catholics and Muslims are friends.

Despite a primarily segregated school culture, as in communities and society at large, religion
created some tensions in schools. In certain situations, principals used their religious capital to
diffuse tension. Participants said that some problems revolved around the use of facilities for reli-
gious gatherings. Conflict also occurred between different religious groups, whether it be
between students, instructors, or families. As one principal explained, these were often resolved
by calling for community assistance:
Whenever we have problems created by people having different opinions about religion, if the problem
cannot be resolved within the school, we must call on people to help resolve the issue. I know the local
priest and a few pastors. I do not know the Mustad, but I know some parents who will call him for me. I
can call on each for a favour. This happens once or twice a year when students or groups of students from
one religion are mean to the other religion.

Madrasahs and Catholic religious education in schools

There were two primary forms of religious education in Cagayan de Oro schools: madrassas that
served the Muslim students and various forms of Christian education. Every school reported hav-
ing at least one Christian religious education program, which was typically grounded in Roman
Catholicism. Christian religious education commonly appeared as a regularly scheduled class in
the school day and was taught once or twice per week. These classes were delivered either by
teachers with a particular interest or expertise in the topic, by community religious members,
and occasionally by community religious leaders. Principals were enthusiastic about these classes,
and several believed that these were the school’s most important offerings. As one secondary
principal explained:
I am very proud of our Catholic classes. They teach students to be more holy, and I think we are here to
educate both the mind and the soul. We have people from the church come in and deliver instruction, and
it is very good! I often sit in with the students for inspiration.

The principal continued and explained that although the classes were taught for free, there
was still a price to pay.
I don’t pay them, but we do let the church use the facilities for their programs in return for the service.
They hold business meetings at the school and often deliver instructional programs here at night. I know
they do some special teaching for the poor, to help them get jobs. It doesn’t usually interfere with the
school, but we do have to move our school events occasionally to accommodate their needs.
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 13

In most schools, Muslim students could choose to attend the madrassa if they did not opt for
Christian religious education programming. Madrassas operated as a “school within a school”
and had a dedicated space with instructional materials, most of which were printed in Arabic.
This proved costly for schools, and in most cases, madrassas served a small portion of the stu-
dent population, often as few as two or three students. This was not always because schools
had small Muslim populations, but rather because Muslim students chose not to attend madras-
sas due to the additional workload:
I have a madrassa because we have 70 Muslim students in the school. But only 5 or 6 attend the madrassa.
The madrassa is equipped for 30 students at a time. They do not attend because of language. Instruction is
in Arabic, and many students find it difficult. They do not speak Arabic. Their parents tell them to go to
their school’s madrassa to learn Arabic. However, students are not taught Arabic. They are taught religion.
So, they suffer. the madrassa is also very hard instruction–a lot of memorization, recitation and writing
Arabic. Students find it a great burden on top of their other schoolwork, so many drop out.

Another principal explained the difference in instruction between Christian and

Muslim education:
The Catholic classes are fun and inspiring. The children sing, create art, and discuss the teachings of Jesus.
Almost every student in the school participates. For Muslims, the teaching is very quiet. Solemn. They sit in
a chair or kneel and do not participate. It is not fun, but hard work. Many students stop coming.

Partnering with the religious community for resources

In addition to partnering with religious communities for instruction, schools collaborated with
communities to provide students with basic necessities. As schools have inadequate budgets,
many religious community organisations provided food, paper, potable water, pencils, books,
and other social services. A secondary principal explained:
We receive a lot of help from the community. We have the German Doctors, who give examinations of
teeth and hand out toothbrushes. The Christian church brings rice and makes congee in the mornings,
which is very nice because many students cannot eat otherwise, they are too poor. Even the Muslim
mosque helps sometimes. They bring bottled water when they can spare it. I am grateful for the assistance.

This kind of arrangement was typical across schools, with some partnerships helping princi-
pals procure instructional materials in addition to necessities. Principals explained that it was
inconsistent; however, and that when organisations were doing well, they often offered a great
deal of help, but when times were lean, they tended to disappear. Whenever services or goods
were rendered, principals were expected to repay with access to school facilities and with public
support for the donor organisation’s work, be that participating in fundraisers or promoting pro-
grams and activities.

Spiritual capital: from principal to curriculum

Principals discussed the importance of shared values and character education. They explained
that being a “good person” was important, both in their own leadership and in the development
of their staff and students. This required the development of interpersonal qualities including,
but not limited to kindness; attentiveness; active listening; caring for others; advocating for
others; trying to do their best at all times; being responsive to requests; and “having an open
heart.” Principals also said that positive interactions based on these qualities helped them com-
municate with people across religious boundaries. Without these spiritual values and practices,
communicating across religious boundaries would be difficult to non-existent.
14 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

Connecting with individuals: students, teachers, parents and community members

Principals explained that their individual relationships with people, both within and beyond
the school community, were shaped by spirituality. As one secondary principal stated:
It does not matter if people in the community know that I am a Catholic. What is important is that they
know I am a man of God, that I am a good person, and then everyone can respect that: Muslims, Born
Again Christians, and all of the rest. They know they are dealing with someone who has good values.

Another principal suggested that projecting a virtuous image was a way of gaining trust with
people, regardless of their religious affiliation. He stated,
When people meet me, they quickly learn two things. First, that I am from Lumbia. We are known for being
hard working and honest. The second, I am a Christian man, a man of principle. No matter their religion,
they know that I will be fair and compassionate. This is important in the beginning of a relationship,
especially if I am seeking partnership or sponsorship. I make sure to tell them these two things and then
they know I can be trusted and that I am serious.

This notion of having a reputation as a spiritual person was important to many principals.
Over the course of the study’s interviews, it became clear that for most principals, it was not
only a part of their identity but also a critical part of being able to interact effectively with stu-
dents, teachers, staff and community. As two rural principals explained:
Principal 1: Students will not speak against me. When I say something, they listen and obey. This is not
because they fear me, but because they don’t want to disappoint me. They know that I am a man of faith
and they don’t want to go against a man of faith.

Principal 2: It is very important that parents and teachers know you are pious. If you are pious, they will
follow you and carry out what you ask. It is very important for a leader to know and show your faith.

Principals further explained that students, teachers, and even community members came to
them for counsel because of their standing. Principals were also regarded as authoritative, and
could be trusted to offer “right” guidance. This was evident in behavior management situations
with unruly students. It was also evident in the ways principals settled disputes between teach-
ers. Principals explained that it was a matter of routine to evoke phrases and concepts such as
“doing what is right” or “being good to your fellows.”

Spirituality and respect across religions

Importantly, spiritual capital helped information, services, and communication flow across the
Christian and Muslim divide that was often present in Filipino communities. While the previous
section presented data around this phenomenon in general, it is important to note that this was
particularly pronounced when Christian principals discussed their experiences working with
Muslim communities. One female principal explained,
Muslims? Yes, we have some, but I do not see any issues with them. We have an understanding that is
based on mutual respect. We are two religions, but they know that I am a woman of God, just as they are
people of God. We may call his name differently, but what we share are values–being good to our brothers
and sisters, listening well, telling the truth. We do not go to the same churches, but we do share a lot of
the same ideals.

An urban principal with a large Muslim student population in her school explained that these
connections were key to her turning around a situation from one of low trust to one of
partnership.
When I arrived at my school two years ago, the Muslims were very mistrusting.
They felt they had been lied to by the previous principal. I was not here so I do not know the truth. What I
do know is that they first did not trust me either. I spoke with the parents and the Imams, but they were
not sure about me. I kept calling on them, communicating with them and asking for their inputs. After
several months, one of them said to me, ‘you are not Muslim, but you are a good person.’ That changed
everything. Now I have good relations with Muslims and some parent involvement from Muslim parents.
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 15

Spirituality as the foundation of values education

Principals explained that transcendent spirituality was the foundation of what was commonly
called Values Education or Makabayan, which was a core course taught throughout every year of
the curriculum. Course materials and observations showed that Values Education was divided
into four core values: Maka-Diyos, which focused on spirituality; Maka-Tao, which emphasised
respect and justice; Makakalikasan, which promoted environmental sustainability, and;
Makabansa, which related to preserving Filipino customs and heritage. The National Department
of Education’s Framework for Values Education outlined the core values and behaviors expected
of students (see Table 1). As evident in the chart, spirituality formed the core of value
development.

Table 1. Philippine Department of Education core values.

Core values Behavior statements
Maka-Diyos Expresses one’s spiritual beliefs
while respecting the spiritual
beliefs of others
Shows adherence to ethical
principles by upholding truth
Maka-Tao Is sensitive to individual, social, and
cultural differences
Demonstrates contributions
toward solidarity
Makakalikasan Cares for the environment and
utilizes resources wisely,
judiciously, and economically
Makabansa Demonstrates pride in being a
Filipino; exercises the rights and
responsibilities of a
Filipino citizen
Demonstrates appropriate behavior
in carrying out activities in the
school, community, and country
Indicators
 Engages oneself in worthwhile spiritual activities
 Respects sacred places
 Respects religious beliefs of others
 Demonstrates curiosity and willingness to learn about other
ways to express spiritual life
 Tells the truth
 Returns borrowed things in good condition
 Demonstrates intellectual honesty
 Expects honesty from others
 Aspires to be fair and kind to all
 Identifies personal biases
 Recognizes and respects one’s feelings and those of others
 Shows respect for all
 Waits for one’s turn
 Takes good care of borrowed things
 Views mistakes as learning opportunities
 Upholds and respects the dignity and equality of all
 including those with special needs
 Volunteers to assist others in times of need
 Recognizes and respects people from different economic,
social, and cultural backgrounds.
 Cooperates during activities
 Recognizes and accepts the contribution of others toward
a goal
 Considers diverse views
 Communicates respectfully
 Accepts defeat and celebrates others’ success
 Enables others to succeed
 Speaks out against and prevents bullying
 Shows a caring attitude toward the environment
 Practices waste management
 Conserves energy and resources
 Takes care of school materials, facilities, and equipment
 Keeps work area in order during and after work
 Keeps one’s work neat and orderly
 Identifies oneself as a Filipino
 Respects the flag and national anthem
 Takes pride in diverse Filipino cultural expressions, practices,
and traditions
 Promotes the appreciation and enhancement of
Filipino languages
 Abides by the rules of the school, community, and country
 Enables others to develop interest and pride in being
a Filipino
 Manages time and personal resources efficiently and
effectively
 Perseveres to achieve goals despite difficult circumstances
 Conducts oneself appropriately in various situations
16 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

Including Maka-Diyos in the curriculum provided a language for discussing spirituality in the
school. This curriculum gave spirituality a legitimacy that allowed principals to refer to it in their
daily work:
I know what students are being taught when they study Maka-Diyos. I know what the teachers are
teaching. It is an important part of the curriculum, but also useful because it sets expectations and helps
you keep heading in the right direction. Spirituality is in the language of our school and community. It is
very Filipino to be spiritual and everyone knows that we take it seriously.

Behaviours were expected to be deeply rooted in spirituality. In this sense, spiritual capital
flowed throughout the school and community, shaping interpersonal interactions with parents,
students, and community members. In short, principals acknowledged the centrality of spiritual-
ity in school culture, regarding it as wholly positive for themselves and the school community.

Discussion and conclusions: school leadership between the cross and the crescent
In some ways, principals at government schools in Cagayan de Oro led their teachers, students,
and school community in much the same way as other educational leaders around the world.
They focused on student learning, quality pedagogy and continuous organisational improve-
ment, working to meet local expectations and standards aligned with national policy mandates
(Brooks & Jean-Marie, 2015; Dantley & Rogers, 2001). However, one of the dynamics that makes
the context of the Philippines unique is the degree to which education policy, school practices,
and national identity are imbued with religion and spirituality (Brooks, 2017). As documented in
this study, there is both a deep personal connection to these concepts and an expectation that
they will be part of the public persona of a principal, both within and outside of the school. We
now turn to discuss three points that helped us refine and expand our understanding of princi-
pals, spiritual capital, and religious capital. We then consider implications for future research,
methodology, and the practice of school leadership.

Religion as a principal’s community, moral compass, and professional persona

Religion was important to all of the principals in the study. Religion offered them a faith commu-
nity. It also helped guide their decision-making (Dantley, 2010). All of the principals, except one,
identified as a member of a particular denomination and a particular local religious community.
Nearly all principals identified as Catholic/Roman Catholic or Christian. It was common for many
principals’ kinship and friendship groups to revolve around their religious communities. Yet,
within their religious community, principals enjoyed a high level of religious capital. This afforded
them high status in their religious community and helped them garner resources and services
for their school (Dubos, 2017; Iannaccone, 1990).
Nevertheless, the segregated socio-religious structure of Philippine society in general, and
Mindanao in particular, impeded religious communities from interacting with one another
(Milligan, 2005, 2006, 2018). This established an us/them dynamic, wherein religious capital was
high within the boundaries of a group and low beyond it, creating a form of religious self-segre-
gation. The findings of this study suggested that rather than intractable communication and
socio-religious division, principals recognised that their currency across religious groups was
related to their spiritual rather than religious capital. Essentially, there was more common ground
for understanding and transaction than previously understood. The findings also underscore that
in this case, both religious capital and spiritual capital were important to a principal’s effective-
ness and offered alternative routes for connecting to people, resources and seemingly closed-off
communities.
Principals also drew on religion to help them make decisions in their personal lives and profes-
sional workplaces. Reflection, ongoing study of religious texts, and active engagement with religious
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 17

leaders were valued. Like Dantley’s contentions about the centrality of spirituality to African American
school leadership, the principals in this study explained that religiosity and spirituality were an inte-
gral part of their practice (Dantley, 2003). Religiosity manifested in many forms: opening meetings
with prayers, citing scripture, seeking guidance on morally ambiguous issues in religious texts or from
religious leaders, or drawing on lessons from their own religious educational experience. Principals’
informal application of religious belief was also important and shown through hallway conversations
with students and supporting the diversity of religious instruction in the building. This type of leader-
ship practice reflects research highlighting the importance of secular principals connecting to stu-
dents and teachers in affective and spiritual ways (Brooks, 2019).
The principals in the study said that it was important for them not only to be an observant
religious and spiritual leader but also to be visible and open about the role of religion and spir-
ituality in their personal life and professional work. Through their use of religious capital and
spiritual capital, the principals earned the respect they needed to leverage other kinds of trans-
actions, whether those be educational, social, or economic (Verter, 2003; Zaharris, et al., 2017).
To be sure, this dynamic will manifest differently depending on various geopolitical, socio-reli-
gious and education contexts. Indeed, further research is needed to explore how principals of
different faith traditions, and no faith traditions, experience and perceive these dynamics.

Religious capital and spiritual capital as theoretical constructs: promise, possibilities

and problems
This study suggests that religious capital (Baker & Miles-Watson, 2010) and spiritual capital
(Berger & Hefner, 2003; Dubos, 2017) offer a novel way to gain insight about the ways in which
principal moral purpose, their public personas, and the principles that guide their work shape
their leadership practice (Furman, 2003). Further, as spiritual capital and religious capital extend
beyond the individual and focus on transactions within a symbolic system, research exploring
these phenomena can shed light on new ways of thinking about the informal and relational
ways that a school community operates (Starratt, 2007). Following Dantley’s (2003) guidance, we
began conceptualising the study with the assumption that religion and spirituality were distinct.
Indeed, the principals in this study worked within both systems of religious capital and spiritual
capital. Crucially, though, they understood when one was needed due to the other being not
effective. This suggests to us that while religion and spirituality may indeed be distinct con-
structs, together they form an intimately connected system that offers principals a way to both
reflect on their work and to connect with others in ways that are meaningful to all (Brooks &
Brooks, 2018).

Implications for research, practice and methodology

This study raises several issues for practitioners, researchers, and methodologists to consider.
Practitioners would do well to better understand the individual spiritual and religious systems
that help shape what people think and the ways that they interact in school and community.
Many principals in secular Western countries hide their beliefs, either because it is inappropriate
culturally or not allowed from a legal or policy perspective (Witherspoon & Taylor, 2010).
However, this research indicates that it may in fact be both inspirational and pragmatic for prin-
cipals to think of their work not only as a public intellectual (Merchant & Shoho, 2006) but also
as a public source of transcendent spirituality–connecting to others through values such as altru-
ism, kindness and benevolence (Dantley, 2003).
In terms of advancing research on this topic, it would be instructive if subsequent studies fur-
ther explored the spiritual capital and religious capital framework (Figure 1) we developed, but
in other contexts. Cagayan de Oro is an interesting context, but it would be fascinating to
18 J. S. BROOKS AND M. C. BROOKS

explore the topic in more (and less) diverse religious communities and in contexts that are more
(or less) secular. There is a need to both deepen and broaden our understanding of the topic,
and to compare the ways that various policies and informal practices are congruent and diver-
gent across contexts and over time. Further, using the framework to understand religious and
spiritual capital in expressly religious schools would offer insight into the ways that a unified sys-
tem operates.
From a methodological perspective, one of the interesting issues that the study raised had to
do with translation, a consideration increasingly common as educational researchers explore con-
texts with different linguistic traditions in their own locality and around the globe (Regmi et al.,
2010). Working with locals to make sense and derive meaning from interviews is a process of co-
construction and co-interpretation that bears greater scrutiny from methodologists in the future.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes on contributors
Jeffrey S. Brooks is a Professor of Education in the School of Education at RMIT University in Melbourne, Australia.
His research centers on the ways that socio-cultural dynamics such as racism, globalisation and social justice influ-
ence (and are influenced by) educational leadership.

Melanie C. Brooks is a Senior Lecturer in Educational Leadership in the Faculty of Education at Monash University.
She is a J. William Fulbright Senior Scholar grant recipient to the Philippines and has conducted research in
Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, the United States, Australia, and Egypt. Her areas of expertise include culturally
responsive school leadership, Islamic schooling, and education in contexts of conflict.

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