Ubaidullah Khan Uzbeg

After the battle of Ghujdwan the balance had tilted distinctly in favour of the Uzbegs,
and the troubles of Shah Ismail seemed to multiply. Sultan Salim, a vigorous ruler and
brilliant commander, had by now established his position firmly in Turkey. With a view
to dealing with the Persians, he had renewed his agreements with Venice and Hungary
and in 1513 made in alliance with the Mamluks who were themselves wary of the
growing Persian menace to their control over Syria.' The persecution of Shias in his empire
was already alarming the Persians. Unrest amongst the Sunnis in Persia was further
aggravated by pressure of the Uzbegs. Finally mutual interest and religious affinity
brought the Turkish Sultan closer to die Uzbegs. In March 1514, the Ottoman Sultan,
Salim I, despatched an embassy under Mahmud Beg to persuade Ubaidullah Khan to
join him against the 'Sufi Bachcha' Ismail and his Persian 'heretics'. Apart from
emphasizing their common religious cause, Sultan Salim also advised Ubaidullah Khan
to avenge the 'martyrdom' of Shaibani Khan. 2 In his reply sent through Khurshid
Bahadur in July-August 1514, Ubaidullah Khan conveyed his desire to make an alliance
with the Sultan, but he expressed his inability to join him immediately against the
Persians. Recounting his victory against the Persian commander Najm Sani and
against Babur, Ubaidullah informed Sultan Salim that he had sent messages for aid
and alliance to all the Uzbeg Sultans from Tashkent to Samarqand, and had sought
their cooperation in the task of eliminating 'heretics'. He had conveyed similar direction
to all amirs, tumans, ughlans and the people of Ghingiz Khan's family. In response, the
Sultans had agreed to join hands with him against the Persians. Ubaidullah further
stated in his letter that with their aid he would launch an expedition to 'exterminate
heresy'.3 It appears that, while Ubaidullah was anxious to weaken the Persians, he would
not make definite commitments to the Turkish Sultan as he did not seem to have
enjoyed the full cooperation and faith of his kinsmen then at the helm of affairs. The
Ottomans, however, scored a great victory in 1515 owing to their numerical strength
and artillery over the Safavids, and the Sultan sent another embassy to Ubaidullah
Khan under Saiyid Muhammad informing him of his success.4
The history of the following six years (1514^20) shrouded darkness. Presumably,
the Uzbegs had to concentrate upon the consolidation of their newly conquered
territories, and on the rejuvenation of the crippled central Asian economy. The need
for reorganization of fresh forces may have necessitated Kuchikonji's monetary
reforms, which took one full decade (1514-25).
By 1521, Ubaidullah Khan had strengthened his position sufficiently to be able
to launch sustained operations against the Persians, who were already exhausted by
the battle of Chaldiran (1514) and successive Ottoman invasions. Like his uncle
Shaibani Khan, he too had always been anxious to conquer Khurasan and especially
Herat. Encouraged by the example of Sultan Salim (whose dynamic offensive had lulled
Shah Ismail in 'persistent passivity' and 'hedonism',5 and having received the support
of the reigning Khaqan Kuchikonji, he decided to invade Khurasan in 1521. At an
assembly of the Uzbeg Chiefs, it was decided to send Jani Beg to Qasim Khan, the
Qazaq ruler to Dasht-i Qipchaq, to seek his assistance against the Persians. Qasim
Khan came to Bukhara and from there sent provocative letters containing 'insulting
words' to Shah Ismail. The latter, too, prepared for war. The two fo rces met at the
bank of the Oxus, and the Uzbegs were badly defeated. Ubaidullah Khan thereupon
sent an embassy under Khawaja Abdur Rahim Samarqandi with munificent presents and
a supplicatory letter to Shah Ismail. At first, the Shah declined to accept the offer but
throughout the intercession of Dev Sultan, the notable Persian general, peace was
 concluded and 'the Uzbegs were allowed to rule over Transoxiana'.6
After the death of Shah Ismail in 1524, Persia passed through a phase of political
instability and the Qizilbash interregnum. The Ustajlu, Rumlu, Takkalu and Shamlu
clans fought for supremacy, resulting ultimately in Takkalu domination (1530-4) and
the subsequent overthrow of these by Shah Tahmasp. 7 Encouraged by this, the Uzbegs
led several expeditions into Khurasan during the short period of seven years (1523-30).
The history of this period is a monotonous story of continuous Uzbeg operations and the
loss and
recovery of the territories of Herat, Meshed and Astar abad by the Persians and the
Uzbegs alternately. 8 In 1524 Sewinch Khan declared a 'holy war against the Persian
heretics' to avenge the 'martyrdom' of Shaibani Khan after a lapse of about fourteen
years. Sewinch Khan was joined by the Uzbeg princes and nob les, including the
two promising princes amongst them, namely Ubaidullah and Timur Sultan. The
Uzbegs passed through Charjui and attacked Meshed, overran Tirmiz and reached
as far as Balkh, destroying cities and plundering the inhabitants on the way. At the
time, Balkh was held by Muhammad Zaman Mirza 9 in the name of Babur. Jani Beg
sent Kistan Qara Sultan to conquer the territory which was strategically important
and could serve as a military base for fresh new Uzbeg operations into Khurasan.
The nobles of Balkh, responding to the persuasions of Saleh Bin Saiyid Muhammad,
came with presents to receive the Uzbegs. After occupying Balkh, the Uzbegs
appointed Muhammad Saleh governor and hastily marched to besiege Herat.
Durmesh Khan Shamlu, the Beglar Begi (am ir-ul umara and governor) of
Khurasan, fortified the town and resolved to offer stiff resistance. Persian chroniclers
report that when its fall was delayed, Kuchum sent a letter to Durmesh Khan in which
he tried persuading him to surrender the two and promising to cede him any territory
in Turan provided he tendered his submission immediately. This overture was
turned down by Durmesh who retorted that he was not like a 'Turani noble'; he also
made an attack on the Uzbegs at Beghi-Murad and forced them to retreat. 10
But the death of Durmesh Sultan in 1525-6, the unrest in the province, court
politics of the Takkalu and Ustajlu nobles followed by the murder of its new ruler,
Boron Sultan, again encouraged Ubaidullah to besiege Meshed. After a long
siege, Meshed's provisions were exhausted and the Persians surrendered despite
additional reinforcements sent by Husain Khan, Durmesh's successor as Beglar Begi
of Khurasan. After leaving his trusted officers in Meshed, Ubaidullah proceeded to
besiege Astarabad.
The ruler of Herat, Zanil Khan, with the ruler of Damghan, Dumari Sultan
Shamlu, and the ruler of Bustam, Ufi Sultan, Zulqadr, met the Uzbegs at Astarabad,
but after some initial successes, was defeated. Zanil Khan fled to Re and Ubaidullah
occupied the town of Astarabad and appointed his son Abdul Aziz, the governor. In
order to strengthen this position further and to win over the population,
Ubaidullah is said to have treated the inhabitants, particularly the Saiyids and the
followers of Shiism, with great kindness and generosity. Babur, however, asserts
that the men and women were taken in captivity, thus violating the terms of the
capitulation. The Uzbegs gradually managed to conquer the entire area extending
from Astarabad to Meshed except Isfarain from where the former ruler of
Meshed, Chaghatai Bahadur, had somehow managed to drive them away.
Having completed these conquests, Ubaidullah returned to Balkh. In the meantime
Zanil Khan took advantage of his absence, and since Ufi Sultan Takkalu, Dumari
Sultan, Shah Aghriwar, Shah Ali Sultan Istajlu and the rulers of Sabzwar, Nishapur
and Isfarain had also come to his rescue, theyjoindy marched from Re to Astarabad.
On hearing the news of their arrival, Abdul Aziz fled, and the Uzbeg, governor of
Sabzwar, also retired. Thus the Persians easily recovered their lost territories.
Ubaidullah was shocked at his son's behaviour, and resolving to punish the Persians,
he collected a large force numbering about 20,000 and, along with his generals,
Zanesh Bahadur and Qambar Ali, he marched rapidly to Bustam. The Persian
advance guard led by Ufi Sultan and Dumari Sultan was badly defeated by the
Uzbegs in the very first encounter. Both commanders were killed, and Zanil Khan
fled to Ferozekoh. Ubaidullah now left his renowned general Zanesh Bahadur at
Astarabad and he himself spent the winter in Ghauriyan, from where he sent appeals
to all the Uzbeg Sultans to cooperate in his campaigns against the Persians. 11
Even when the winter was over, Ubaidualah could not resume his expedition
against the Persians, thanks to some developments within the Uzbeg Empire. Sewinch
Khan, the qaalgha, suddenly fell ill and, despite the best efforts of Tajik and
Turcoman physicians, died in the spring of 1526. Before his death he appointed his
son, Keldi Muhammad, the Sultan of his apanage, Tashkent. The immediate
problem was to choose a successor but it had been solved by Sewinch by declaring his
son Jani Beg as the qaalgha. Jani Beg was now proclaimed the qaalgha. Since Keldi
Muhammad was young and inexperienced, he could not be given the responsibilities
of his father. The northern borders of the Uzbeg Empire now became insecure. •The
former enemies of Sewinch, the Moghuls and Qazaqs, were also tempted to avenge
their earlier defeat. Sultan Said, an uncle of Babur and a former ruler of Andijan,
whom Sewinch had met in batde several times before, and ultimately forced him
to return to Kashghar continued to launch attacks upon Qirghiz, although he was
not able to proceed any further. During one such expedition he learnt of Sewinch's
death and the resultant instability prevailing in Tashkent. Thus, tempted, he sought
help from the ruler of Kashghar in the hope of regaining Andijan. He was soon
fortified by Kashghar troops under their ruler Sultan Muhammad. Andijan at this
time was completely undefended with Keldi Muhammad staying in Tashkent.
Sultan Said conquered Uzgand, Madi and Ashem. However, before he could
occupy Andijan, Keldi Muhammad had received news of his incursions and
marched rapidly to meet the invaders. Since there was no hope of success against
the Uzbegs, Sultan Muhammad returned along with Sultan Said to Kashghar, albeit
with a large number of Uzbeg captives. To his consternation, news soon came that
Keldi Muhammad was marching fast to overtake them and he even planned to
invade the territory of Kashghar. Sultan Muhammad immediately sent an embassy
under a renowned Sufi saint, Maulana Husain Rumi, with friendly messages and
splendid presents. The Uzbeg captives were also released. Keldi Muhammad
received the envoys with cordiality and accepted their excuses graciously.12
At this time, the apanage of Keldi Muhammad was exposed 'to other dangers also.
Its frontiers were constandy under pressure on the north and north-east from the
recalcitrant Qazaqs, Qirghizes and Moghuls. Qasim Khan of the Qazaq region had
died and his grandson, Jani Beg Tahir, had occupied the lands of Dasht and certain
other regions of Moghulistan. Due to his unpopularity, Tahir was ousted and he now
sought Keldi Muhammad's assistance against his enemies. Keldi Muhammad greeted
his envoy cordially and gave him assurances of help. A second embassy from Tahir
followed. News of this alarmed Tahir's enemies who came to him with apologies
and placed him on the throne once again. No sooner was he acknowledged as the
ruler of the steppes was than Tahir's attitude towards the Uzbegs underwent a
change. This came into the open when Keldi Muhammad sent an embassy with
greetings to Tahir. The envoy was arrested and in order to 'show his strength' to the
Uzbeg Sultan and his former ally, Tahir decided to invade Tashkent. Keldi
Muhammad immediately marched with his army. The two forces m et and a battle
ensued. Tahir's army, consisting largely of the ill-equipped Qirghiz, was badly
defeated. He had to surrender some of his territories, which were given to Abdullah
Sultan, son of Kuchum Khan. Having achieved this victory, Keldi Muhammad
organized feasts and festivities and bestowed iqtas and gifts upon his leading nobles.13
 It is probable that such troubles, though they did not directly involve Ubaidullah,
still gready restricted his activities. Now however he was able to collect a large force
from the furthest reaches of the Uzbeg Empire, and decided to invade Persia. In 1527-
8, Ubaidullah laid siege to Herat. The governor of Herat, Husain Khan Shamlu, and
the Persians decided to resist. Despite a great scarcity of provisions, the siege
went on for seven months. In the meantime, another Uzbeg detachment in
Damghan drove out and killed the Persian officer Zanil Khan. Encouraged by this,
the amir-ul umara of Ubaiduallah, Yari Bi (son of Jan Wafa Mirza), prompted
Ubaidullah to surround the fort of Herat by posting his forces all around for a
pitched batde. In the ensuring battle the Uzbeg forces were so completely scattered
and disorganized that they were easily defeated by the Persians. Yari Bi was killed in
the battle and Herat could not be conquered. When die Shah (Tahmasp) of Persia
already irritated by repeated Uzbeg aggressions, noticed that Uzbeg power was on
the decline, he besieged Damghan and its population was made to face severe
hardships in a long siege. According to Babur, Shah Tahmasp followed the Ottoman
tactics of tabur-i cengi and thereby crushed the Uzbeg force. Presumably the Rumlu
tufangchis may have also played some role. Ultimately, the Uzbeg governor of
Damghan, Zanish Bahadur, making an attempt to flee was caught by the Persians
and killed. The Persians thereafter met little resistance and were able to occupy
the fort. The conquest of Damghan was followed by a general massacre of the
Uzbegs after which the Persian forces returned to Meshed via Kalpoash. 14
Ubaidullah was deeply distressed by this event and sent letters to all the Uzbeg
chiefs persuading them tojoin hands with him against the Persians. Having
collected a large army from Transoxiana, Turkestan, Akhsi, Andijan, Otrar,
Qalmaq, Kashghar, the lands of the Qirghiz and Qazaqs and accompanied by
generals like Kuchum, Burraq Khan, Abdul Latif, Jani Beg and Abu Said, he crossed
the Oxus and marched towards Husaini in Jarjam. Shah Tahmasp arranged his
forces on the other side of the river. The Uzbeg army is said to have consisted of
1,20,000 soldiers, of which about 80,000 were elite troops and the remaining
auxiliaries (almanchis and parwanas). Ubaidullah led the centre; the left was
under the command of Burraq Khan, Faulad Sultan and Abdul Aziz, and the right
under that of Sewinch and others. On 23 September 1528, the Uzbegs finally
arranged their army at Sar-i Qimush Jam. The right and left wings of the Persian
army were composed of some capable soldiers. The Persians had the advantage of
artillery. Babur says that Shah Tahmasp came out of Iraq with 40,000 men arrayed
in Rumi fashion with matchlock and cart (tufuk o araba). The wagons were arranged
in the front under well-trained gunners. The Uzbegs fell upon the Persian right and
left wings. After achieving an initial success, they began to disperse for plunder. 15
The Afzal ut-Tawarikh records that the Uzbegs were so happy after their seeming
victory that they continued to rejoice till late at night and were fast asleep when Shah
Tahmasp arrived with his 7,000 soldiers and routed them by a night attack. Alam
Ara-i Abbasi informs us that, at this juncture, a Persian detachment consisting of
3,000 soldiers led by Shah Tahmasp which had so far remained concealed from the
Uzbegs, suddenly fell upon them and easily overpowered them as in plunder. The
same work contemptuously adds that Ubaidullah had brought with him about forty
saints from Transoxiana to pray for his success. All of them were caught and
beheaded by the Persians. One of the Persian qurchis came with his sword to kill
'Bakr Ubaid' but finding him 'too feeble and thin' he took mercy on him and refrained
from killing him. 16 The Uzbegs were again defeated and forced to retreat. 17 The'pursuit
of the Uzbeg army had to be abandoned as there was revolt in Baghdad under the
leadership of Zulfiqar Beg Mausillu who had now acknowledged the Ottoman
suzerainty.
Ubaidullah's incursions into Persia has so far yielded little success. It seems that the
lack of artillery and cannon in the Uzbeg army probably discouraged them from
fighting pitched battles with the Persians. Consequendy, the Uzbegs frequendy
retreated as soon as their desire for booty was satisfied. Unlike his Uzbeg kinsmen,
however, Ubaidullah's ambitions were not confined to raids and plunder but
extended to lasting conquests. The recent debacle, therefore, gready perturbed him;
and so having appealed to all his far and near relatives for help once again, he
gathered a large force and, accompanied by his son Abdul Aziz and cousin Sewinch,
he besieged Meshed whose Persian governor, Aghziwar Khan Shamlu, shut himself
in the town. After a siege of two months, Aghziwar Khan came out to meet in batde
at Kuchaband. This resulted in the defeat of the Persians. Aghziwar Khan and Yaqub
went to Mazinan being hotly pursued by the Uzbegs. About 3,000 Persians were killed.
Ubaidullah occupied Meshed and laid siege to Herat, which also fell owing to the
scarcity of provisions. Husain Khan opened negotiations and surrendered the fort
on a guarantee of safety for his life and that of his family. Nevertheless, the Uzbegs
devastated and plundered the city and massacred the population. Ubaidullah
himself ordered the execution of Hilali, a well known poet, in Charjul. The plunder
and massacre were intensified by the Uzbegs on religious grounds. 18 The Persian
chroniclers complain that the Uzbegs having thus conquered Khurasan reduced
Persians to a miserable life of hardship and poverty. The Shah could not take
prompt action to recover his territories, since he was himself busy in the Baghdad
campaigns against the Ottomans. 19 Ubaidullah moved from Herat to Farah and
besieged it. But Ahmad Sultan Afshar, the governor of Farah, held out and
Ubaidullah had to raise the siege ultimately. News of this was encouraging for Babur
who was by now in India. He had been informed widi some exaggeration that most
of the Uzbeg Sultans, except Kuchum Khan, had been killed. Letters were instantly
sent to Humayun and Kamran with orders to move on to Hisar, Samarqand and
Herat, for if these were conquered, Babur dreamt of 'turning Hisar into a crown
land and bestowing other territories upon Kamran if he thought Balkh too small an
assignment'.20 To his dismay, Babur received Uzbeg envoys from Kuchum Khan and
Abu Said Sultan Uzbeg, congratulating him on his victory in India. 21
By this time the Baghdad comparing had ended successfully for the Shah. He had
collected a large force to march against the Uzbegs early in 1529-30. News of his
arrival compelled Ubaidullah to wididraw from Herat to Merv from where he sent
letters to the Uzbeg Sultans asking for help. He simultaneously despatched
provocative letters to the Shah. Although the Uzbeg Sultans assembled in Merv, the
comparing could not be undertaken because of the news of the death of Jani Beg.
As already noted, Jani Beg had been elected as the qaalgha in 1526. He was old
and took little interest in administrative affairs or military expeditions. Most of his
time was spent reciting the Koran and listening to stories about the lives of saints,
and in receiving theologians and mystics. While he kept himself occupied thus, his
eleven sons looked after the affairs of his apanage. His death in 1529 created a
new problem for the Uzbeg Sultans who had to select a new qaalgha with Kuchum Khan
as khaqan. Before the question could be decided Kuchum Khan also died in 1530. The
Uzbegs summoned an assembly immediately. Ubaidullah rushed from Bukhara to
Samarqand and after the usual mourning ceremonies, Sultan Abu Said, the eldest son
of Kuchum and the oldest amongst the Uzbeg Sultans, was made khaqan. On a Friday
in early 1530, he was duly placed on the throne of Samarqand. The khutba was read
and coins struck in this name. Sultan Abu Said was a devout man and a follower of the
shariat, he ruled over Samarqand for two years and ten months.22 He had a deep regard
for Dervishes and Shaikhs, particularly Shaikh Khudaidad and Shaikh Azizan and
visited them everyday.23
With the accession of Abu Said, events took an unfavourable turn for Ubaidullah.
To start with, the new Khan disapproved of the policy of aggression towards Persia,
which he considered to be 'a complete waste of men and money' and showed a
disinclination to give any support to Ubaidullah's ventures. Consequently, the other
Uzbeg Sultans also refused to extend their cooperation to Ubaidullah. While
Ubaidullah was being restrained in this manner from launching any campaign, Shah
Tahmasp had now become free to deal with the Uzbegs.24 He was naturally delighted to
hear of Ubaidullah's difficulties and sent a letter through Ali Beg Qurchi Istajlu to
Ubaidullah recounting the victory of Shah Ismail over Shaibani Khan. Referring to his
own confrontation with the Uzbegs at Zorabad Jam, he condemned their 'hereditary
plundering and devastating incursions' which were against the principles of Islam and
expressed his intention to visit Khurasan which was his hereditary land and from there to
conquer Bukhara and Samarqand; he also threatened to take the Uzbeg people into
captivity. The Shah's conditions were that Ubaidullah should accept Shiism and
discard the ways of his ancestors. In addition there were oral messages. 25 The scornful
attitude of the Shah was a humiliation for Ubaidullah, particularly since he was in no
position to give a rebuff to the Shah at this time.
Ubaidullah sent his own envoy Saleh Bi Bahadur with a letter to the Shah. In this
hejustified his incursions into Persia on the grounds of exterminating heresy' and
reminded Tahmasp of the 'martyrdom' of Shaibani Khan for the same cause. He also
refuted the allegations of tyranny against himself. He recounted his own achievements,
such as the repair and construction of mosques and madrasas, and conveyed his
determination to continue his military operations. Despite this provocative reply
from Uabidullah Khan, the Shah dismissed his envoy with robes of honour and
rewards.26
Nevertheless, the Shah sent another letter in which he repeated his charges against
die Uzbegs for deviating from Islam and the path of Ali and shedding the blood of
the innocent. He also made the veiled threat that the Uzbegs would soon suffer for
their misdeeds.27 On receiving this letter, Ubaidullah became furious and he was furdier
agitated on hearing that the Shah had recovered his lost territories.
Ubaidullah's opportunity came when he learnt of the revolt of Alma Taklu and the
Ottoman Sultans, plans to invade Azerbaijan in 1531. He therefore invaded Khurasan
with the limited resources of his hereditary dominion of Bukhara. In 1531 an army under
Qumash Ughlan was sent to probe the Persian position at Meshed. The ruler of Meshed,
Mussanna Sultan, and the ruler of Nishapur, Aghziwar Khan Sultan Istajlu, joined
forces and the Uzbegs were compelled to retreat. Ubaidullah personally proceeded to
besiege Heratin 1532. In order to ensure complete success, he divided his army by
sending Qumash Ughlan to Astarabad; Abdul Aziz to Meshed; Khan Kalan Bahadur
to Sabzwar; and one detachment to Bustam. Musanna Sultan and Aghziwar Khan,
the Persian governors of Meshed and Nishapur, immediately decided to leave these
cities. But the Uzbegs were defeated at Bustam by the joint forces of Mirza Ali Khalifa
(of Karaili) and Zulqadr Sultan, the governor of Damghan. After some time, however,
the Uzbegs occupied Astarabad; they dien hurriedly marched to join Ubaidullah who
had already besieged Herat.
The siege of Herat went on for about eighteen months. To deal with the scarcity of
provisions, Ghazi Khan, the Persian commandant, seized the grain and personal
belongings of civilians inside the fort and sent them away from Herat, retaining only
soldiers in the fort. Even after these extreme measures, acute scarcity continued and
the besieged had to subsist on the flesh of dogs and cats. Ubaidullah rewarded all those
who came out of the fort. As he was himself wearying of besieging the city he sent
letters to Bahrain Mirza and Ghazi Khan to open negotiations. Since Ghazi Khan was
unwilling to surrender the fort, Ubaidullah wrote to Amir Chak, Ghazi Khan's most
trusted noble, assuring Ghazi Khan's safety and suggesting that he and his followers
escape secretly. Ubaidullah, however, insisted that they should pass through his camp;
but Ghazi Khan refused to accept this mark of humiliation. Finally through the
intercession of the ataliq of the Khaqan Abu Said (who had come from Samarqand
 especially for this purpose), agreement was concluded but the capitulation could not
be arranged.28 Alam Ara-i Abbasi says that Ghazi Khan's stubbornness was reinforced
by the fact that the Shah had suppressed Alama Taklu's rebellion and was proceeding
to Khurasan.
When the news of the fall of Herat reached Shah Tahmasp, he sent Prince Shuja
Mirza to punish the Uzbegs. The Shah sent Alqas Mirza with Babur Istajlu to Astarabad
with 1,500 soldiers. At dawn, and before the Uzbegs were prepared for war, the Persian
forces occupied the town. Its ruler, Qumash Ughlan, sought refuge in Merv and his four
brothers with 500 Uzbegs were killed and their heads sent to the Shah. Similarly,
another Persian detachment under Sufian Khalifa Rumlu drove out the Uzbegs from
Sabzwar. The Uzbegs rushed to Nishapur. The reinforcements sent by the Shah under
Husain Khan Shamlu and Aghziwar Khan Shamlu helped Sufian Khalifa in harassing
the Uzbeg governor Khan Kalan Bahadur and in crushing the Uzbegs there. The
reinforcement sent by the Shah enabled him to defeat the Uzbegs at Nishapur, latter
they forced Abdul Aziz and the 1000 Uzbeg forces to leave Meshed also. Ultimately,
even Ubaidullah had to lift the siege of Herat and hastily proceeded to Bukhara. The
Shah entered Herat in January 1553 and appointed Aghziwar Shamlu as the amir-ul
umara of Khurasan and Shah Quli Istajlu as the ruler of Meshed.
Ubaidullah could not avenge this setback immediately, as he had to rush back to
Samarqand on the death of Khaqan Abu Said in 1533. Ubaidullah now happened to
be the oldest member of the family and so he was unanimously accepted as the khaqan
of the Uzbegs in 1533. The khutbawas read and coins struck in his name. With the
resources of the Uzbeg Empire now entirely at his disposal, Ubaidullah was now in a
better position to carry out his ambitious plans against Persia. 29 Political conditions in
Khurasan also suited his purpose. The Shah was already worried on several fronts: the
second invasion of Sultan Sulaiman of Turkey; internal disturbances in Khurasan; news
of the unpopularity of Ghazi Khan and the failure of the Takkalus to meet challenges;
the murder of Hussain Khan and disintegration in the Shamlu clan; -the rebellious
activities of Sam Mirza (officially recognized as the Shah by the Ottomans)
Aghziwar Khan followed by the latter's murder. But at this time Ubaidullah was
himself preoccupied with internal problems, and he could not undertake the
expeditions personally. Sidam Mirza was thus put in charge of an army of 6,000 for
the Persian campaign. Sidam Mirza arranged this army in such away that he could make
a two-pronged attack on the enemy; and he moved his forces towards Khwaf and Jam.
In the meantime, Bairam Ughlan, an Uzbeg noble of Kashan Qara Sultan, advanced
and plundered. When Ubaidullah received the news of the disturbed conditions in
Persia, he decided to make the best use of this opportunity. The Persian governor of
Herat and Meshed, Sufian Khalifa, had already become extremely unpopular due to
his tyrannical behaviour with his people. Both the Uzbeg forces were crushed and
compelled to retreat by Sufian Khalifa Rumlu, the ruler of Meshed. Ubaidullah
crossed the Amu in 1535-6 and proceeded to invade Meshed. Sufian Khalifa was in
Herat and his wife offered resistance for some time. The morale of the inhabitants of
Meshed was kept up by boastful messages from Sufian Khalifa who promised to come
soon and asked his people to kill Ubaidullah so that on his return he could get his
skin stuffed with straw and arrange for it to be sent to the Shah. Sufian Khalifa
ultimately started for Meshed along with 3,000 men leaving behind his cunning and
avaricious vakil, Khizr Chelebi, in Herat. Although Ubaidullah was disturbed by his
advance, and decided to take the field personally, Souyunj Sultan and others were
despatched with a large contingent to check his arrival. But they were defeated by Sufian
Khalifa. Ubaidullah then himself marched with an army of 30,000 soldiers. After
much fighting and bloodshed, victory was finally achieved by the Uzbegs. The
Persian army was put to flight. Sufian Khalifa fortified himself in a deserted place and
subsisted on the half-cooked flesh of horses for about 35 days. Ultimately, he too had
to surrender; he was thrown into prison along with his followers and later put to
death. When Khizr Chelebi heard the news, he started fortifying himself in Herat,
but its inhabitants had already decided in favour of the Uzbegs and sent messengers to
Ubaidullah Khan seeking his assistance.
On 18 February 1537, Sultan Ubaidullah besieged Herat once more. Khizr Chelebi
appointed his best generals, Ummat Beg and Qazi Hasan, to man the Khust and Iraq
gates. The siege lingered on for five months until famine and fear unnerved the
Persians and broke their will completely. The Uzbegs occupied the city completely. One
of the Persian nobles, Amir Tahir Sultan, came as an envoy to Ubaidullah promising
to surrender the town provided that he was granted safety of his life. On the eve of
27 Safar, about 300 Uzbegs managed to enter the fort. After a fierce fighting, the
Persians were completely routed. When Khizr Chelebi lost the support of his men,
he did not have any courage to give resistance and so he fled to the fort of
Ikhtiyaruddin. The Uzbegs occupied the city, plundered it completely and secured
enormous booty. To settle the terms of peace, Ubaidullah sent a letter to Khizr
Chelebi, asking for the surrender of the fort of Ikhtiyaruddin with all its treasures
and the personal belongings of Sufian Khalifa; he further demanded that Khizr
Chelebi and his notable amirs offer homage to him. The helpless Persians
surrendered on these humiliating terms. Sufian Khalifas' entire wealth was
confiscated by Ubaidullah. Khizr Chelebi, his relatives and other followers were
despatched to Bukhara where they were ultimately killed. Thereafter, Ubaidullah
strictly forbade plunder and murder and ruled over Herat for about fourteen
months. The Persian chronicles, however, recorded that during Ubaidullah's
period of occupation thousands of Persians were killed in Charjui on account of
their religious beliefs; though apparendy the persecution was done on other
grounds. The sources inform us that the people allegedly groaned under Uzbeg
tryranny. 30
It seems that Ubaidullah wanted to conquer Meshed after the capture of Herat
and had even marched up to Khizrabad when he learnt of the arrival of fresh Persian
forces under Shah Tahmasp in 1536-7. Ubaidullah made a hasty retreat to Herat but
he was so keen to try conclusions with the Persians that he immediately summoned
an assembly of the Uzbeg princes to consider the feasibility of starting a fresh
campaign. During these discussions, he emphasized that the campaigns should
continue as the Persian army was exhausted after a long and arduous march in
extreme cold and their provisions were also exhausted. Moreover, the number of the
Uzbegs was larger than that of the enemy. Despite these persuasive arguments, the
Uzbeg princes and nobles refused to go through the pressures of another war so
soon and insisted upon returning to Transoxiana. The news of the imminent arrival
of the Shah after a victory over the Ottomans was no less discouraging 31 so that some
of Ubaidullah's kjnsnieTi threatened to carry him away forcibly from Khurasan if he
persisted with the embarking on a war at that time. With great reluctance,
Ubaidullah relinquished Herat (end of January 1537) and arrived at Balkh, and
from there he went on to Bukhara. Shah Tahmasp immediately occupied Herat
assigned to Prince Sultan Muhammad Khudabanda. 32 With an Ataliq Sharafuddin
Ughli Takkalu tribe, and having no hope of receiving any cooperation from his
kinsmen even in future and having heard of the Shah's victory against the
Ottomans and the Moghuls, Ubaidullah reconciled himself to the idea of having
peaceful and diplomatic relations with the Persians. Ubaidullah's old age and Shah
Tahmasp's increasing glory were indeed frightening for the Uzbegs.
When news of the conquest of Qandahar (1537) by the Shah was conveyed to
Ubaidullah, he too sent an embassy congratulating him, as had been done by Kaskan
Kara of Balkh and other Uzbeg Sultans, Notwithstanding this amicable gesture,
relations continued to be strained between Ubaidullah and Shah Tahmasp. In
1537, Ubaidullah was worsted for a while by Din Muhammad Uzbeg in a feud over
 the possession of Khwarazm. It seems that the Shah played an active role in
instigating Din Muhammad against Ubaidullah Khan. Din Muhammad had visited
the Shah and professed alleginace to him. The Shah had granted him Nesa and
Abiward, 39 probably to use him later as a counterpoise to Ubaidullah. Din
Muhammad patiently waited for a proper opportunity to fight against Ubaidullah
and to carry out the plans of the Shah faithfully. In the meantime, Umar Ghazi, the
ruler of Khwarazm, and a nephew of Nauroz Ahmad of Tashkent, fell victim to the
turmoil in his empire and was forced to seek shelter with his uncle in Tashkent.
Uzbeg acultans 'like Ubaidulalh and Nauroz Ahmad helped Umar Ghazi to
recover his
lost territory.
After helping to conquer Khwarazm, Ubaidullah appointed his son Abdul Aziz
in Urganj and he himself returned to the capital along with other Uzbeg Sultans. 34
This gave a suitable opportunity to Din Muhammad to create trouble for the
Uzbegs. Accompanied by Yusuf Sultan, he marched to Urganj and besieged it. A
rumour was also spread that the Shah of Persia was coming to punish the Uzbeg
Sultans. Ubaidullah hurried to Nesa, but once he left, Din Muhammad again
overran Urganj. With the reinforcements received from Khurasan he could easily
conquer and occupy Urganj and Khuyuq. When the news of this development
reached him, Ubaidullah returned again and encountered the forces of Din
Muhammad near Hazar Asp. After some preliminary successes for the Uzbegs, the
battle was ultimately won by Jhe Persians anc^the forces of Din Muhammad; and
Ubaidullah had to retreat to Bukhara. The khutbawas read in the name of the Shah
atHazar Asp. 36 Pleased with the news of Ubaidullah's defeat as conveyed by the
envoy of Din Muhammad, the Shah sent Din Muhammad robes of honour and a
parwana of 300 atuman-i tabrizi representing the revenue of Sabzwar.36 Ubaidullah
did not have an opportunity of avenging this hostile action of the Shah, for he died
in Zilqad AH 946/AD 1539. With Ubaidullah's death the Uzbeg-Persian conflict
did not end, but it was suspended for over a decade. 37
Ubaidullah had proved to be one of the three great Uzbeg rulers of Central Asia
in the sixteenth century. Like his uncle Shaibani, he had qualities that stood him
well in adversity. He not only reestablished Uzbeg power over Central Asia but he
also offered a military challenge to the Persians, who denounced him as a
'diabolical monster'. He proved equally adept at diplomacy. By establishing
matrimonial alliances, he had won over the Qazaqs, the oldest and bitterest enemies
of his dynasty. Yet he never hesitated to take up arms against the Qazaqs, if it proved
necessary. Although he was able to control the Mongols as his father had done,
Ubaidullah also seems to have had some sympathy for them. Haidar Dughlat speaks
of him thus 38 'I have neither seen nor heard or speak of such an excellent ruler as he
during the past hundred years.' 39
Having an extraordinary power of eloquence, he could speak on complicated
problems in a fascinating manner. There was in him a good blending of generalship
and diplomacy with which he was able to deal with his internal and external enemies
firmly. Ubaidullah had some claims to literary eminence as well. He was a
multilingual poet and wrote verses under the pen-name of 'Ubaidi'. His lyrics in
Arabic, Persian and Turkish have been quoted by historians. Sam Mirza makes
special mention of him in his Tazkira or biographical dictionary of Persian poets,
and decries him as a 'person of pleasing countenance and a genius having valour and
generosity'. Ubaidullah wrote a rubai on the pantheistic concept wahdat-ul wujud,
which was admired by Maulana Kashani. 40 He was also a prose-writer and translated
Nam-i Haq into Turkish. Further, he was credited with being a patron of men of
letters.41 Ubaidullah was well-versed in music and is said to have possessed a
melodious voice. 42 His poems were sung by musicians, and Kaukabi, the renowned
musician of Bukhara, dedicated his book Risala-i Mausiqi to Ubaidullah. 43
From Khwaja Maulana Isfahani, who was the greatest traditionalist
of his time, a noted scholar of the Prophet's sayings, Ubaidullah had learnt the
hadis and also studied fiqh under Maulana Mahmud Azizan. A renowned authority,
Maulana Yar Muhammad, taught him the method of reciting the Koran. Ubaidullah
wrote a book on this subject probably under the influence of his master whose
Persian work on the same theme is still preserved in libraries. Being himself a good
calligrapher, Ubaidullah knew seven different styles cf script, but was considered to
have gained mastery over naskh, in which he had been trained under Maulana Mir
Ali. Having prepared several copies of the Koran, he sent them to Mecca and
Medina. He was inclined towards mysticism or tasawwuf, and held assemblies of
learned men, ascetics and saints, Ubaidullah was an ardent devotee of Mir Abdullah
Yamini Mir-i Arab. After the death of Abdullah Yamini, he attached himself to
Maulana Khwajagi Kashani. 44
Ubaidullah showed keen interest in the construction of mosques and religious
buildings.45 For his spiritual guide, Mir Abdullah Mir-i Arab, he constructed a
madrasa from the wealth attained from Persian plunder known as the Madrasa-i
Mir Arab. A public garden was also laid out to the west of Bukhara, which won praise
from later generations.46
Ubaidullah was a deeply religious person as recorded in Tarikh-i Rashidi: 'He
regulated all the affairs of religion, of state, of the army and of his subjects in
conformity with the ordinance of the holy law, never deviating from it one hair's
breadth.'47 At his instance, Fazlullah bin Ruzbihan wrote a book called Suluk-ul
Muluk** which describes the structure of the Islamic state. Due to his ideas about
religion, he is said to have even appointed a group of persons charged with exiling
non-religious people from his country. Ubaidullah used to send learned men at his
own expense to perform the Haj pilgrimage.49 A renowned poet, Abdal Hadi Parsa
described him as a promoter of Islam and a defender of the faith. 50 He was probably
responsible to a very large extent for the staunchly religious character of the Uzbeg
khanate in the subsequent period.