Professional Documents
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Public Shools in Vietnam
Public Shools in Vietnam
20407326
Vietnamese public primary education: are public/ private partnerships a viable solution?
Introduction 3
Conclusion 14
References 15
Introduction.
Vietnam has achieved tremendous results in the domain of education since its
independence. It boasts an almost constant 98-99% enrolment rate for primary
education over the last decade (Unesco, 2021). Literacy has soared since its
independence reaching 95.8% for the 15 years and older in 2019 (Unesco, 2021).
Primary education reached universalization nationwide by 2000 with the creation of a
wide school network throughout the country, even in the most remote areas (Ministry of
Education and Training, 2012). There were 8.5 million primary school pupils in 2019
(The World Bank, 2020). The private educational sector has seen a recent growth with
the loosening of restrictions implemented after the Đổi Mới policy (Innovate/ Renovate).
The Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) removed the 10-20% (Primary/
Secondary education) cap on Vietnamese student enrolment imposed on international
schools. The overruling of decree No. 73 (Vietnam Law Magazine, 2017) allowed
privately invested schools to expand and open multiple campuses.
Although public education is still majoritarian, more and more Vietnamese parents
are choosing a private education for their children. However, not everyone can afford
their vertiginous annual school fees of institutions that use English as the language of
instruction. Even though Vietnamese parents tend to sacrifice a lot for their children’s
education, the average income just cannot afford it. A third option has increased in
popularity: private and public partnerships. In this context, private companies will cater
teachers, equipment, course books, and activities to public schools.
The choice of a primary school located in Tan Phu District, Ho Chi Minh City was the
most natural as I taught there for 4 years. More exactly, I was employed by a private
company which was in partnership with the school. This school will be referred to as
School λ for the rest of this assignment.
According to Dang, the instruction time in 2013 was 6 hours per day for 50% of
primary schools providing full-day instruction (Dang, 2017). This data was focused only
on grade 5. In the case of school λ, 5 th grade classes would start at 7.30am and end at
4.20pm, 5 days a week. Within that timeframe, recess and lunch break would amount to
4 hours. Actual class time would represent 4 h and 40 min. This difference is indicative
of a certain freedom for schools to decide of their own schedule and design their
programme.
The apparent brevity of instruction time is deceptive. Students in school λ were also
studying afterhours with their teachers. They suggest them to the parents for various
purposes such as: support classes for struggling students, revision classes for
upcoming exams, or even further teach a topic covered in class. As Dang accurately
indicated, Vietnamese parents send their children to ‘varying amounts of “extra-study”
classes’ (Dang, 2017, p. 5). In 2014, 37.9% of primary school students (grade 1 to
grade 5) attended such classes. These ‘private tutoring classes are taken in addition to
the lessons offered at schools, and are usually paid for by the parents’ (Dang, 2017, p.
18). Vietnamese parents spend up to 5% of the household income in private tutoring
which also includes private tutoring attended outside of school (Stanley, 2017). In my
opinion, this can negatively affect students. The problem is that they are exposed to a
tremendous amount of formal learning whether they are at school or schooled at home
by tutors. Rousseau praised informal learning as a way to experiment and learn
sensibly: ‘C’est par l’effet sensible des signes que les enfants jugent de leur sens’ [‘It is
by the sensible effect of signs that children make sense of their meaning’] (Rousseau,
1762, p. 86). Students simply do not have the time to develop a sensible or critical
mindset. This results in a lack of ‘soft-skills’ or ‘life-skills’ for Vietnamese students (Ha,
2020).
Another variable, that took a fair share of the academic competitiveness of a child, is
the access to an education in English. Students not only study English as a second
language but also subjects, such as Maths and Science, instructed in English following
the CLIL approach (Vu, 2019). The decision to make English and other foreign
languages the priority in Vietnamese public education comes from the desire to better
prepare the students to ‘study and work in multilingual and multicultural environments
and respond to the needs of the country’s industrialization and modernization’ (Le,
2012, p. 107). The emphasis on a ‘GNP code’ (Bottery, 1990) education is clear. Their
‘hard work, punctuality and obedience’ (Bottery, 1990, p. 14) are expected. This is the
mark of a national curriculum dominated by a quantitative approach. Students are
citizens and workers to be trained en masse. Although the Ministry of Education and
Training (MOET) acknowledged that a turn towards a more qualitative approach to
learning and educating was needed. They started a renovation of the curriculum
through a competency-based approach in order to develop “life skills”, problem-solving
abilities and criticality (The World Bank, 2015).
In 2008, the absence of training to become an English teacher and the lack of
guidance from the curriculum created a “messy picture” (Le, 2012). Facing this new
challenge, the MOET largely opted for private solutions in order to avoid any additional
stress on the already strained and underpaid teachers (Tam, 2017). Private companies
provide an all-included service to public schools which features foreign teachers, course
books (often published by the company itself), classroom equipment (computer, video-
projector, interactive board, and furniture), and activities. The company I worked for
provided English, Maths and Science lessons (EMS), ideally in an English-only
immersive environment. Parents would enrol their children in this program for a monthly
fee. It amounted to 20 Euros per month. Which seems relatively affordable but you have
to remember that these were not the only extra-study classes that the students were
going to. Also, 20 euros per month can represent a huge sacrifice for the lowest income
household. Students enrolled in my company’s program would attend EMS classes for
80 min per week. Students were also assessed bi-annually and certificates or diplomas
were produced upon graduation. My main concern is the feeble academic worth of said
diplomas in balance with the financial sacrifice from parents. These certificates weren’t
sanctioned by any recognised institution such as the Cambridge English Qualification.
Therefore, they probably carried no value for the students’ academic profiles. My
second apprehension is that they are only adding more pressure onto students who are
already struggling with mental and physical exhaustion.
The widely adopted collaboration between public and private was also a response to
the market’s trends to resort to foreign tutors or teachers for English education. Parents
want their children to be taught by a “native” speaker and not by a Vietnamese national.
They want them to achieve both in language fluency and in intercultural sensitivity. As it
would be extremely complicated for a school to hire foreign individuals they naturally
turn to private companies. These show a tremendous flexibility and promptness in
resources allocation and reallocation (Dang, 2017). As each public school is given some
freedom regarding the daily instruction time, they can also choose with which private
company they will collaborate. This competitive environment tends to keep in check the
private companies. However, this collaboration also has its downfalls as the next part
will highlight.
Although paying for extra classes is a common practice in public schools, the
parents’ expectations seemed different when they purchased the service of a private
company even within a public institution. The EMS program they paid for was marketed
as an ideal classroom where students are engaged, get personal attention from the
foreign teacher, and receive an education in English with a hands-on approach. The
reality is far different for various reasons.
Firstly, the public/ private motives are, by nature, antipodal. A large class in a public
system is the result of a lack of funds or a shortage of trained teachers. A large class in
a private system is an increased benefit. I believe the MOET turned to private solutions
for their ability to quickly mobilize resources in various locations, but also in order to use
their flexibility in modelling programs and curricula following the changing approaches
and trends in education. The pitfall is that private companies’ core motivation is not to
be a public servant. Programs serviced by private entities to public schools, generally
mean crowded classrooms and low teacher-student interactions. The very ‘tedium of a
classroom’ (Bruner, 1966) that was to be avoided, when public schools opted for private
solutions, is more actual than ever. Their programs feature state-of-the-art in-class
experiments, interactive technology, and comprehensive course books but in my
opinion, the large number of students cancels out these potential improvements in the
learning environment.
Another reason I put forward was the physical and mental exhaustion of students
which was mentioned earlier in this assignment. Its result is a widely spread lack of
motivation towards any new academic duties or tasks. The appeal of new activities is
rapidly lost as it becomes clear that they are just another class where they will be
assessed and therefore where they will have to study more. They find no ‘intrinsic
motivation’ (Bruner, 1966) nor pleasure in learning. The dichotomy enounced by Bruner
regarding intrinsic and extrinsic motivation for learning illustrates particularly well this
issue. In this case the school ‘fails to enlist the natural energies that sustains
spontaneous learning’ (Bruner, 1966, p. 127).
Finally, with the sudden change of priority and the anglicising of the national
curriculum some of the challenges, related to the adoption of an education partly
instructed in English, may have been overlooked or underestimated. English is no
longer like any other subject. From my experience, it is becoming the key to have
access to a wider variety of subjects and learning environments. In school λ, students
that were relatively fluent in English had the opportunity to meet, interact, and learn with
teachers from all over the world. Those that did not have the necessary language skills
to communicate were relegated to non-English classes. Already at primary level,
English is becoming a device of opportunities and of growing inequalities. Though the
students’ English fluency is not directly correlated to the social milieu and/ or the ability
for the parents to pay for tutoring classes, it might be indicative of their level of
education. The education received by parents is an important factor on the level of
priority given to their child’s (Glewwe, 1999). In fact, ‘the impact of mother's education is
stronger than that of father's education’ (Glewwe, 1999, p. 893).
Students now also learn other subjects in a second language in addition to the
periods of Maths and Science taught in Vietnamese. This redundancy is actually an
interesting locus for a dialectic approach between local and international perspectives.
‘Vietnam tends to whole-sale import all western approaches to language teaching
resulting in the so-called tissue reject and unsatisfactory outcomes’ (Le, 2007, p. 167). I
experienced this first-hand as I became a head teacher while teaching at school λ. This
position allowed me to meet and discuss with high-ranked officers in the MOET. These
meetings were hosted by the company I worked for. This public/ private partnership
evolved beyond the mere commercial agreement that was in place since 2016. I was
tasked to host a training for the Vietnamese English teachers of Go Vap district, in Ho
Chi Minh City. The purpose of this workshop was to share tools and techniques to
encourage teachers to adopt the CLIL methodology (Content and Language Integrated
Learning). The attendees were not duped. In spite of the clear benefits that such
method could bring to their students, they clearly saw that it would also significantly
increase their day-to-day workload. Vietnam is a very bureaucratic country. Teachers,
as civil servants, already have a tremendous amount of reports to submit and
responsibilities to uphold outside the classroom.
With the presence of foreign teachers amongst the local teaching staff, the public
school became altogether a place of contact and exchange but also of tension and
friction. In school λ, there were teachers of 6 different nationalities working for 3 different
private companies. Although this diversity fuelled students’ curiosity, it may have also
caused confusion. As the informed theory and practice allowed us to reflect on, we are
as teachers the sum of our ‘beliefs, attitudes, and values’ (Claxton, 1984, p. 169).
Regardless of whether our past experience as learners was positive or negative, it has
influenced our personal educational philosophy. This diversity expressed itself in
various fields such as our individual teaching style, our approach to learning English as
a second language, or our outlook on discipline. There were no clear objectives nor
common ethos besides basic teacher’s handbooks issued by each company. The
multitude of agents (1 public and 3 private entities) involved in the education of children
in school λ naturally led to a ‘fuzziness of goals and values’ (Warin, 2017, p. 190).
Although, I could freely personalise the learning environment to my liking, I can also
imagine how difficult it might have been for students to quickly adapt to different
learning environments. The differences resulting from the patchwork of partnerships
struck by the school board, unlikely yielded positive academic and emotional outcomes
for the children attending this school.
However, one positive aspect is that students could experience what it is like to
study English with native or non-native speakers. Students with different learners’ types,
personal inclination and interests, may have benefited from our different styles and
culturally influenced approaches. I recall some students telling me that they found it
easier to learn English with me because I could foresee what difficulties they had to
overcome in terms of pronunciation. They were also candid enough to let me know that
Science lessons were much more fun with the theatrical approach to teaching displayed
by my American counterpart. Culturally speaking, this also allowed students to get a
sample of what some of their fellow citizens could afford to experience in international
schools. The agreement between the school and the company also entailed that the
Vietnamese English teachers would attend the classes taught by foreign teachers. I
could identify three possible reasons for that choice. Firstly, they could monitor the
teacher’s practices and intervene in case of foul play. Secondly, they could observe
other teaching styles in order to reflect on their own. This might have been decided in
order to improve the learning quality on the long term. Most Vietnamese teachers have
never been formally trained to teach the EMS program for primary (Le, 2012). Lastly,
they could support the teacher with students unable to communicate fluently in English.
In the case of a successful collaboration between teacher and co-teacher, it yielded
some incredible results in terms of students’ engagement and morale. The co-teacher,
well aware of the students’ mentality and habits, could create a “hybrid” environment
with the foreign teacher. Students could follow familiar guidelines while experimenting
with less familiar concepts such as critical thinking and personal opinion.
To this model of schooling where both public and private entities bombard students
with exams and assessments, I would like to put in perspective another which I became
familiar with only recently. I will soon start teaching in a school which follows the French
educational system. I became aware that students at primary level do not receive any
grades. They are, however, assessed on competencies and knowledge acquired.
Although I do not intend to compare the 2 educational systems, it is clear to me that
children at primary level could benefit from a no-grade policy. It could enable them to
develop emotional, social, and critical intelligence in a stress-free environment. This
would naturally require the redefinition of primary education’s mission. The interest in
such a reform is actually already here. Employers often acknowledge that Vietnamese
students lack of ‘soft-skills’ (Ha, 2020) and the MOET acknowledged that there is a
need ‘to develop new types of exams, tests and assessment’ (Thuy, 2015).
Conclusion.
Although the growth of the private school sector and a privatisation of the public
system are a risk for the constitutional right to “free” access to education, it could hasten
the shift from a quantitative to a qualitative education (Nguyen, 2020). Public/ private
partnerships could however be a viable alternative for the Vietnamese government to
mobilize resources and emulate progressive changes (Dang, 2017). As for the public/
private partnership as I experienced it first-hand, it is yet to be in accord with what I
consider a quality education should be. To portray the issue in Salisbury’s term,
‘educational redesign must include a collaborator’s network’ (Salisbury, 1993, p. 141).
Despite the difficulties and challenges that could arise, the said collaborators (public or
private), should not deviate from their plan to transform education for Vietnamese
students in order to better prepare them for their social and professional lives. As a
matter of fact, I am extremely surprised of the format chosen by Vietnamese
government to launch such reform. They chose to ‘encourage citizens’ participation in
policymaking’ (Thuy, 2015) via a panel of ‘officials, educators who penned the draft,
independent experts and stakeholders - school managers, teachers, and parents who
represent students’ interests’ (Thuy, 2015). This ‘bottoms-up approach’ (Salisbury,
1993) might as well make the future models more sustainable and adequate to the local
realities.
I, for one, long to see the potential of Vietnamese students fully cultivated and
developed. I first started teaching young learners in Vietnam. Some of the students I
have met and taught displayed the outmost curiosity and sagacity. I deem necessary to
seize the opportunity to use all the resources available to create an environment where
students will not only acquire knowledge but also develop themselves cognitively and
socially. I advocated earlier the importance for an educator to be a ‘dialogist’ (Shor,
1987) and a facilitator. I now also believe that the teacher should embody a ‘theory of
learning or a pedagogical approach’ (University of Nottingham, 2021) that are in
harmony with the model of schooling implemented nationwide. As for the kind of
approach that I would favour, that will be considered and reflected upon in the next
assignment.
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