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Mongielo v. Hochul Plaintiffs' Brief Opp Dismissal
Mongielo v. Hochul Plaintiffs' Brief Opp Dismissal
Plaintiffs,
1:22-CV-00116-LJV
v.
Defendants.
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
The defendants have failed to establish that the plaintiffs’ claims for injunctive relief are
moot. While the state rule mandating masks for students has been rescinded, the same could be
reinstated any time. We have seen over the last two years that mask and other mandates are
imposed, reinstated, then reimposed at the whim of the authorities. The Governor and Health
Commissioner and Education Commissioner have never indicated that mask mandates cannot
be reimposed at any time if there is a spike in cases. Dr. Fauci, the guru of the Lockdown,
stated: “We have to be careful that if we do see a surge as a result of that, that we're flexible
enough to re-institute the kinds of interventions that could be necessary to stop an additional
surge.” (https://www.10news.com/news/coronavirus/abc-10news-exclusive-one-on-one-with-dr-
fauci).
Further, the defendant superintendents might, on their own authority, or at the urging of the
Commissioner of Education, impose a mask mandate in their own districts. In fact, they
recently did so on January 25, 2022. On that date, each district ignored a State Supreme Court
The plaintiffs’ claims for money damages for past acts would not be mooted, obviously.
Plaintiffs brought their claims under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, which permits the recovery of damages.
The complaint requests compensatory damages. To get such relief, they would of course be
required to show that they suffered an “actual injury.” Carey v. Piphus, 435 U.S. 247, 266
(1978). But the plaintiffs may be able to make such a showing, and the complaint includes
specific factual allegations of actual injury as well as a specific claim for damages. See, e.g.,
Mission Product Holdings, 139 S. Ct. 1652, 1660 (2019) (deeming case live due to claim for
damages); Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School Dist. No. 1, 551 U.S. 701,
720 (2007) (holding a case live due in part to damages claim in complaint).
For the purposes of determining whether this case is moot, the question is not whether the
plaintiffs would actually succeed in obtaining such damages or whether their loss was
substantial. At a minimum, the plaintiffs may be able to prove their entitlement to nominal
damages which precludes mootness. See, e.g., Morgan v. Plano Independent School Dist., 589
F.3d 740, 748, n. 32 (5th Cir. 2009); Bernhardt v. County of Los Angeles, 279 F.3d 862, 872 (9th
Cir. 2002); Amato v. Saratoga Springs, 170 F.3d 311, 317 (2d Cir. 1999). Thus, if there is a
possibility of obtaining damages in any amount, the case is not moot. “A case ‘becomes moot
only when it is impossible for a court to grant any effectual relief whatever to the prevailing
party.’” Chafin v. Chafin, 568 U.S. 165, 172 (2013) (emphasis added). As opposed to the
defendants’ “heavy burden” to show this case is moot, Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Slater, 528
U.S. 216, 222 (2000) (per curiam), plaintiffs are required only to show that they have some
concrete interest in the case, no matter how small. See Chafin, 568 U.S. at 172 (“‘As long as the
parties have a concrete interest, however small, in the outcome of the litigation, the case is not
Indeed, the defendants’ voluntary cessation of the challenged conduct since this action was
commenced does not provide the plaintiffs with all of the injunctive relief they sought. It has
long been settled law that “[t]he voluntary cessation of challenged conduct does
not ordinarily render a case moot because a dismissal for mootness would permit a resumption
of the challenged conduct as soon as the case is dismissed.” Knox v. Services Employees Intern.
Union, Local 1000, 567 U.S. 298, 307 (2012). This is not an “exception” to mootness
principles, but rather an application of them because “[a] case becomes moot only when it is
impossible for a court to grant ‘any effectual relief whatever to the prevailing party.’” Id.
(citations omitted). When a case is litigated to conclusion, the prevailing plaintiff is free to seek,
and a court is free to grant, an injunction to guard against the risk that the losing party will
resume its illegal ways after the court yields its jurisdiction.
Accordingly, unless the party asserting mootness can prove that it is “absolutely clear that
the allegedly wrongful behavior could not be reasonably be expected to occur,” Parents
Involved, 551 U.S. at 719, its voluntary cessation of the challenged practices does not suffice to
deprive a court of Article III jurisdiction. Defendants here can make no such showing.
A case where I was a plaintiff myself and the plaintiffs’ counsel, Lewis v. Cuomo, 2021 U.
S. Dist. LEXIS 235345 (W. D. N. Y. 2021), illustrates that it is important to carefully scrutinize
mootness claims lest the endless Lockdown rear its ugly head yet again.
Frankly, the plaintiffs would be thrilled if the defendants would stipulate they would not
restore the mask mandate and they would probably even waive attorneys’ fees. Their failure to
Qualified immunity is an affirmative defense that must be pled and proved by the
defendant. Blissett v. Coughlin, 66 F3d 531, 538 (2nd Cir. 1995). The Second Circuit has also
advised that “defenses which amount to nothing more than mere conclusions of law and are not
warranted by any asserted facts have no efficacy.” Schecter v. Levine, F2d (1996).
Qualified immunity is a doctrine that has been widely criticized in recent years as
encouraging police misconduct that has caused civil unrest in recent years across the country.
The doctrine is clearly on the road to extinction and in the meantime, given its inherently
imprecise nature, should be narrowly construed to promote liberty, which is, after all the whole
point of America we are constantly led to believe. Tyranny is ubiquitous throughout the world
and throughout history. Why interpret the constitution to promote tyranny? Is that why we
became lawyers?
We join in the chorus calling for qualified immunity to be abolished or extremely limited to
circumstances where imposing liability would be manifestly unfair as an official could not
anticipate the imposition of liability. In this regard, the argument made by the Cato Institute in
their amicus curiae brief in West v. Winfield, Supreme Court, No. 19-899 is particularly relevant
here:
Here, the defendants, all of whom have sworn to uphold the state and federal constitutions,
must surely be aware that they cannot exercise government power without explicit
constitutional authority, just as the plaintiffs themselves cannot do so. There is simply no need
to point to a specific case for this proposition since they already know the truth of the
proposition.
The defendants place heavy reliance on a Lochner-era case, Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197
U. S. 11 (1905). Justice Holmes famously wrote about Jacobson,“The principle that sustains
compulsory vaccination is broad enough to cover cutting the Fallopian tubes. Jacobson v.
Massachusetts, 197 U. S. 11, 25 S. Ct. 358, 49 L. Ed. 643, 3 Ann. Cas. 765. Three generations
of imbeciles are enough.” Jacobson held, on the record before it—“its application to the
plaintiff in error”19--that the state could mandate a smallpox vaccine without violating the
Fourteenth Amendment’s due process clause. That case is not relevant here for many reasons. It
deals with a dread disease not at issue here: In 18th-century Europe, it is estimated 400,000
people per year died from the disease, and one-third of the cases resulted in blindness. These
deaths included six monarchs. Smallpox is estimated to have killed up to 300 million people in
the 20th century and around 500 million people in the last 100 years of its existence. As
The case deals with a mandatory vaccine which is not at issue here as of today. It also
deals with a statute, not illegal executive orders. It heavily depends on centuries of predominant
and informed opinion about smallpox, not a myriad of guesswork about a disease only
identified two years ago. For these reasons, Jacobson is of no relevance to this case whatsoever.
Justice Gorsuch’s lengthy critique of Jacobson in a concurring opinion, also casts doubt
Jacobson hardly supports cutting the Constitution loose during a pandemic. That
decision involved an entirely different mode of analysis, an entirely different right,
and an entirely different kind of restriction.
Start with the mode of analysis. Although Jacobson pre- dated the modern tiers of
scrutiny, this Court essentially applied rational basis review to Henning Jacobson’s
chal- lenge to a state law that, in light of an ongoing smallpox pandemic, required
individuals to take a vaccine, pay a $5
fine, or establish that they qualified for an exemption. Id., at 25 (asking whether the
State’s scheme was “reasonable”); id., at 27 (same); id., at 28 (same). Rational basis
review is the test this Court normally applies to Fourteenth Amend- ment
challenges, so long as they do not involve suspect clas- sifications based on race or
some other ground, or a claim of fundamental right. Put differently, Jacobson didn’t
seek to depart from normal legal rules during a pandemic, and it supplies no
precedent for doing so. Instead, Jacobson ap- plied what would become the
traditional legal test associ- ated with the right at issue—exactly what the Court does
today. Here, that means strict scrutiny: The First Amend- ment traditionally requires
a State to treat religious exer- cises at least as well as comparable secular activities
unless it can meet the demands of strict scrutiny—showing it has employed the most
narrowly tailored means available to satisfy a compelling state interest. Church of
Lukumi, 508 U. S., at 546.
Next, consider the right asserted. Mr. Jacobson claimed that he possessed an implied
“substantive due process” right to “bodily integrity” that emanated from the Four-
teenth Amendment and allowed him to avoid not only the vaccine but also the $5
fine (about $140 today) and the need to show he qualified for an exemption. 197 U.
S., at 13–14. This Court disagreed. But what does that have to do with our
circumstances? Even if judges may impose emergency restrictions on rights that
some of them have found hiding in the Constitution’s penumbras, it does not follow
that the same fate should befall the textually explicit right to religious exercise.
Finally, consider the different nature of the restriction. In Jacobson, individuals
could accept the vaccine, pay the fine, or identify a basis for exemption. Id., at 12,
14. The imposition on Mr. Jacobson’s claimed right to bodily integ- rity, thus, was
avoidable and relatively modest. It easily survived rational basis review, and might
even have sur- vived strict scrutiny, given the opt-outs available to certain objectors.
Id., at 36, 38–39. Here, by contrast, the State has effectively sought to ban all
traditional forms of wor- ship in affected “zones” whenever the Governor decrees
and for as long as he chooses. Nothing in Jacobson purported to address, let alone
approve, such serious and long-lasting intrusions into settled constitutional rights. In
fact, Jacob- son explained that the challenged law survived only be- cause it did not
“contravene the Constitution of the United States” or “infringe any right granted or
secured by that in- strument.” Id., at 25.”
The Guarantee Clause is an important part of the Constitution that has been largely ignored
for 200 years. However, unusual times call for unusual remedies and it is time to dust off the
Guarantee Clause and enforce it. The clause states: “The United States shall guarantee to
every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government. . .” Article IV. It is facile to say
that theterm “republican” has no clear meaning. In this context, the term has a very specific
meaning that provides clear guidance for this lawsuit. James Madison, the chief framer of the
“[W]e may define a republic to be, or at least may bestow that name on, a government
which derives all its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the people,
andis administered by persons holding their offices during pleasure, for a limited
period, orduring good behavior.”
The nation’s founding document, the Declaration of Independence, speaks in simple terms:
“deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” Thus, the people, who are
sovereign, delegate certain powers to the government by ratifying constitutions and the
government may not exercise any greater powers, lest they cease being a republic, which, of
course, triggers the right of revolution since the government that has seized power is a tyranny.
The right of revolution was first propounded by Algernon Sydney, in his Discourses
“the world has so long and so generally sounded the praises of his Discourses on
government, that it seems superfluous, and even presumptuous, for an individual to
addhis feeble breath to the gale. They are in truth a rich treasure of republican
principles, supported by copious & cogent arguments, and adorned with the finest
flowers of science.” Letter to Mason Locke Weems, December 13, 1804.
Of course, the founders installed a constitution to avoid the need to take up arms. In addition to
limiting the government to the powers delegated to it by the people in the constitution,
In a brilliant dissent in Mistretta v. United States, 488 U.S. 361 (1989), Justice Scalia stated:
“As John Locke put it almost 300 years ago, ‘[t]he power of the legislative being
derived from the people by a positive voluntary grant and institution, can be no
other,than what the positive grant conveyed, which being only to make laws, and not
to make legislators, the legislative can have no power to transfer their authority of
makinglaws, and place it in other hands.’ Or as we have less epigrammatically said:
‘That Congress cannot delegate legislative power to the President is a principle
universally recognized as vital to the integrity and maintenance of the system of
government ordained by the Constitution.’ Field v. Clark, supra, 143 U.S. at 692.”As
Justice Harlan stated:
"'The true distinction . . . is between the delegation of power to make the law, which
necessarily involves a discretion as to what it shall be, and conferring authority or dis-
cretion as to its execution, to be exercised under and in pursuance of the law. The first
cannot be done; to the latter no valid objection can be made.' " Id., at 693-694, 12 S.
Ct.,at 505 (emphasis added), quoting Cincinnati, W. & Z.R. Co. v. Commissioners of
Clin- ton County, 1 Ohio St. 77, 88-89 (1852).
The people of the State of New York delegated the legislative power to the Legislature only.
The Legislature’s apparent delegation to the executive branch of the power to issue directives
exceeds that delegation and also destroyed the separation of powers and thus violates the
Guarantee Clause.There are no cases concerning the Guarantee Clause that remotely resemble
these facts. This is therefore obviously a case of first impression and no dicta from dissimilar
cases bars this court from granting relief. See, e.g., Luther v. Borden, 48 U. S. 1 (1849) (court
would not decide which of two competing factions was the legitimate government). Pacific
States Tel. & Tel. Co. v. Oregon, 223 U.S. 118 (1912) (Challenge to initiative and referendum
nonjusticiable). However, later cases suggest that not all Guarantee claims are nonjusticiable.
In the absence of relevant binding authority, and no prior cases remotely similar to this
one, the Court should consider the urging of analysts who have argued cogently for a
“A conscientious and rigorous enforcement of the guarantee would not destroy federalism
and its attendant virtues, but only adjust the delicate balance of powers thatany such system
involves. And that adjustment, by virtue of an enforcement of section4, would solely be one
of recognizing the paramount national concern with certain matters, and the attendant
power of the federal government to deal with them. It would therefore seem extremely
desirable to resurrect the guarantee as an instrument of national government. The salutary
results that could be obtained from an application ofits principles would greatly enhance the
solution of many contemporary problems.”1
Thomas E. Berg is another commentator who urges modern use of the Guarantee Clause:
The Court should reach the merits of this claim. The fact that some higher court cases have
held the clause non-justiciable on the peculiar facts of those cases, does not bind this Court on
these quite dissimilar and unusual facts. See, New York v. United States, 505 U. S. 144 (1992)
(“the Court has suggested that perhaps not all claims under the Guarantee Clause present
nonjusticiable political questions”). A holding is limited to cases with roughly similar facts.
It is too late to say the Guarantee Clause is unenforceable. The people ratified the
Constitution believing this language meant something as no one told them it did not.
1Bonfield, Arthur E., "The Guarantee Clause of Article IV, Section 4: A Study in Constitutional
Desuetude" 46 Minnesota Law Review 513, 571-572 (1962); see also, See J. ELY,
DEMOCRACY AND DISTRUST 240-41, n. 78 (1980) (arguing that guarantee clause imposes
nondelegation doctrine on the states).
2“The Guarantee of Republican Government: Proposals for Judicial Review,” 54 Univ. Chicago
L. Rev. 208, 233-34; 242.
10
concerning classic procedural due process. Def. Brief at page 14. Rather, we complain
not about the lack of proper procedure for legislation but the lack of legislation at all and
As with virtually every other issue raised in the complaint, this is essentially a case of first
impression, requiring the Court to essentially write on a blank slate and determine which of two
document that was ratified when health and epidemics were far worse and medical treatment
virtually non-existent, or that there is a virus exception to the Constitution that essentially allows
the government to grab rule by decree totalitarian powers over all human behavior, essentially
negating each and every individual right specified in the Bill of rights or the body of the
Constitution, merely by citing various tendentious and self-serving “studies” often produced by
the government itself! To put this choice in even starker terms: does the Constitution still exist?
The Fourth Amendment protects citizens from unreasonable bodily seizures and assaults:
"[t]he overriding function of the Fourth Amendment is to protect personal privacy and dignity
against unwarranted intrusion by the State.” Schmerber v.California, 384 U.S. 757 (1966).
into the security of persons and their physical integrity, dignity and health. Masks interfere with
breathing, can cause headaches probably from a buildup of carbon dioxide in the blood, can
11
increase the risk of infections of various kinds and interfere with speech, including speech in
encouraging people to wear masks, has been a net benefit to society. This massive intrusion into
our Fourth Amendment rights, requires its proponents to meet a very high burden of scientific
Since the Lockdown is a new phenomenon, we have no ready precedent for several of these
causes of action. At the same time, the defendants cite only district court cases not binding on
this Court and apparently concede there are no appellate cases on point. Neither of the mask
cases cited discuss the Fourth Amendment. Zinman v. Nova Southeastern Univ., 2021 U. S. Dist.
LEXIS 165341 (SDF 2021). Poe v. Leonard, 282 F.3d 123 (2nd Cir. 2002), cited by the
defendants, involved a different type of claim (videotaping a person undressed), however, the
court did find Fourth Amendment precedents relevant to analyzing the plaintiff’s breach of
privacy claim.
Since the plaintiffs’ challenge an entirely new public policy, they cannot be expected to
produce old precedents to support their claim. On this motion, the burden is on the defendants
3 Angel N. Desai, MD, MPH1; David M. Arono , MD2 “Masks and Coronavirus Disease
2019” (COVID-19), JAMA. 2020;323(20):2103.
12
ff
to provide clear case law binding on this Court that calls for dismissal. They have failed to do
so.
In their argument for dismissal of plaintiffs’ First Amendment claims, the defendants cite
to L. T. v. Zucker, 2021 U. S. Dist. LEXIS 196906 (N. D. N. Y. 2021). However, that case merely
denied a motion for a preliminary injunction, which involves a higher legal standard than
avoidance of dismissal. The case itself has not been dismissed. While we were not able to locate
the decision in Young v. James, 2021 U. S. Dist. LEXIS 115597 (S. D. N. Y. 2021), this was filed
by a pro se plaintiff and is obviously not binding on this Court. Antietam Battlefield KOA v.
Hogan, 461 F. Supp. 3d 214 (D. MD 2020), seems to analyze masks as a form of forced speech
and does not grapple with the argument herein that masks sabotage the speech of young children in
many ways. In any event, that case denied a motion for a preliminary injunction. It did not
involve the drastic remedy of dismissal without discovery or trial. Finally, Stewart v. Justice, 502 F.
Supp. 3d 1057 (S. D. W. V. 2020), does not involve a motion to dismiss, is not binding on the
Court, and heavily relies on the obsolete Jacobson. Like Antietam, the plaintiff appeared to be
arguing that wearing a mask is a kind of forced speech, which is not the claim here.
Since the defendants provide no binding or persuasive authority, the motion to dismiss
should be denied.
13
The main case cited by the defendants on this point, Doe v. Franklin Square Union Free
Such. List., 2021 U. S. Dist. LEXIS 206450 (E. D. N. Y. 2021), is not binding on the Court or
persuasive. It is also not a Rule 12 decision but concerns a motion for an injunction. It heavily
relies on Jacobson, which is discussed elsewhere herein. The court stated “no one is forcing
plaintiff to send her child to public school or to live in New York State.”! Apparently, the court
was unaware that New York has had compulsory schooling since 1874. See, NY Education
Law 3205. As for the second part of that quote, apparently, the court believes that, since one
can always escape from New York by moving, any and all tyrannical edicts must be upheld.
The defendant’s argument against our substantive due process claim is based on their
allegation that no violation of a fundamental right is alleged and that therefore the absurdly
lenient, almost non-existent rational relationship test is all that needs to be met. Here, a sense of
realism that is all too often missing in Lockdown cases is required. Forcing little kids to wear a
mask for six hours a day for no valid scientific reason violates their fundamental right to, you
name it, liberty, privacy, autonomy, security—a rose by any other name would smell as sweet.
This is nothing but intentional and cruel child abuse! That is why I came out of semi-retirement
14
The Defendants are properly alleged to have the requisite personal involvement in the
constitutional violations alleged by the Plaintiffs. See Farrell v. Burke, 449F.3d 470, 484 (2d Cir.
2006). In Farrell the Second Circuit determined that the personal involvement of a defendant in
1983. Id. The Court further noted that “personal involvement is a question of fact.” Id. In the
context of a motion pursuant to F.R.C.P. Rule 12(b), the allegations contained in the Complaint
are taken as true, and the court must draw all reasonable inferences inthe plaintiff’s favor. Austin
Here, it is alleged that the defendants continued to enforce the mask mandate on January
25, 2022, even though it had been voided by a State Supreme Court Justice the previous day.
The defendants concede they were advised to ignore the court order and somehow deem their
The defendants seek to muddy the waters by interjecting qualified immunity into the
analysis. Def. Brief at page 21. The State Judge voided the only lawful basis for imposing the
odious mask mandate on little children by coercion. The right involved, the right not to be the
subject of governmental coercion without due process, meaning, without any lawful right or
jurisdiction, did not have to be established by Judge Rademaker. It has been clearly
15
The Superintendents may be held liable in their official capacities because they are
mandates. They speak for the District on such matters and there is no evidence they were
Defendants miss the point of our citation of the Ninth Amendment which does not bode
well for the civics classes they oversee. I have learned much about the Ninth Amendment from
its leading expert, Professor Randy E. Barnett. His view is that “the unenumerated rights that
people possessed prior to the formation of government and which they retain should be
accorded the same protection as those natural rights that ended up being included in the
enumeration.” “The Ninth Amendment: It Means What it Says,” 85 Tex. L. Rev 1-82 (2006).
So, in this very case, all the defendants ask, “where does it say kids have a right to
breathe free?” The Ninth Amendment forecloses by its very terms this silly question. It’s a
natural right of every human being so obvious that it never occurred to the Founders that they
needed to list it in the Bill of Rights. Even the Redcoats didn’t torture our kids the way the
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CONCLUSION
17