Aṭṭār's - Tad Kirat Al-Awliyā - and Jāmī's - Nafaḥāt Al-Uns - Two Visions of Sainthood

˓Aṭṭār's "Taḏkirat al-awliyā˒" and Jāmī's "Nafaḥāt al-uns": Two Visions of Sainthood
Author(s): Denise Aigle

Source: Oriente Moderno , 2016, NUOVA SERIE, Anno 96, Nr. 2 (2016), pp. 271-315
Published by: Istituto per l'Oriente C. A. Nallino
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ORIENTE MODERNO 96 (2016) 271-315
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'Attar's Tadkirat al-awliyď and Jāmī's Nafahat al-uns

Two Visions of Sainthood
Denise Aigle
EPHE, CNRS UMR 8167, "Orient et Méditerranée"
denise. aigle@cnrs.fr
Abstract
This article presents two famous collections of the lives of saints: 'Attar's Tadkirat
al-awliyã ' and Jāmī's Nafahãt al-uns. Every collection of the lives of saints shares the
common tradition of Arabic-language works. Indeed, Hujvīri's Kasf al-mahjüb and
Ansāri's Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah ensured the transition with Sufi literature written in
Arabic. However, the Tadkirat al-awliyď is the first truly original work in Persian. 'Attar
and Jāmī sought to make known to their respective communities of belief the words
and deeds of spiritual masters, but they did so in two different ways. 'Attar chose a lim-
ited corpus of saints that, in his eyes, represented the primary movements of the first
centuries of Sufism. Jāmī instead favoured exhaustiveness, amassing a great number
of biographies, especially on the shaykhs of the Naqshbandi order. While Jāmī con-
veyed the paths of saintliness in accordance with the religious orthodoxy of his order,
'Attar showed a special attachment to the ecstatic masters. The Tadkirat al-awliyď and
Nafahãt al-uns thus represent two different ways of commemorating the memory of
the spiritual masters who embodied the mystical thought of Islam.
Keywords
'Attār - Jāmī - Sanā'ī - Rūmī - Ansāri - Hujvīrī - Abū Yazîd Bistāmī - Hallāj - ča'far
Sādiq - Šath - M'Crāģ
* Having used sources in Arabic and Persian, for greater coherence, I retain the Arabic trans-
literation for Sufi terms even if they appear in Persian works (e.g., walãyah, ahwãl). I would
like to thank Nelly Amri for reading this article, as her remarks contributed to enriching
the study.
© KONINKLIJKE BRILL NV, LEIDEN, 2016 | DOI 10.1163/22138617-12340106

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272 AIGLE
Sufism de
its zenith in the areas under Persian cultural influence.1 From the formative
period of Islamic mystical thought, Khurasan was the chosen land for the
majority of spiritual movements, to such an extent that numerous scholars
claimed a link to this territory:
The scholars called themselves al-Khurasani, not because they had an

ancestor from this region of Iran or had visited it, but rather because
they were followers of a Sufi teaching received from scholars of mysti-
cal movements and because, hypothetically, these saintly figures, as their
masters, came from Khurasan.2
Indeed, from early times, this eastern province contributed to the develop-
ment of Islamic mystical thought with great figures such as Ibrahim Adham
(d. 777), Šaqlq Balkhl (d. 810), Ahmad b. Harb (d. 849), Abū Haf§ Haddād
(d. 879), and many more. The founding texts of Sufism, similarly to the great
masterpieces of mystically inspired Persian poetry, were composed by authors
native to this region. Jam! is regarded to be the last representative of this
tradition.
The importance of Sufism in the development of Persian poetry was high-

lighted by Qâsim Gani: "Sufis recited poetry in their circles of remembrance
of God and in public preaching assemblies, believing discourse to be ineffec-
tive without the proper poetic devices to adorn it."3 In this regard, Abū Sa'īd b.
Abi 1-Khayr (d. 440/1049) is considered the first to have introduced Sufism into
Persian literature.4
The major details of Abū Sa'ïd's life are inextricably interwoven with leg-
endary tales. His father would have introduced him - while still a child - to
the poet Abūl-Qāsim Bišr Yãsln (d. 380/990), who became his first spiritual
master. Abū Said was said to be the author of a great number of quatrains
(rubďiyyat), although these collections of versified compositions were
1 Yarshater 1968, 23.

2 Sublet 1991, 169.
3 ćanl 19673, 555; Lewisohn 1992, 15-16. On the development of Sufism and its literary aspects,
see Zarrinkoob 1970, 139-220.
4 He was born on 1 Muharram 357/7 December 967 in Mîhana, a town in Khorasan, where he
died on 4 Ša'bān 440/12 January 1049. His life was narrated in Persian in the sixth to seventh
century by one of his fifth-generation descendants, see Hālāt suķanān-i Šaykh Abü SďidL.
This work was then developed by the author's cousin, Ibn Munawar, in Asrār al-tawhîd. fi
maqãmat al-Šayfi Abi Sciïd. On Abū Sald, see Ritter 1975, 150-151; Böwering 1985, 377-380;
Meier 1976; Šafi'ī Kadkanl 1381Š/20035, in Asrār al-tawhld, davãzdah-çad u ša$t u dû.

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CATTĀR'S TADKI RAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 273
compiled from diverse sources composed at different times.5 It is thus by no

means clear whether these poems came from his pen. The idea that Abū Said
did not write the entire body of poetry attributed to him derives from a phrase
cited in his oldest hagiography, the Hãlãt va suhanān-i Šaykh Abü Sald: "I never
composed a poem myself. What you hear from my tongue comes from able
men ( mardãn-i saturg ), the most part from Abūi-Qāsim Bišr."6 Ibn Munawar,
the author of the Asrãr al-tawhîd, does not cite these words of the master of
Nishapur, but rather makes an interesting observation: "There are some who
think that these [verses] which fall from the Master's tongue are composed by
him, but this is not so, for he is so drowned in God that he has no capacity to
speak on his own."7 The poetry recited by Abū SaťId would thus be of divine
inspiration.8 Following the execution of Husayn b. Mansūr Hallāj (d. 309/922),
many of his disciples sought refuge in Khurasan. His teachings and ideas thus
spread throughout Sufi circles, being incorporated into the verses uttered by
Abū SacId in his sermons. According to Dick Davis, "they became the staple of
Persian mystical literature when they were taken up by Sana'i, and after him
by Attar and Rumi."9 Thus, the poems used by Abū Sa'Id in his teachings were,
in reality, verses recited by his spiritual masters (piran ).10 He probably did not
compose the poetry himself, but was "instrumental in establishing Persian
poetry as a vehicle for Sufi teaching and preaching."11
It was indeed Sanai (d. ca. 525/1130) who gave impetus to mystical poetry.
The Hadîqat al-haqlqah wa-šarťat al-tarlqah is the first example of a mystical
masnavī in Persian literature. This didactic poem adopts the form of an ongo-
ing discourse on a broad spectrum of ethical and religious subjects.12 For cen-
turies, the Hadîqat al-haqīqah enjoyed the favor of readers interested in Sufi
writings.13 It also had a tremendous impact on later authors. Both 'Attar and
Rūmi held Sana'! in high esteem.14 According to Jāmī, Rūmi had a relationship
5 See NafìsI 1334 sh/1955.

6 This assertion would appear to demonstrate his modesty as opposed to describing a lit-
eral reality, according to Graham Graham 1999, 95.
7 Ibid., 95.
8 Ibid., 95.
9 Davis 1984, 13.
10 Bruijn 1997, 17.
1 1 Losensky 2009, 14.
1 2 The large number of known manuscripts testifies to the text's immense popularity.
13 Bruijn 1983, 119-139. The text is dedicated to the Ghaznavid Sultan Bahrām Šāh (r. 512-547/
U18-1152), who was a great patron of Persian literature.
14 Bruijn 1999, 361-379. Rūmi based his masnavī-i mďnaví on the model of the Hadîqat
aL-haąląah.

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274 AIGLE
of compa
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18 On this
ORIEN

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 275
he exercised the profession of pharmacist, as he did not wish to depend on the

milieu of the court to support himself. It would appear that 'AtÇâr was affected
by the execution of Maģd al-DIn Bagdad! (d. 616/1219) on the order of the sov-
ereign of Khwārazm, Muhammad b. Tikiš.19 He held no illusions about his con-
temporaries in power. In the Mantiq al-tayrf probably completed in 626/1229,
he presents them as capricious and cruel individuals with whom he avoids all
contact: "I have not eaten the food of any tyrant, nor have I signed any book
with my pen-name."20
'Attar's greatness as a mystical poet was only discovered after his death. His
works first circulated privately in Khorasan, before gaining greater popular-
ity in the fifteenth century. His writings then became a genre of Persian lit-
erature known as the poetry of annihilation {fana'iyyat ), parallel to poetry of
wine ( hamriyyãt ) or that of the antinomian Sufis ( qalandarî ) 21 From this time
onwards, his life became embellished with legendary characteristics, as seen in
the biographies penned by Jāmī and Dawlatšah.22
Yet we know very little about 'Attar's life; even the date of his death is a mat-
ter of much discussion. Until now, it has been generally accepted - according
to Furūzānfar's reconstruction of his biography - that he was born around
540/1145-46 in Nishapur and died around the age of 70 years, probably a victim
of the Mongols' massacre of the city in Safar 618/April 1221. Muhammad Rizā
Šaffī KadkanI revised this biography based on data from the local historiogra-
phy. He consequently proposes a new date of 1229 or 1230 for his death.23
From childhood, and without apparent cause, he showed an interest in spir-
itual masters. In the introduction of the Tadkirat al-awliyã3, he writes that "love
for this tā'ifah has welled up my soul (jãnam mawj mlzad ), and their words
have always brought joy to my heart."24 'Awfï, a contemporary of 'Attar, includes
him in the Lubāb al-albāb , the first anthology of poets written in Persian dur-
ing the Seljuk period.25 He refers to him as "the wayfarer on the Path of Truth
and the dweller on the prayer carpet of the Path" ( sãlik-i jãdda-ye haqîqah
va sākin-i sajjãdah-yi tarîqah). In other words, he presents him as a mystic.
He also mentions his piety, his orthodoxy ( husn-i Vtiqãd ), and the high
1 9 Lewisohn 1992, 30.

20 Manfiq al-tayr, v. 4603.
21 Ernst 1999, 337. On this type of poetry, see Bruijn 1992, 75-86.
22 On 'AtÇâr, see Ritter 1975, 775-777 ; Reinert 1989, 20-25; Ritter 19792; Furūzānfar 1339Š/1960;
Šafil KadkanI 1378Š/1999; Landolt 2006, 3-26.
23 Safìl Kadkanl 1378Š/1999, 62-69.
24 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 8; Trans. Losensky 2009, 44.
25 Matin! 1989, 118.

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276 AIGLE
quality of
we know
him as w
understa
mďrifah
(1 al-ďimm
to the Tad
It would a
of the ter
Indeed, in
once visit
Rizā Šaffī
disciple o
the latter
for philo
affirms:
tafalr and
Cure (šija'
In the Ta
legends, h
lectual an
his object
"to remem
of the fir
prose, alth
26 Landolt 2006, 8.
27 According to Furūzānfar, this meeting most certainly took place between 612-618/
1215-1221 when Naçïr al-DIn TùsI studied philosophy and fiqh in this city.
28 Ibn al-Fuwa^I, part 4/3, 46-47.
2 g Nafahāt al-uns, 59g. His Bagdadi nisbah comes from Baģdādak, a village in Khwārazm.
30 Tadkirat al-awltyď, g; Landolt 2006, g.
3 1 Safìì Kadkanī i378š/iggg, 71; Landolt 2006, 10.
32 In this account, the lamentation of Khwāri makes an allusive reference to the recent exe-
cution of Maģd al-DIn Baģdādī, implying that the Tadkirat al-awltyď was composed in
6i6/i2ig or slightly after.
33 Landolt 2006, 10.
34 'Attar is apparently the first to have used the word with this meaning. Over the centuries,
this term was commonly used in the titles of collective biographies, especially those by
poets. On the tazkira works in Persian, see Gulchln Ma'āni i348-i350Š/ig70-ig72.
35 This is one of the main examples of early Persian prose; see Lazard ig63, 121.

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHÃT AL-UNS 277
composed attests to the author's spiritual journey, in the same way as his versi-
fied works do. The popularity of the Tadkirat al-awliyď is evident by the great
number of manuscripts preserved in numerous libraries in addition to the six-
teenth- and seventeenth-century manuscripts that incorporate an apocryphal
cycle concluding with the biography of the fifth imam, Muhammad Bâqir.36
At the time of 'All ŠIr Navā'I in the fifteenth century in Herat, this memorial of
saints was translated into Uyghur,37 a sign that the text, like the Nafahãt al-uns ,
circulated throughout the Turkish-speaking areas of Central Asia.
Nūr al-DIn fAbd al-Rahmān b. Ahmad Jam! was born in 817/1414, more than
two centuries after 'Attār. Jāml's links with the Naqshbandi brotherhood and
members of the Timurid dynasty had a decisive influence on his career. His ini-
tial contact with the order occurred at the mere age of five years, when Khvāja
Muhammad Pārsā (d. 822/1419) passed by Herat on his way to Mecca.38 This
saintly man made a great impression upon him, and he recounts the story in
the Nafahãt al-uns.39 His true master was Sa'd al-DIn Kašģarī (d. 860/1456), of
whom he dreamed when he was studying in Samarkand. Believing this vision
to be a spiritual event, he henceforth returned to Herat to follow his teaching.
However, it was mostly Khvāja 'Ubayd Allāh Ahrār (d. 896/1490) - the successor
of Sa'd al-DIn as the head of the order - who had a major influence on Jāml's
spiritual life.40 With him, however, Jam! did not have a genuine master-disciple
relationship in the form of companionship. Despite only meeting him in per-
son on a few occasions in Samarkand, Marv, and Tashkent, Jam! maintained
a copious correspondence with him.41 He dedicated a long poem to him, the
Tuhfat al-ahrãr , devoted to the great Naqshbandi shaykhs. Jam! himself was
a respected teacher and recognized spiritual master. Sultan Husayn Bãyqarã
(r- 873-911/1469-1506), the great patron of scholars and artists, was his protec-
tor. He was also very close to 'All ŠIr Navā'ī (d. 906/1501), the spiritual adviser of
36 A later Shi'ite compiler may have penned these later versions; see Estelami 2004.
37 Tezkereh-i EvliL Le Mémorial des saints. Translation of the Uyghur manuscript held at the
French National Library by Abel Pavet de Courteille 1889-1890. This manuscript is the only
known translation in Uyghur. It is a shortened version of the Tadkirat al-awliyã' The later
additional part does not figure in the Uyghur manuscript dated to the fifteenth century;
see Estelami, 2004.
38 Naqshbandi shaykhs are often designated by the term khvāja, signifying "master," and col-
lectively under the title of Khvājagān.
39 Nafahãt al-uns, 392-393.
40 On Khvaja 'Ubayd Allāh Ahrār and the Naqshbandi order, see Gross and Urunbaev 2002,
1-22.
41 On the written correspondence of Khvāja cUbayd Allāh Ahrār, see The Letters of Khw
Vbayd Allah Ahrār and his Associates, 57-90.

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278 AIGLE
the sultan
and unost
Husayn Bä
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Thus, unl
recognitio
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Sufism, w
teachings
Allāh Ahr
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writings o
Jam! penn
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ence of Kh
to write a
being his
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ies. His La
metaphys
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42 He bestow
upon him;
43 Jam! wri
that he was
the order s
207, n. 3.
44 On Jāml'
135-157.
45 Khvāja 'U
(rühäniyyah
46 In his sh
and terms,
written by
arranged by
47 This is a
48 English t
There exist
1906 with
Society, Lon
Hossein Nasr.

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL- AWL I YÃ* AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 279
marks the culmination of this genre in Persian. After Jāmī's death, 'All Šír
Navā'ī translated the Nafahãt al-uns into Chaghatay Turkish under the title of
Nasā'im al-mahabbah min šamďim al-fiituwwah , although he omitted numer-
ous biographies (e.g., all saintly women) and added others, including Indian
saints. As it were, Khvāja ťUbayd Allāh Ahrār had had disciples in Mughal India.
The Naqshbandi order consolidated its position just before 1600, toward the
end of Akbar's reign.
JāmI produced a great diversity of writings that attest to the variety of
his knowledge and mastery of the Arabic and Persian languages. He is even
more famous as a poet, notably for his seven masnavī known collectively
under the title of Haft awrang. Jam! was called "the quintessential Timurid
man-of-letters."49 His work is often seen to epitomize medieval Persian litera-
ture, standing at the confluence of courtly and mystical traditions, although
making the end of its golden age.50 After Jāmī's death, his writings spread
throughout the entire Tersianate world."
The Motives of the Authors
Very early on, writing about the life of a saint is considered to be a pious act,
contributing to the spiritual experience of the author. It would rather seem,
however, that 'Attar was motivated by his attachment to the words of spiritual
masters. In the introduction of the Tadkirat al-awliyã' he thus writes: "leav-
ing aside the Quťan and the traditions of Prophet, there are no words loftier
than those of the masters of the path."51 In support of this claim, he qualifies
their words in the following manner: "they are the outcome of experience and
inspiration (kār va hã[)t not the fruit of memorization and quotation (hiß va
qãí). They come from contemplation (tyãn), not commentary ( bayãn ), from
the innermost self (asrar), not imitation ( tikrãr )."52
'Attar criticizes here the fossilization of a tradition that favored dogmatic
emulation (taqlid) over the direct experience of the divine ( tahqlq ). This oppo-
sition to clerical dogmatism manifested quite early in Iran. According to Abū
Yazld Bistami (d. 261/875), t0 whom the poet had a special attachment,53 the
49 Bruijn 2002, 83.

50 Arberry 1958, 450. Divergent views exist with regard to his work; see Algar 2013 chapter
"Further Readings."
5 1 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 5; Trans., 40.
5 2 Tadkirat al-awliyāy, 5; Trans., 40-41.
53 'Aftār names him Bãyazld and writes a long biography about him; see below.

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280 AIGLE
transmitt
claimed to have visited the celestial court where he encountered no scholar of
religious sciences ( 'ãlim) or jurist (faqîh).5*
Iranian Sufism is founded on a number of exoteric (zãhir) versus esoteric
(bātin) oppositions, for which numerous attestations emerge in the texts.55
The early masters observed the "rule of the heart" in reference to the spirit of
the hadith: "Seek the decree of the heart, even if the judges decree otherwise."56
However, as shown by Bruijn, anti-clericalism was more a topos of Persian Sufi
literature than an anti-sectarianism.57
ťAttar considers that the words of saints "come from divine knowledge ( 'ibn-i
ladunnt ), not acquired learning (Hlm-i kasbï), from ardour ( ģūšīdān ), not effort
(kūšīdān) and from the universe of my Lord instructed me (' alam-i adabanrìi
rabbi), not the world of my father taught me (ģahān-i * alamanni abi), for these
masters are the heirs of the prophets."58
The term 7 Im-i ladunnl is of Quranic origin. In sura 18, a long passage
(v. 60-82) depicts Moses with a companion whose name is never given but who
is identified as iļidr by the exegetes. This enigmatic figure, after reaching the
source of life, drinks from the fountain of youth that renders him immortal.
He hence sees his life prolonged until the end of time. According to verse 65,
Hidr is "a man [. . .] We had given knowledge of Our own (min ladunnã ť ibnã )."
'Attār adopts the idea, as expressed by Tabarī in his exegesis of the Quran, that
God rewards saints with his knowledge.59 He chooses his friends and bestows a
specific nature and sensitivity upon them, thus rendering them different from
common people.
Among the early Sufi masters, attaining walãyah (sainthood) marks the
completion of a journey along the spiritual path. Dū 1-Nūn Misñ was the first to
define and teach "the classification of the mystical states ( tartīb al-ahwãt) and
the stages on the way of the master of the sanctity ( maqãmãt ahi al-walāyah)
[...]. Others authors would add or suppress particular stages, but he established
54 Lewisohn 1992, 19-20.

55 See the discussion on the conflicts between "Sufis and mullahs" in ibid., 19-24.
56 Ibid., 21; Kitāb al-Lumā'fi l-taęawwuf, 16.
57 Bruijn 1992.
5 8 Tadkirat al-awliyã* , 5; Trans., 41.
59 Explaining the expression "divinely disclosed knowledge" (7 bn al-ladunni), Tabarī quali-
fies the knowledge of Ņi<Jr as "knowledge of the unseen" (7/m al-gayb); see Talat Halman
2013, 97.

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÄ* AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 281
the idea of fixed steps for the sanctifying graces."60 By emphasizing that the
masters' spiritual knowledge with regard to saintliness comes from God him-
self, 'Attar implicitly states that God chooses His awliyã'.
He thus differentiates several types of men:
The friends of God are different, some are adherents of mystical realiza-
tion ( ahl-i maYifah) and some of proper conduct ( ahl-i mu'āmalāt ); some
are adherents of love ( ahl-i mahabbah) and some of unity ( ahl-i tawhîd)',
some are all of these.61
After showing the irreplaceable value of the words of spiritual masters, 'Attar
details his reasons for writing this memorial of saints. He expresses the virtues
that he accords to their teaching:
They make people's hearts cold to this world; they make the mind dwell
continually on the afterworld; they bring out the love for the Real in peo-
ple's hearts; when people hear this sort of discourse, they begin to pre-
pare provisions for the endless road ( rāh bī payãn).62
In accordance with the idea that the sacred word has a therapeutic value, 'Attar
considers that the words of saints have both a spiritual and medical effect on
whoever hears them:63 they may mend the broken heart (díl šikasta) a disci-
ple who, in turn, finds peace and strength. It is therefore important to gather
such words together, as the resultant book will raise men and make them prog-
ress: "this is a book that will turn weaklings (mukhannasãn) into men and turn
men into lions (Sir mard) and turn lions into paragons (fard-i khãss) and turn
paragons into pain itself ('ayn-i dard)?6*
'At{ār also evokes his personal motivations - associated with the inter-
cession - that persuaded him to compose this memorial of saints. Through
this book, he hopes that whoever finds a solution to his problem will remem-
ber him in his prayers; he will thus be delivered from Hell at the time of the
60 Massignon 1997, 145.

6 1 Tadkirat al-awlřyď, 5-6; Trans., 41.
62 Tadkirat al- awliyã3, 9; Trans., 45.
63 On the therapeutic effects of the words of saints, see 'Iyâd b. Mûsà, al-Šifď bi-ta'rtf huqüq
al-Muętąfa. This work met great success and played an important role in popular piety.
On ťIyad b. Mûsà (d. 544/1149), see Talbi 1978, 302-303.
64 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 9.

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282 AIGLE
punishm
benedicti
when one
down upo
'Attar also
rect reque
great deli
religious
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have beco
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Zarrinko
of reason
of the 'un
(7 Im-i lad
In his in
received a
first mys
more mai
tic and ho
believer t
of public
Almost th
ferent m
Sufism in
65 Tadkirat
al-qabr) are
notion, see
66 Tadkirat
67 Tadkirat
68 Tadkira
69 Zarrink
70 See above.

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'ATTĀR'S TADKI RAT AL- AWL I YĀ' AND JAMÍ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 283
was already apparent. During the Mongol and Timurid periods, Sufi orders
(tarîqah) developed in Iran, as did the institutions (ķānaqāh) that played a sig-
nificant educative role in society, as every social class took part in the gather-
ings of masters, listening to their sermons and public teachings. In the twelfth
century, faãnaqãh were found in every major city in Khurasan and Transoxiana,
although they emphasized the individual's relationship with God as opposed
to the social entity of the venue. The socio-political dimension of this institu-
tion grew stronger at the end of the fourteenth century, becoming quite evi-
dent in the Naqshbandi order to which Jam! belonged.71
In the introduction of the Nafahāt al-uns, Jam! states his desire to write a
collection of saints' biographies modeled on the Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah of ťAbd
al-Rahmān SulamI (d. 412/1021).72 In his view, this text embodies the entire
teaching of the masters who paved the way for mystical thought. In the hearts
of the men mentioned in this text, so he writes, were summarized the sciences
relating to both the exterior (' ulüm-i zãhir) and interior doctrines (' ulüm-i
bãtin). These masters were both the lights of sainthood and the effects of
divine guidance ( anwãr-i walãya va āsār-i hidãya).73
The filiation between SulamI and Jam! is established through cAbd Allah
Muhammad Ansārī (d. 481/1089), who translated this collection of the lives of
saints into Persian. Jam! holds the Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah of the master of Herat
in high esteem. In his view, the text contributed to making known this saintly
class of men:
His Holiness Šaykh al-Islām, the shelter for mankind, the protector of the
sunna, the preventer of innovation, [. . .] dictated ( imlã ) that (Sulaml's
Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah) in sessions ( maģālis ) with companions and assem-
blies (maģāmi*) in which he would advise and admonish. He added to
it further utterance belonging to some shaykhs ( mašā'ih ) who had not
been mentioned in that book, and also some of his own mystical experi-
ences and inspirations. One of his devotees and disciples collected them
[the dictations] and compiled them into a book (yaki az muhibbãn va
murīdān ān-rā ģarrimīkarda va dar qayd-i kitāba mîyâvurda ).74
71 See Paul 1991.

72 On the contribution of Sulaml's Tabaqãt al-ņūfiyyah to the formation of Sufism, see
Thibon 2009, 510-519.
73 Nafahāt al-uns, 3.
74 Nąfahat al-uns , 4; Trans., Mojaddedi 2001, 166.

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284 AIGLE
JāmI thu
Ansārfs
the biogr
Truly th
the Sufi
since it i
which w
stand, an
members
His Holin
and the
about try
and endu
known c
tion of t
(karãmãt
tioned in
By comp
reader w
acquire a
sizes the
behavior
to explain
(i ahwal) o
Jam! exp
this proj
request of
chosen a
centuries
as if he d
of the liv
erhood. It
7 5 Nafahã
76 Nafahã
77 Nafahã
78 This fea
saints as w
ORIEN

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CATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 285
order, including Khvāja ťUbayd Allāh Ahrār who was still alive at the time of the
Nafahãt al-unś composition. The inclusion of a living figure in a work of this
type is quite unusual; it should hence be understood as a sign of Jāmfs esteem
for the man whom he considered to be his true spiritual master. The Nafahãt
al-uns marked an important contribution to the history of the order, even after
Jāml's death.
In the sixteenth century, the Ottomans presented Jam! and 'All Šīr Navā'ī
as "guiding stars."79 Mahmūd Lāmi'ī (d. 938/1531-32) composed a version of
the Nafahãt al-uns in Ottoman Turkish under the title of Futūh al-mu'āhidln
li-tarvīh qulüb al-mušāhidīn with numerous additions.80 His self-designated
epithet, "the Jam! of Rūm," strongly suggests that the author considered
himself the replica of his Persian paragon. He was likewise an important
Naqshbandi shaykh who received attention from those in power.81 Mahmūd
Lāmi'ī translated the biographies of Jam! using his own intellectual authority
and knowledge. According to Patricia Flemming, "investigation is needed on
the transformation which Jami's lives of saints underwent at the hands of his
Turkish translator."82 Mahmūd LāmiTs translation of the Nafahãt al-uns "gave
it a value of its own as a document for the history of Anatolian mysticism."83
It attests to the importance of this text and its dissemination in Naqshbandi
milieus.84 However, the posterity of Jāmfs collection of the lives of saints is not
limited to Turkish-speaking lands. The Nafahãt al-uns attracted attention in
India, where it served as the model for numerous works of this type that were
compiled in the Indian Subcontinent.85
The Tadkirat al-awliyď: Sources and Organization of the Material
In the Tadkirat al-awliy a', 'Attar collected the biographies of saints - including
one woman (Rābi'ah) - chosen from among the mystics of the first centuries
of Islam.86 Among his stated sources, he fails to mention the traditional works
79 Gibb 1902, 8.
80 This translation was completed in 927/1521; see Storey 19722, 955-956.
81 Bruijn 2002, 82.
82 Flemming 1994, 63.
83 Bruijn 2002, 82.
84 On Jāml's influence in the Aq Quyunlu court, see Lingwood 2011a, 233-245; Idem 2011b,
175-191-
85 Algar 2013, 130.

86 The 25 additional biographies found in later manuscripts are by another hand.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
286 AIGLE
of Sufism
served. In
the saying
If a seeke
him to st
It is your
to him, e
The first
destroyed
lost work
related by
'Attar uti
his compo
them acc
The Sufi
'Attar. Su
also num
al-Karīm
(d. betwee
he sough
he would
particular
tion of a
edifying
The Tadk
type of w
of all of
number 7
tive num
well-know
-two sects
87 Tadkirat
88 Esteiam
(xii-xxi). O
author exam
89 See Lose
90 Losensk
ORIEN

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 287
community will be split into seventy-three sects."91 The historical resonance

of this sacred number seems decisive in 'Attar's project. Indeed, each individ-
ual endowed with a biography in the Tadkirat al-awliyã' represents a spiritual
movement. This group of masters embodies the whole of Islamic spirituality,
from the moral scruple of Dāwūd al-Tāi (d. 160/775) to the visionary realiza-
tion of Abū 1-Husayn Nūrī (d. 295/907). The number of chapters seems to be a
symbolic allusion to the hadith92 that expresses 'Attar's special attachment to
the Prophet Muhammad.
The biographies proceed in chronological order in accordance with the bio-
graphical section of Huģvūī's Kašf al-mahģūb. Uways QaranI (d. ca. 37/657),
a contemporary of the Prophet, is the oldest figure included in the Tadkirat
al-awliyã' However, his biographical note is preceded by one dedicated to
ča'far Sâdiq (d. 148/765). According to the chronological order, the biography
of the latter should be in ninth or tenth position. cAttār thus explains why he
begins by honoring the memory of the Imam in the following manner:
We had said that if we were to memorialize the prophets, Muhammad's

companions, and his family, it would require a separate book. This book
will consist of the biographies of the masters of this clan, who lived after
them. But as a blessing, let us begin with Çâdiq (may God pleased whit
him), for he too lived after them. Since among the Prophet's descendants,
he said the most about the path and many traditions have come down
from him, I shall say a few words about this esteemed man, for they are all
as one. When he is remembered, it is remembrance of them all.93
Huģvlrl, as one of 'Attar's main sources, dedicates the first chapter of the bio-
graphical section of the Kašf al-mahģūb to the "Imams who were among the
Companions ( sahāba )n in which the biographies of the four first caliphs are
found. The second chapter, "Their Imams who belonged to the house of the
Prophet (Ahl al-bayt)n contains the biographies of the descendants of 'All and
Fātfmah, from Hasan to ča'far Sädiq. 'Attār thus combines Huģvīrī's two first
chapters into a single biography, thus placing the genealogy of the Prophet
within the spiritual tradition of Islam. The saints are the legitimate heirs of
Muhammad. Their relationship to the Prophet is included, not only through
9 1 Losensky 2009, 19.

92 Ibid.
93 Tadkirat al-awliyā3, 12; Trans., 46.

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288 AIGLE
the prism
The saint
ča'far §ād
Sufis" lik
gration in
appearanc
the maste
twines th
of saints
other. As
he was als
was but a
paradigm
contact. I
nent amo
said to h
Resurrect
of Rabi'ah
through
from the
spiritual a
The final
martyrdo
clude his
period of
appropria
dation of
Yet, as we
of saintlin
founded on ecstatic divine love.
Each biography contains an introduction that briefly describes the spiritual

conduct of the saintly man and lists the names of his masters and disciples.
94 Amri 2008, 147.

95 Algar 2013, 78.
96 Losensky 2006, 77-78.
97 Ibid., 78.
98 Talat Halman 2013, 217.
99 Kašf al-mahģūb, 100.
1 00 Before his death, the Prophet tasked cUmar and 'All with putting his frirqah back on hint

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 289
This is preceded by a passage in rhythmic prose (saģ*) exalting the virtues

of the individual in a panegyric manner. Muhammad Istigami remarks that
"in those few rhymed phrases at the beginning of each section, 'Attar strove to
reveal the personality of the mystic of whom he is speaking."101 Then, succeed-
ing without interlude, apparent order, or transition are maxims and dialogues
of varying lengths, which often interweave anecdotes and doctrinal elements.
The dialogues are in Persian, with the exception of a few fragments in Arabic,
Quranic verses, and hadiths. 'Attar's creativity is especially apparent in the man-
ner in which he organizes the material. In earlier collections of tabaqãt, the
authors use chains of transmission to authenticate the words and aphorisms
of Sufis. In contrast, 'Aļtār states in the introduction his desire to omit these,
replacing them instead by the simple formulae, "it is related thať ( naql ast)
and "he said" (guft). Without this continual interruption of the isnãd , the resul-
tant biographies are more cohesive. In the section dedicated to the exposition
of Sufi concepts found in Qušayrfs Risãlah and HuģvM's Kašf al-maķģūb , the
sayings of Sufis are organized thematically. Under the topic of altruism (fear),
we find, for example, the words of different masters on the subject, connected
by the commentaries of the author of the treatise. 'Attar integrates these com-
ponents in his long and complex bibliographical notes, worthy of the readers'
attention.102
The Tadkirat al-awlfyď : A Mystical Epic
The Ahl al-bayt at the Source of the Mystical Path

With the exception of the tariqah naqšbandiyyah , the initiation chains of all
Sufi orders go back to the Prophet Muhammad through ťAlI, the first imam
of the Ahl al-bayt Certain masters evoke the "golden chain" (silsilat al-dahab)
linking them to the first eight imams.103 ča'far Sãdiq, the sixth imam, occu-
pies a special place in Sufism.104 A number of Sunni Sufi orders, active in
Iran during the Mongol and Timurid periods, are known for their devotion
to the twelve imams, regarded as a privileged line of spiritual transmission
going back to the Prophet. This phenomenon is known as "Twelver Sunnism."105
The kubravī šaykh Nūr al-Dīn Isfarā'inl (d. 717/1317) wrote that ča'far Sãdiq
101 Losensky 2007, 109.

102 Losensky 2009, 17-18.
103 Algar 2008.
104 Taylor 1966, 97-113.
105 Algar 2013, 87, following Mahģūb 1984, 414.

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290 AIGLE
enjoyed a
ancestry,
In the sec
KalābādI (d
ing after
stations (
wa-filan)}0
last repre
while he
"the sword
the adornm
maYifa va
Yet the m
thought is
tative me
follow his
one is twe
role in the
He was th
the perfe
the follow
'[direct] t
adherent
and was h
Unlike the
plishment
exegete: "H
in the fin
asrār-i tan
his mystic
106 Algar 2
1 07 at-Tďar
108 Kašf al
1 09 Tadkira
1 10 I have m
111 Tadkirat
112 Tadkirat
ORIEN

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'ATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 291
partially reproduced it in his famous Quranic compilation entitled Haqďiq

al~tafeīr.m ča'far Sâdiq reveals his exceptional understanding of mystical phe-
nomena. He perceives four aspects in the Quran: expression ( 'ibãrah ) for ordi-
nary people (fawāmm), allusion (ť išārah ) for the elect ( hawãss ), elements of
grace ( latâïf ) for saints (aw/rya'), and realities ( haqďiq ) for prophets ( anbiyã J).114
This structure of the sacred text leads the Imam to outline a hierarchy among
the faithful according to their degree of interior knowledge. As a consequence,
those whose reward will be proximity to God - that is, to enjoy His sight - will,
in this world, be graced with gnosis thanks to His special divine assistance.115
'Attar emphasizes that, for Ča'far Sâdiq, the culmination of the spiritual jour-
ney is the sight of the glorious face of God:
Whoever struggles against his self {naß) for the sake of his self attains
wonders (karāmāt). Whoever struggles against his self for the sake for the
Lord attains the Lord [. . .].116 Love is divine madness (' išq ģunūn-i ilãhi
ast). It is to be neither condemned ( na madmüm) nor praised (na mah-
müd) [...]. My innermost divine vision was confirmed when they stigma-
tized me for madness ( divãnagí ).117
By placing the biography of ča'far Sâdiq at the beginning of the Tadkirat

al-awliyā' 'Attār renders homage to the members of the family of the Prophet
and designates the saints as his heirs, although he acknowledges, above all,
the Imam's eminent role in the formation of Islamic spiritual thought thanks
to his exceptional knowledge of divine mysteries. It is interesting to mention
here the viewpoint of Nūr al-DIn Samhūdī (d. 911/1506), a scholar in Shafi'ite
fiqh who had also received a Sufi initiation.118 In the čawahir al-'iqdayn fî f adi
al-šarafayn , he discusses the merits of Him and prophetic nasab , and considers
the Ahl al-bayt to be "an extension of the Prophet."119
113 Nwya 19912, 158.

114 Ibid., 167.
115 Ibid., 169.
116 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 17; Trans., 52.
117 Tadkirat al-awliyď , 18; Trans., 52.
118 Morimoto 2014, 106-124.
119 This expression is taken from Morimoto 2014, 111. The "ulama1 are guided by the divine
light (al-nūr al-rabbānt), but their acquired knowledge is that of the šarVah. Samhūdī
adapts the discourse of Sufis in order to elaborate his own concept of tulamď-awliyď ; see
ibid., 116.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
292 AIGLE
The Hero
The names
in Persian
an import
conception
Bayazld
After the
1083) - a
tion - the
For the m
intoxicati
Bagdadi. Y
for gainin
recognized
He dedicat
to his nat
tics" (j sul
(riyãzãt) a
of the hag
the Law, h
"Wheneve
he would s
Bayazld y
all obstacl
himself. H
nafe-l khü
fire of au
own conc
Renunciat
day reject
and on th
called out
1 20 Tadkir
121 Tadkirat
122 Tadkira
ORIEN

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 293
I desire/ 1 said. The words: Tou have attained it ( yãfatty You have attained
it ( yāfatī)V reached my ears.123
Bayazld considers here that zuhd may become an obstacle if it becomes the
principal preoccupation of the spiritual aspirant.
For Sufis, the love between God and man is founded on the Quran: "He
(God) loves a people and they love Him."124 The verb used here derives from
the root hubb . The idea that a loving relationship can exist between God and
man was criticized by some masters. The word used to express this relation-
ship was often the non-Quranic term, (iSqt with its connotation of the passion-
ate love between two human beings.125 This Arabic root, cišq , is used by Bayazld
when the lover and beloved are but one:
I came out of Bayazld-ness, as a snake sheds its skin. Then I looked closely:
I saw the lover and beloved as one ( rāšiq va mďšúq râyakl dīdām), for in
the world of unity one as see everything as one {dar ' ãlam-i tawhld hama
yakl tavān dīd).126
Bayazld himself is the wine, the wine drinker, and the giver of the cup (ham
šarābam, ham šarābkhvār va ham sâqî ).127 This formula is later adopted by
Persian poets to praise the purifying power of divine love. Bayazld depicts
his love for God through the symbolism of mystical drunkenness. He is thus
asked: "What do you say about someone who drank a cup of wine ( qadaht) and
became drunk on eternity without beginning or end ( mast-i azal va abad)T
He responded: "There is a man here who drinks up the sea of eternity with-
out beginning or end in a single day ( dar šābanrūz daryã-yi azal va abad ) and
cries out, 'Is there any more'."128 This strange figure of fire, Bayazld, occupies a
unique place in the early stages of Iranian spirituality.
After successfully shedding his "Me" in fanā' Bayazld expresses himself
through ecstatic words (šath, plur. šatahāt). In the Tadkirat al-awliyã't 'Attār
gathers numerous šatahāt uttered by Bayazld. The most famous is thus: "Glory
123 Tadkirat al-awUyď, 197; Trans., 228. Here, there appears to be a "wordplay" on the term fata
(young valiant man). I wish to thank Yann Richard for this suggestion.
124 Quran v:54.
1 25 Pouijavady 2012, 127.
126 Tadkirat al-awuyã, 189; Trans., 218.
127 Tadkirat al-awlfyď, 188.
128 Tadkirat aí-awíiyď, 169; Trans., 198.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
294 AIGLE
be to me. H
tion of th
by Sufis u
ence to Mo
self: "Mose
to me ( su
of the phr
and throu
The šatahā
For examp
his son Ah
union (itti
sion used b
explain th
as he poin
mystical e
Rūzbihān
explained
symbolism
1 29 Tadkira
130 Quran x
19912, 176-1
Aigle 2015, 3
131 Nwya 1
1 32 Abū Na
ies of maste
1 33 They w
a very orth
Radkt 1995,
134 This sec
was translat
135 This exp
and traditio
Halman 2013
1 36 Ernst 1
137 Sells 19
138 The refe
we attach a
ORIEN

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JAMÍ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 295
The bird of isolation139 sang Allah, Allah, the bird of unity ( tawhid) said,
'I am the Real (anãl-haqq)' the bird of sanctification said 'Glory be to me
(subhãnt)'." When they arose from the New Year's garden of witnessing,
they flew with the wings of pre-eternities in the post-eternities of post-
eternities. Those birds of divinity brought the secret of divinity to the
palace of humanity, and spoke with the soul of divinity in the tongue of
humanity.140
Bayazld is indeed famous šatahāt for his ecstatic sayings, but also for his celes-
tial ascension, similarly to the Prophet whose mVrāģ constitutes the prototype
of the supreme experience with the divine. Sufis consider Muhammad's ascen-
sion to heaven to be a symbol for the ascent of the soul to the heights of mysti-
cal knowledge. The saint substitutes the Prophet in his face-to-face meeting
with God, thus claiming a "transforming union" with Him.141
Bâyazîd's account of the mi'raģ does not figure in the collections of tabaqãt.
The principal sources reporting his ascension are not very numerous.142 Three
brief accounts appear in Sarrāj's Kitãb al-lumď , presented in the chapters on
the paradoxes of Sufis; these accounts were subsequently modified by Abū
1-Fadl Sahlaģl in the Kitãb al-nür min kalimātAbī Tąyfiir , with the addition of
two further brief accounts of the mystical ascension.143 These accounts, with-
out mentioning the prophetic mi'rāģ , seem to constitute the "core" of what is
subsequently written.144 The oldest version of this ascension is found in the
ninth chapter of the Risãlat al-qasd ilà-llãh , which was compiled in 395/1005 by
a certain Abū 1-Qāsim.145 In the Tadkirat al-awliyď , 'Attār speaks of an autono-
mous text entitled M'Craj-i šaykh Bayazld, which juxtaposes the logia of diverse
origin and scope. He probably included other sources, although their identifi-
cation proves challenging.
139 Sufis who were persecuted and killed are called the "birds of sanctity"; they return to their
nests. See Ernst 1992, 358.
140 Ibid., 358.
141 Amri 2008, 202. On the model of the prophetic rrifrāģ and its role in sainthood, see ibid.,
201-216, and on the other voyages of saints, see chap. 8.
142 Bayazld never wrote anything himself; he is only known through the traditions that were
orally transmitted for at least a century. See Deladrière 1967, 76-89.
143 On the sources of Bayazld's mVrāģ , see Lory 1996, 223-237.
144 Lory 1996, 224.
145 The text was falsely attributed to Junayd. Nicholson 1926, 403-408. Trans. Sells 1996, 244-
250. In this account, the associations with the šafh are discussed by Abū Naçr Sarrāj
wherein Bayazld describes his flight as a bird from kingdom to kingdom.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
296 AIGLE
Bâyazîd w
toward G
manner:
I flew through the air and how and thus. When I became
created things, I said: 'I have reached the Creator.' Then
across the valley of divinity [...]. I flew through the space of
larity ( wahdãntyyah ) for thirty thousand years; for another
sand years I flew through godhood ( ulühiyyah ) and through
(fardãniyyah) for thirty thousand more.146
According to 'Attar, witnesses had seen him being raised to heav

a man said to Bayazld: "I saw you standing next to so-and-so's fun
Tabaristān holding hands with Hidr. While prayers were bein
bier, you were seen flying through the air ( tu-rā dīdand ka dar h
responded, "What you say is perfectly true."147
This account gives an initiatory dimension to Bäyazid's mfrā
model for the relationship between master and disciple.148 In
Quran, Moses follows Hidr on an initiatory voyage during which
is tested. Hidr, considered as both a prophet ( nabt) and a sain
of four transhistorical figures of the Muslim tradition: Idris149 a
"raised" ( rafa'a ) and are still alive in heaven, whereas Ilyas150 an
on earth. This account does not include a true celestial ascent
depicts the interaction between Bayazld and Ņidr in an inter
belonging to the earth, although still connected to the superior w
such a place that Moses meets řjidr. In the Tadkirat al-awliyā' thi
be presented as a long metaphor alluding to Bäyazid's spiritual ev
is the scope of the fragments cited by 'Attar, which are analogical
of his Mantiq al-tayr. 151
146 Tadkirat aí-awlfyã' 206; Trans. Losensky 2009, 238. On the ascension of
1996, 242-250.
148 On Ņidr in Sufi thought, see Talat Halman 2013.
149 In Quran xix:s6-57: "We raised him to a sublime place." Muslim traditio
with the biblical Enoch (Gen 5, 24).
1 50 He was raised to heaven on a chariot of fire (2 Kings 2, 5-10). In Islam, tf
identified with Ilyas: see Talat Halman 2013, 9-11.
151 This title refers to Quran xxvi 1 :i6: "0 men! They taught us the language

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'ATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 297
Husayn b. Mansur Hallāj
Hallāj is an important figure in the majority of 'Attar's poetic works. His omis-
sion from Abū Nu'aym's Hifyak and the biographical part of Qušayrfs Risālah
attests to the controversy surrounding his words. He transformed Islam into
a "religion of love."152 According to Louis Massignon, he took Sufism "to the
political plane as a social force, for he had given it an original theological and
philosophical superstructure; but this also made it vulnerable, exposed to
theological charges of takfir , end even threatened by effective legal penalties."153
Certain historians of spiritual doctrines, like SulamI, begin by listing the inqui-
sitions made against Sufis ( mihan al-süfiyyah) considered to be too ecstatic by
the ulemas.154
In Persian mysticism, HujvM is one of the first to have sought to exculpate
Hallāj. In his biographical note in the Kašf al-mahģūb, he writes that Hallāj
"was an ecstatic ( maglüb andar hãl-i ktiüd), not firmly settled (mutamakkiń),
and a man needs to be firmly settled before his sayings can be considered
authoritative ( iqtidã tavãn kard)"155 Hujvīri's opinion subsequently evolved, as
he went on to compose "a book in explanation of his sayings and demonstrated
their sublimity by proofs ( dalā'īl ) and arguments ( hujaj )."156 He clarifies that
his condemnation was due to his confusion with his contemporary, another
Husayn b. Mansūr Hallāj. HujvM even says that he witnessed around Baghdad
a group pretending to be his disciples and calling themselves by the name of
Hallāj. Their heretic doctrine ( hujjat-i zindiqa-yi khüd) was thus falsely attrib-
uted to him.157
In the Tadkirat al-awliyā' 'Attār accelerated the process of exculpating

Hallāj considerably. When the master was in prison, someone had asked him:
'What is love {cišq)T Husayn said: 'You will see it today and tomorrow
and the day after.' They killed him on that day and burned him on the
second day and threw his ashes to the wind on the third. In other words,
this is love.158
152 Lewisohn 1992, 20.

153 Massignon 1982, vol. 1, 379-380.
1 54 Lewisohn 1992, 20, citing Massignon 1982, vol. 1, 384.
1 55 Kašf al-mahģūb, 192; Trans. Nicholson 1911, 152.

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298 AIGLE
'Attār th
Persian m
graphical
orous asce
standing
detached
ãn sang m
spectacula
Hallāj dis
forth. Hi
He stretc
on a tray
first nigh
he was on
The first
The seco
cell and I
religious
With his
then open
that God
sainthood
In the acc
attribute
origin of
final outc
It is relat
was to be
and did
signature
1 59 Tadkir
1 60 Tadkir
161 Tadkira
162 Tadkira
ORIEN

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYĀ> AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 299
robe ( durrā'a ) and went to the madrasa. In response to the decision,

he wrote: 'We judge on the externals ( nahnu nahkumu bi-1-zāhir).'163
The apocryphal and ahistorical character of this account, like many other
anecdotes in the Tadkirat al-awliyã' should not be doubted. Indeed, this form
does not appear in the sources from which 'Attar supposedly drew his materi-
als. This account stems from the author's poetic inspiration and the concep-
tion of Sufism as founded on divine love obtained through sacrifice.
On 'Attar's initiative, these narratives of Hallāj's execution contain the very
themes that are closely associated with him in later Persian poetry. Some query
why he moves - so quickly and bound by heavy chains - toward his place of
torture. Hallāj responds: "Because I'm going to the sacrifice."164 Arriving at the
foot of the gallows, he says: "For the true believers, the heavenly ascension goes
to the top of gallows ( mVrāj-i mardum-i sirr dar ast)."165 With a smile on his
face, Hallāj declares after having his feet cut off: "With these feet I used to travel
the earth. I have other feet that are traversing both worlds at this moment. Cut
off those feet, if you can."166 Finally, he rubs his two cut and bleeding hands
against his face, saying:
I have lost a lot of blood. I knew that my face had grown pale. You might
imagine that the pallor of my face comes from fear. I rubbed blood on my
face so my face would look red to you. True believers wear the rouge of
their own blood.167
As with Bayazld Bistami, the loving relationship between man and God is the
central theme in Hallāj's thought For him, love ( (išq ) can only be achieved
through suffering. He was accused of believing that human and divine nature
could be unified, thus resulting in the doctrine of incarnation ( hulül ). At the
very beginning of his account on Hallāj, 'Attār qualifies him as thus: "Slain by
God on the path of God (qatîlAllâhfisabîl Allah)."168 These words are a sort
of exordium. 169 They seek to give meaning to the entire biographical note and

1 67 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 592-593; Trans., 405.
169 The term husn al-ibtidď was used in rhetoric treatises to qualify the opening phrase of a
poem that allowed the audience to immediately identify its theme: Meisami 2003, 61.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
300 AIGLE
win over
secret {¡ß
thus comm
tionship
features o
The biog
Tadkirat
thought o
the imme
leading to
cal time o
time on e
In his poe
his drama
metaphor
They saw
in hand.
They ask
sen this
He said,
headless one.
Those who forget their own heads can drink from this spiritual cup ( jām-l
ma'na)!172
As already evoked, cAtļār did not have a true relationship of companionship

with a master. Instead, the spiritual figure of Hallāj exerted a decisive influence
in his quest for the divine. He declared:
That very fire that fell into Hallāj is the same that fell in my life.
The story of that sage Hallāj at this time is gladdening the hearts of the
pious.
170 This is also the view of Ansārī, who considered Hallāj to be at fault: "One should only
speak to those capable of hearing, so that the secret of God is not debased" (my transla-
tion). In: Deladrière 1988, 75-76.
171 He is especially portrayed in Mantiq al-fayr, Ilāhī-nāma, Asrār-nāma, and Musībat-nāma.
On the hallajian themes in 'Altar's poetry, see Ernst 1999, 328-341.
172 'Açtâr, Asrār-nāma, 42; Trans. Ernst 1999, 331.

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CATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 301
Within the breast and the desert of the heart, his tale became the guide
for 'Attar.173
This is an uwaysl type of initiation. In the Tadkirat al-awliyã ' 'Attar provides
one of the first definitions that confirms the presence of the Prophet in his
vision of saintliness:
Know that there is a group of people who are called Uwaysl. They stand
in no need of a plr for they are looked after the bosom of Prophethood
(nubuwwah) without any intermediary, in the same way Uways had done.
Although he had not seen the Master of the Prophets, he was taught by
him, and the Prophethood looked after him, and in fact it was his com-
panion. This is the most exalted status one could hope to acquire.174
Šams al-DIn Ahmad Aflākī is the author of the Manãqib al-cãrifin wa-marãtib
al-kāšifin, a text that provides information about čalāl al-DIn Rūmi, his son
Sultan Walad, and his disciples.175 He recounts the words uttered by Rūmi,
which confirm the role played by Hallāj in 'Attar's spiritual initiation: "the light
of Mansūr [. . .] after one hundred and fifty years revealed itself to the spirit of
Farid al-DIn 'Attar [. . .] and became his spiritual director."176
The spiritual journey of 'Attār ended just like Hallāj's. Fahr al-DIn 'All b.
Husayn Kāšifi (d. 939/1533), writing under the pseudonym of Safï, wrote a
collection of anecdotes and funny stories entided Latā'if al-tawďif( or Latďif
al-zarďif).177 In this text, he collects sayings, discourses, as well as historical
and literary information. In chapter 8, Fahr al-DIn Safì tells the "words spon-
taneously pronounced by mystical poets at the moment of their death." An
account is herein provided on 'Attar's death as a "martyr" (šahīd) during the
Mongol's massacre ( qatl-i cãmm) of Nishapur. When a solder led him to be
beheaded, he ridiculed him and improvised a quatrain:
Beware, my soul, the beloved ( dildār ) has reached for the sword, tighten
your belt and get ready.
173 Ernst 1999, 332.

1 74 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 28-29; Trans., 63.
175 This text was composed in 718 /1318.
176 Aflākī 2002, 399 [570] . Jāmī similarly relays these words in Nafahāt al-uns, 599.
177 Rypka 1968, 317.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
302 AIGLE
Then say
loved.'178
However, these accounts are apocryphal, as we know that 'Aftār died later on.
They instead reflect the perception of Äftär's attachment to the figure who
exerted a strong influence on his spiritual thought. The long account on the
martyrdom of Hallāj in the Tadkirat al-awliyã' contributed to the dissemina-
tion of these themes after the poet's death. Many works that include Hallajian
themes were subsequently attributed to him.179 In Carl Ernst's words, "That
headless destiny would certainly become an extreme form of Hallājianism!"180
'Attār did not write a memorial of saints, but rather a collection of hagio-
graphical legends as defined by André Jolies who considers such a legend to
correspond to one of nine simple forms: "The hagiographical legend {Legende)
is a religious account relayed in a particular style, which should be placed on
the same level as popular legend (Sage), story (Märchen), and myth".181 In the
Tadkirat al-awliyã3, this hagiographical aspect prevails over factual biography.
In this mystical epic, the hagiographical account expresses the truth of the
faith, illustrates the dogma, and depicts saintliness. The Tadkirat al-awliyã' is
thus a work with a single purpose, notably, that of the salvation of men. The
words of saints, laid down in writing, ensure the link between heaven and earth.
The orality of the masters' teaching is thus accomplished through writing.
The Nafahãt al-uns : A Scholarly Compilation Structure of the Work
The approach adopted by Jam! for his corpus of saints is "encyclopedic." As

seen, he drew from Ansārl's Tabaqãt al-süßyyah , which compiled around
200 biographies classified into six generations. Jam! also added biographical
notes on many individuals not figuring therein. The Nafahãt al-uns includes
around 600 lives of saints ranging from the first Sufis to his own era.182 It would
seem that the author strived to be the most accomplished representative of the
tabaqãt genre. The biographies are based on the traditional model, although
178 Lafďifal-tawďif, 274.

179 Their authenticity still provokes debates among specialists; for a comprehensive review,
see Ernst 1999, 328-341.
180 Ibid., 334.
181 Jolies 1972, 217.
182 The oldest manuscript contains 585 biographies, but over time, the tendency was to
increase the number of biographies; see Mojaddedi 2001, 207, n. 11.

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«ATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 303
JāmI removed the isnãd , as it was no longer in use in his time. Numerous pas-
sages in Arabic are used when he employs texts composed in this language.
Indeed, he often reproduces the words and aphorisms of Sufis in the Arabic
language. Jam! incorporates numerous versified elements in both Arabic and
Persian, which, paradoxically, was not the case with 'Attar, who includes rela-
tively few poems. He does not translate his material, differing in this respect
from Äftär who sought to convey a message to those of his contemporaries
who did not master the Arabic language. The latter thus did not target a
learned public. JāmI, in contrast, addresses a scholarly audience, notably the
shaykhs of the Naqshbandi order. He does not hesitate in citing several sources
when the versions diverge. Regarding the date of Junayďs death, for example,
he writes in Arabic: "He passed away in the year 297, according to the Kitāb
al-Tabaqãt and al-Risãlat al-Qušayriyyah , but according YãfiTs Tďrlh he died
in the year [2]g8. It has also been said that this was in the year 299. God knows
best."183 The work closes with a poem in whichhe praises the virtues and quali-
ties of saints, before giving the title and date of composition of the text, simi-
larly in versified form.184
In the introductory chapter, Jam! defines the main concepts of Sufism. He
explains the meanings of sainthood (walãyah) and the saint (wait), as well as
the difference between the accomplished Sufi, the one still striving on the path
(mutasawwif), the seeker of blame ( malãmatí ), the poor toward God ( faqlr ),
and so forth. He also elucidates the diverse degrees of oneness ( tawhld ), as well
as the difference between prophetic (mu'ģizāt) and saintly miracles (karāmāt).
The principal sources used by Jam! to write this introduction on Sufism are the
Kašf al-mahģūb by Hujvirī, the Risãlah by Qušayrí, and the 'Awãrif al-mďarif
by Šihāb al-Dīn Abū Hafs ťUmar SuhravardI, through its Persian translation.185
Jam! creates a synthesis of the major sources of Sufism, which may be a sign
that he aspires to be the zenith of the genre of his time.
The biographical section is divided into two parts. Jam! amassed around
570 biographies of men and 34 of women. He updates the biographies in
response to the evolution of Sufi thought at the time and adds later sources
like the Miťat al-ģanān of Yafi'I (d. 768/1367).186 Jam! informs us that SulamI
"composed a separate work dedicated to pious ( < ãbidãt ) and mystical ārifat )
183 Nafahāt al-wis, 80. This TaYih by Yafiì is, in fact, the Miťat al-ģanān.
1 84 On the Nafahāt al-uns, see Mojaddedi 2001, 151-176.
185 The translation was made by cIzz al-DIn Mahmūd b. 'All Kāšānī (d. 735/1334-35) under the
title of Miņbah aí-hidãyah wa-miftãh al-kißyah.
186 ťAbd Allah Yafiì, a scholar and Sufi born in Yemen, was affiliated with the farîqah
qâdiriyyah, and founded a branch, the Yafi'iyyah; see Geoffroy 2005, 256.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
304 AIGLE
women an
preserves
on women
reached t
citing th
those we
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of realiza
(d. 801/13
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Jam! div
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shaykhs
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what it w
sūfi ča bu
187 Nafahã
188 Ibid.
1 89 Ibid.; Trans., Algar 2013, 106-107.

1 90 Šiťayb ťAbd Allah Hurayfiš, al-Rawçl al-Ja'iq, 152. On female Sufis, see Amri 1992, 45-65
191 Algar 2013, 107.
192 Mojaddedi 2001, 208, n. 12.
193 Chodkiewicz 1995, 10.
1 94 Nafahãt al-uns , 4.
195 Ibid., 31.

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÄ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 305
Nafahāt al-uns, Jam! includes a citation by Qušayrí, which explains that the
first recognized Sufis were the successors of the Companions of the Prophet.196
Indeed, in the collections of the lives of saints prior to the Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah
of Ansārī, the first generation was supposed to forge a continuity from the
Prophet through the pious forebears (al-salaf al-sālih). Jāmī's biographies
are presented in more or less the same order as those of Ansārī who mostly
respects Sulaml's original arrangement The Nafahāt al-uns thus replicates the
traditional structure of the ancient collections of tabaqãt
The section on the muta'akhkhirān comprises several different collections.
First come the biographical notes on the Naqshbandi shaykhs, followed by the
biographies of one particular master and his disciples: ťAyn Qudät Hamadānī,
Abū Naģlb Suhravardī, čalāl al-Dīn Rūmi, Šihāb al-DIn SuhravardI, ťAbd
al-Qādir Čllānī, and Ibn 'Arabi. Jāmī concludes the section on shaykhs with
13 biographies of mystical poets, broadly arranged in chronological order. The
first, Sana'!, is presented as a disciple of Abū Ya'qüb Yüsuf Hamadānī (d. 534/
1140), the first member of the Naqshbandi order. Jāmī thus includes the fig-
ure considered in the spiritual thought of the order to be the founder of the
Persian mystical masnavL The last biography honors Hāfiz, the greatest poet
before Jāmī himself. The inclusion of poets in a tabaqãt work of Sufis is innova-
tive and certainly motivated by the author being a poet himself.
The section on the Naqshbandi shaykhs includes 19 biographies, some of
which are relatively long compared with the other biographies in the Nafahāt
al-uns.197 This section begins with Yüsuf Hamadānī, presented in an exordium
in Arabic as "the imam of time" {imam fãlam) who achieved elevated states
(i ahwãl ), charismata (karãmãt), and stages (maqãmãt).198 Jāmī closes this sec-
tion on the shaykhs of his order with a long laudatory note on Khvāja cUbayd
Allāh Ahrār, embellished with numerous poetic fragments.199 To conclude,
he praises this mystical movement, emphasizing its respect for the religious
law and teachings of the Prophet ({itācat-i ahkām-i šarVatva itibďsunan sayyid
al-mursilīn).200 By placing this group at the beginning of the muta'akhkhirān ,
the author illustrates his support for the tarlqah naqšbandiyyaht which, in his
eyes, represents the Sufi ideal.
As seen, Jāmī sought to write a comprehensive collection of the lives of
saints. Yet certain masters are omitted. For example, the Nafahāt al-uns does
1 96 Nafahāt al-uns , 28.

197 Ibid., 375-413-
198 Ibid., 375-377-
199 Ibid., 406-413.
200 Ibid., 413.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
306 AIGLE
not inclu
despite hi
be explai
(d. 869/1
be the Ma
Shiism, a
why the m
The exis
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ogy of kn
"I made t
by both t
the masse
the mass
šarīdan, t
the follow
(mahabba
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or reason
interpret
the purely
Spiritual
Junayd an
represent
Jāmī's sp
title of th
nity" (say
emphasize
He is one
Sufis]. E
201 Algar
202 Nafahā
203 Tabaqãt
204 Biograp
205 Jam! dr
see the ana
ORIEN

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHÃT AL-UNS 307
kunand), like [Abū SacId] Kharrāz, [Abū Muhammad] Ruwaym, [Abū

Bakr] Šibli and others.206
Unlike 'Attardami mentions none of Junayďs miracles. In the Nafahãt al-uns ,

the master of Baghdad embodies the doctrine of sobriety and spiritual author-
ity. Jam! thus recounts the words of masters who acknowledge Junayd's dis-
tinctive intelligence. Abū l-'Abbās 'Atā' says that "Our leader [imam) in this
science (7/m), and the authority to whom we refer ( marģa *) and whom we
imitate (muqtada), is Junayd." Abū ča'far Haddād goes so far as to assert that
"If Intellect {eaql) were a man it would be in the form of Junayd."207 Jam! thus
emphasizes his intellectual pre-eminence (caqt) and his authority as a source
of reference ( marģa *), making him a model (muqtada) to be imitated.
In Ansārfs Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah , after the biography of Junayd appears the
title, "Question on divine oneness" ( mas'alah fi l-tawhld ), designating the
beginning of a thematic chapter with three parts.208 Only the middle section,
however, corresponds to the title. The first section is a maxim by Junayd on
divine oneness, whereas the third contains his biography. This thematic chap-
ter, as shown by Jawid Mojaddedi, is clearly linked to Junayďs biography.209
Jam! adapts the biography to the religious context of his time. As the theo-
logical quarrels had subsided, he no longer shared the same preoccupations as
Ansārī. The lengthy discussion of tawhîd is entirely removed, as are the versi-
fied elements on divine oneness.
We have seen that Bayazld Bistami and Hallāj are two important figures in
'Attar's work, as two of the longest biographies of the Tazkirat al-awlfyď are
dedicated to them. A comparison of 'Attar and Jāmfs treatment of these indi-
viduals reveals that the Nafahãt al-uns remains faithful to the model of earlier
collections of tabaqãt In the biography of Bâyazîd, Jam! draws from Ansāifs
Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah while considerably modifying its structure:
Šayļi al-Islām said, 'Many lies ( durūģ ) have been told about Bayazld. One
of them is that he said, I arrived and pitch my tent opposite the throne of
God ( barābar-i carš).' Šayh al-Islām said, This utterance is infidelity (kufr)
in relation with the shariah and [an indication of] remoteness (bu'd) in
relation to the truth (haqîqah). Can you achieve the truth by projecting
yourself to view? What is the truth? Escaping from yourself. Achieve
206 Nafahãt al-uns, 80; Trans. Mojaddedi 2001, 163.

207 Nafahãt al-uns, 80.
208 Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah : biographical note on Junayd, 161-169; chapter on tawhîd, 169-184.
209 Mojaddedi 2001, 83-84.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
308 AIGLE
the trut
throne] a
by dualit
Husri said
However,
If I see t
to arrive
achieve
sary not
Jam! thu
divine on
for his or
ings drew
credit him
uLavh-i š
was vene
role to th
type thro
proto-his
Sädiq213 -
paints a s
the order.
As to Hallāj, Ansārī devotes around 13 pages to his biography in which

he adopts a nuanced view toward this controversial master.215 Jam! reiter-
ates this view, stating that the shaykhs hold divergent opinions with regard
to his actions: the majority rejects him, but a few individuals disagree with
his condemnation.216 Unlike 'Attar who criticized the ulemas and implicitly
210 Nafahãt al-uns, 56-57; Trans., Mojaddedi 2001, 155-156. Biographical note on Bayazld in
JāmI, Nafahãt al-uns , 56-57, occupying slightly more than one page; Tabaqãt al-sūftyyah,
87-95, or nine pages.
211 I translated mulhid using the term "heretical" instead of "infidel."
212 Jabaqat al-ęiifiyyah, 89; Trans., Mojaddedi 2001, 156.
213 Algar 2013, 88. The silsiíah of the Naqšabandiyyah was initially of the uwaysl type: from
ča'far Çãdiq to Bayazld and then Abū 1-Hasan Kharaqãnl; see Algar 1990, 3-56.
214 Haar 1992, 314.
215 Tabaqãt al-?üfiyyah, 315-327.
216 Nafahãt al-uns , 150.

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHÃT AL-UNS 309
laid blame on Junayd for Hallāj's condemnation, Jam! reproduces the words
of Ansārl: "Me, I don't accept him, I don't refute the shaykhs' consent; do it
and give him to God so that his words shall be accepted."217 Jam! condenses to
slightly more than one page AnsarTs lengthy biography, which features many
poems written about Hallāj as well as verses recited by him. Jam! removes all
of these versified parts and reproduces almost word for word many passages
taken from the biographical note in the Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah. Jam! does not cite
his šathy "I am the Truth" ( anã l-haqq), instead writing that some masters had
said that Hallāj claimed to be a prophet (pąygambar ).218 He does not speak of
his spectacular miracles, as 'Attar did, and the description of his martyrdom
is extremely terse. Jam! mentions only that his feet and hands were cut off.
The author of the Nafahãt al-uns thus draws the spiritual portrait of Bâyazîd
Bistami and Hallāj, two figures of ecstatic sainthood, in a very sober manner in
accordance with his sources. While 'Attar composed a personal work, JāmI, as a
scholar preoccupied with doctrinal orthodoxy, produced a composition more
in keeping with the ancient collections of tabaqãt
Conclusions
The Tadkirat al-awliyã ' and Nafahãt al-uns derive from the same tradition
commemorating the lives of saints, in which speech is the preferred means of
teaching. Beyond the differences identified in these two texts, like their prede-
cessors, 'Attar and Jam! shared a common motivation.219 They both wanted to
teach their community of belief about the feats, deeds, and words of spiritual
masters, but did so using two different approaches. 'Attār chose a limited cor-
pus of saints, which, in his eyes, represented the primary movements of the
first centuries of Sufism. In contrast, Jāmī favored exhaustiveness, amassing
a great number of biographies, especially on the shaykhs of the Naqshbandi
order. In his collection of the lives of saints, he conveys the paths to saintli-
ness in accordance with the religious orthodoxy of Ansārl, whose Tabaqãt
al-süfiyyah he seeks to supplement and adapt to the religious context of his
time. In contrast, 'Attar's vison of saintliness is more personal: he considers the
217 Nafahat al-uns , 151.

218 Ibid., 151.
219 In the introduction of the biographical section of the Risãlah, Qušayr! says with regard to
the cited masters: "In this chapter we shall [...], mention some of their biographies and
sayings in order to demonstrate their principles and good manners," trans. Knysh 2007, 17.

216.17.115.236 on Thu, 26 May 2022 14:07:35 UTC
310 AIGLE
Prophet an
his special
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Arabic-lan
tises that
to the wor
first text
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Tadkirat a
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STAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 311
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Aṭṭār's - Tad Kirat Al-Awliyā - and Jāmī's - Nafaḥāt Al-Uns - Two Visions of Sainthood

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˓Aṭṭār's "Taḏkirat al-awliyā˒" and Jāmī's "Nafaḥāt al-uns": Two Visions of Sainthood

Author(s): Denise Aigle

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lé í'a*' 'z MODERNO

'Attar's Tadkirat al-awliyď and Jāmī's Nafahat al-uns

© KONINKLIJKE BRILL NV, LEIDEN, 2016 | DOI 10.1163/22138617-12340106

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The scholars called themselves al-Khurasani, not because they had an

The importance of Sufism in the development of Persian poetry was high-

1 Yarshater 1968, 23.

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compiled from diverse sources composed at different times.5 It is thus by no

5 See NafìsI 1334 sh/1955.

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he exercised the profession of pharmacist, as he did not wish to depend on the

1 9 Lewisohn 1992, 30.

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The Motives of the Authors

49 Bruijn 2002, 83.

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54 Lewisohn 1992, 19-20.

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60 Massignon 1997, 145.

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71 See Paul 1991.

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The Tadkirat al-awliyď: Sources and Organization of the Material

85 Algar 2013, 130.

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community will be split into seventy-three sects."91 The historical resonance

We had said that if we were to memorialize the prophets, Muhammad's

9 1 Losensky 2009, 19.

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Each biography contains an introduction that briefly describes the spiritual

94 Amri 2008, 147.

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This is preceded by a passage in rhythmic prose (saģ*) exalting the virtues

The Tadkirat al-awlfyď : A Mystical Epic

The Ahl al-bayt at the Source of the Mystical Path

101 Losensky 2007, 109.

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