Professional Documents
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Ben-Yehuda - Betrayals and Treason Violations of Trust and Loyalty
Ben-Yehuda - Betrayals and Treason Violations of Trust and Loyalty
CRIME
%ries Editor John flagan
Norfrhwesten2 U~zivcrsity
EDITORIAL,ADVISORY BOARD
Bre~kil.1~
Away from Broketz Windows: Bulfintore Evidence attd the Natiotzwidt~Fight Aguinsf
Crime, Grhne, Fear, ~ttzdDecline, Ralpfi B, Taylor
Costs uttd Bcvl@fs of Preventing. Crinte, Brar2clorl C. Welsh,
David P. Farrington, ax9d Lawrex~ceW Shemar2
in An?eric~,Gary LaFree
Losing Legitimacy: Strcef Ct-;inteatld the Declirze of Social fi.isfilSufio~zs
Crirrile attd P~iblicPolicg: Puftin8 Tjtcary to Work edited b y Hugh l?. Barlc~w
Confro! Balance: Tozo"~rdG Genlrml Thmry c?fDevila?icc,Charles R. Ettle
Rape and Society: Xmdings on Ihr Pvublerr~sof Sexual Assault,
edited b y Patr-ida Strarles and Ror2ald J. Berger
Incqunlity, Crinte, and Socinl Corzfrol,George S. Bridges
and Martha A. Myers
Forthcoming
L a f i ~ Horrzicide:
~o A Fhe-Cify Study, hnniro M a r t h ~ a
and Treason
Trust and Loya
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239.4&--19M.
To
Cnvoline and Jean Wittrnbevy and
Beatrice and Abralzanz Hez'lbruun
whose friendship I have learned
to cherislz dear4
"I Did Not Betmy"
---Note written by Uri Zlfan, an Israeli paratrooper who was
captured by the Syrians in 1955, while on an intelligence
missit)n, and "r&ured. He hid a few notes with the abavc?
statement on his body prior to committing suicide in the
Syrian prison.
Contents
PART ONE
I Introduction: Violating Tmst and Loyalty
2 Violathg Trust m d Loyalty:A Typolow
3 Violathg Trust and Loyalty: Categories and Cases
PART TWO
4 Treason
5 Violating Tmst and Loyalty h r i n g Wosld War II: Part 1
6 Violathg Trust m d Loyalty Durhg World War II: Part 2
7 Radio 7"raitors: Lord. Haw-Haw and Tokyo Rose
8 Intellectual Betrayal: Ezra Pound and &ut Hamsun
9 Edward W11: A Traitor Monarch?
18 The Case of Malkali Tenepal-Malinl=he
1I Treason in Judaism and Israel
Conclusion
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2.1 A typology of betrayal
Photos
Benedict Amold
Statue of Na.thm Hale
@isling intlniform.
P4tah with his enlarged government
Vlasov i~~spectstroops
Jsyce tlceompmied by two guards
Pound gives the fascist salute;
The Wlindsars meet Hitler
Mantezuma I1 meets H e r n h G'ortks
Uri 111m
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ing of this project is clear in my mind. It was during a miver-
sity facz~ltystrike in 1994 when one faculty member last his nerve and de-
cided to break the strike shortly beiore it mded anyway. His own state-
ment that the .rest of the faculty may view him as a "@isli~'"rompted
me to start readings on this topic (the incident is recorded in futler detai,l
in Chapter 3). n e r e we= a few other incentives. Preceding this incident
was my invdvement in politics and deviance (1989) and my prrrject m
poliLical assassinations by Jews (1.993) where so many of the cases of: as-
sassixzatim we= in the context of accusations of '"betrayal:' M a t heled
my quest even more was the 1995 assassination of Israeli premier Uitzhak
Rabin (discussed in Chapter 11),again in the context of his being accused
by so many peoyle from the fsraeri right and. rcl.igi.ous right as being a
""traitor." The instigation against Kabin and his government in the context
of betrayal was ominous. My pre~riousinterests in constructionism,
power, and politics made studying betrayill a natural extension of my
work. As is usualiy the cme, the road from plmging into the prc?ject to its
elnd was a long one. It is time to express my gratitude to all those who
gave a helping hand along the way.
My first patitrude is to Etti, Tzach, and Gu): whose love, devotion, and
dedication enabled me to transform, this project from an idea into a book.
The Israeli-Canada exchange program enabled my research in the ti-
brary of the Llniversity of Toronto on Remdict Arnold (Israeli libraries
had nofhi~zgon this man). The Z,ondon School of Economics, Department
of Sociolrzgy, enabled me to spend two wonderful summrs (1996--1997)
in London collect* data about various cases of betrayal and treason. I
ant pmticdarly grateful to Eileen Barker; Paul Rock, and Stanley Cohen,
whose help and support were crucial. 1especially appxleciate P a d Rock's
many praeticaf and essmtial cclmments on an earlier draft. In London, I
enjoyed the genemns, conrteous, and very effective assistmce of Ibrari-
ans and staff from the Wiener Library, the British Library, and particularly
the Imperial War Museum.
As f was spending large m o m t s of time in both libraries, I lenrncd to
appreciate th different entrmces to both. At that t h e , entry to the British
Library was through the British Museurn. That entry meant passing near
the Rosetta Stone. Entry to the Imperial W;;rr MUS~LIIZI memt passhg by
two huge sixteen-inch naval guns, Although :I could never decide which
xii Rcknozvl~igmert&
was mow impresshe (a syn-tbolic dilemxna for a person who faced daily
dilemmas of deciding what was and what was not treason), I evezztually
discovered that I preferred the Rosetta Stone after all.
Einat Usant, Vered Vinitzky-Seroussi, Iris Wolf, Dalit Rudner, Avi
Shoshana, and Michd h r o n helped at various stages of this l e ~ ~ g t h y
project as research assistants. 1am very grateful to them alf for their dcdi-
cated and indispensable help.
Barbrara Wehstein was extremely helpful in puttkg me in touch with
Ross Hassig. Without his penetrating critical work my understandjng of
the Mdinche case would have been less than &sired. I am very grateful
to both.
Uzi Amit-Kohn, Gershon Ben-Sf-rachar$Stanly Cohen, Martin Glad-
man, m r i a n n a Bar, A d m Seligman, and John Simpson volunteered
m n y insighthl commnts and assistancel which helped to crystallize
the appmach presented in this volume. Barry Schwartz, John Simpsm,
and Erich Coo& kindly provided usefui and pointed comments as to
how to proceed with this project at some crucial: moments in the sttmnrter
of 1.997.1am also grateful to Jennifer B. Swearingen, whose editorial sug-
ge"tlc,ns and comments were very helpM in preparhg the mafiuscript
for publication.
Last, but certainly not least, it is a genuine pleasure to achowlebge my
deepest gratitude to an outstantfing crimhok,gist, John Hagan, without
whose proiessional support and gujdance this book hvould not have been
possible. 1am also very grateful to Ron Gillis, Erich Goode, Simm Singer,
and-agah-John Hagan, whose ccmstructive =view prwided produc-
tive contments and suggestions. m e i r i,ndispensable assistance most cer-
tainly made this book significantly better. It is indeed an honor and a
pleasure to have had the privilege of benefiting from the insights of such
outstanding colleagues.
Part One
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Introduction:
ating Trust and Loya
The Yehuda Gil Affair. &rkg December 1997 and 'January 1998, the
Israeli public was amazed to learn that a Massad (Israeli foreig~~ secret h-
telligmce service) operathe called Yehuda Gil, who was in charge of col-
lecting and processing information about Syria, was suspected of fahri-
crating sowces and falsifying his reports. The general implicati.on was that
he made Syria appear much more threatening, with belligerent inten-
tions, than it actuaily was. I-lis =ports made it appear as if Syrim Presi-
dent Hafez Ai-Assad was planning anolfner war against Israel. Gil, was
probably effective in hhelphg to crcate a false impression in the summer oi
1996 by telling Mossad that Syria was p l a m h g a surprise, but limited,
ground atrt-ack in the Golan Heights, which supposediy aimed at seizing
some territory Part of his dflception was based on =ports of t h ~ a t m i n g
movements by Syrian army units, This falsi.fied information might kave
caused great h a m if Israel had acted on it. fJuclkiiythat did not happen,
as other checks and bdances were operating.1
:In March 1999, a Tel Aviv district court convicted Gil m charges of pro-
viding false infomaticm, iz~tendingto harm the state's security and steal-
ing tens of thousands of doilars from Mossad. Me W= given a five-year
prison sentence.
The Bus No. 300 At"fair, On April 12,11984, four Palestinjans boarded 1s-
rael's Egged bus no, 300 in %l Aviv. The bus was heading to Ashkelon, a
southern Israeli town on the Mediterrmean coast. Along the way, the
Palestinians hijacked it. Later, Israeli soldiers stormed the bus and re-
leased the passengers. Two of the Palestinians were killed durislg the ac-
tion, Two others were taken prisoner, inf;errogatedby SHABAC (Israel's
domestic secret security service), m d later killed.
:In what was probably the most spectacular (and nasty) cover-up opera-
ticm in the history of the lsraeli secret services, SHABAC initially denied
that its people were ordered to, and did indeed, kill the two Palestjnians.
Civil servmts in SHABAC lied and manipulated other civil servants (in-
cfuding, among other things, an attempt to falsely implicate Brigadier
General Yilzhak Mordechai, later Isracl's minister of deftinse). Evel~tually,
this cover-up was exposed (by some SF-IABAC whistle-blowers).Z
In both cases, the same violation of values and norms occurred. Al-
though Gif's mtives were coolplex (he held a personal grudge for not be-
ing promoted, a political inclination to the right, m d a problematic per-
sonality), it can be easity argued that Gil violated in the most fun-
danental way both the trust invested inhim bp Mossad and his loyalty to
be truthful to the organization of which he was a member fur many years.
h the case of bus no. 300, there c m hardly be a doubt that the chiefs of
SHAESAC and those who participated in the cover-up betrayed the trust
and lyalty invested in their positions in the most Fundamental way
The Puzzle
Social life, the very essence of sociological inquiries, is a complicated is-
sue. 011the one hand, cultures and societies are ""out there," as if they
constitute separate entities that we can talk about, orient ourselves to-
ward, and study. 01the other hand, these entities are "fiere" because we
construct t-hem to "'be" there. That is, without us and o w language, they
have no existence. For a sociologist this problem is magnified because,
clearly the terms we have devised to describe and anaiyze c d t u ~ and s
societies m abstractions..m e y form hlrhal C. Wright Mills cai,l,ed "the so-
ciological imaginationH-a sort of consciousness based m a particular
pertleption that is shaped by the abstractions we use, not unlike one of
those stories in\Polving Bar011 R/lunchhausen, or perhaps Alice's Wonder-
land. People" social life may appear quite chaotic, but with a good con-
ceptual agparaks, its er workir.~gsand order can be made clear.
Taking a long and criticat look at cultures easily yields one basic obscr-
vation. Most people in any one particular culture would agree about cer-
tain aspects of their life, such as facts, which they take for granted. Fur-
thermore, W can get moro =fined agrements regarding these facts if we
consult the relevant experts. Wowever, when we demand to know the
meaning of these facts-the way they are interpreted m d contextual-
ized-tkn we very quickly etncounter a problem r&rred to as the social
construction of reality. That is, different people and experts, as well as
their rr-?fclrt?ncegroups, crt?ate a dazlirng, fantastically complicated, and
fascinati.ng kaleidoscope of varykg ddinitims (and constructions) of re-
ality. If we are not careful, we can easily get lost in a myriad of syntbolic
moral ulliverses of meaning with Wonderlmdfs Cheshire catfs partially
materialized smiling mouth chuckling at us from different corllers.
:I shall examine very closely one partiedar aspect of social life-the
puzzle inwolving the violatim of trust and loyalty which is rderred to as
"betrayal." 1 sha:tl explore the nature oE trust and loyalty, the differenl. em-
pirical manifestations of their violaths, and their memings. A major h-
cus of this i n p i r y is on one particular form of violation of trust m d loy-
alty-tmsm. Thjs form of social behaviar provides us with some
interestirtg and impmtmt insights about the ways in which we construct
realities m d create meaning.
Some oli the more interesting and hstructive aspects of cttlbrcs are to
be found in contrasts. Among the more enchanting contrasts are those be-
tween truth and that Mthich is not twth, between loyalty and its betrayal,
between goad and evil, between right and wrong, and between trust and
lack of it, Studyhg these contrasts brings one, first, to the issue of social
and moral boundaries-d, second, to istiues of power. Momover, by h-
cushg on the Hegelirnn concept of mtit;hesis, this book can be thought of
as raising the age-oZd Hobbesian question, How is social order passfile?
This general plot is occasitmed by directhg attention to how why, where,
and when challenges to the status qzto emerge and function as cataiysts
for processes of social change or stability. Concepts of deviance and con-
formity are endemic to such an inquiry, as well as tl-te ccmcept of truth.
Carztextzlal Canstvuctz'onz'sn~
and Ctlf ture
h recent years a theoretical disthctior~(whose antecedents can be traced
to Schutz, Mead, fames, and others) has emerged behnieen the so-called
objective and cmstwctionist views. The objective view is a varimt of trhe
positivist approach, which is closely related to fu~~ctionalisrn, It assumes
that deviance (or more gcrnerally, social issues m d problems) constitutes
an ol5jective and measufable reality and, in particuiar, that it consists of
objective conditions and harm. 011the other hand, there is the cmstruc-
tionist approach (also referred. to as subjective or relativist). This ap-
proach maintai.ns that deviance and social issues a d problems do m t
present the characteristics of a so-called objective rca:lity and that they are
the result of collecthe social defhitions of what some organized members
of a culture view as a problematic, harmful, or dangerous condition(s).
That is, the nabre of what is, a d what is not, defhed as reality is not a
result of some ob~edivecondition but rather is a social construction. As
Goode puts it, ""t the subjectivist, a given condition need not even exist
in the objective sense to hc? defined as a social problem" (1989:328).
Both Best (1989,1995) and Goode (1989,1997:5841)point out that there
are two variants of the constructionist perspective. First, there is strict
constmctictnism (for example, see Best 19931, and second, there is contex-
tual co~~structio~~ism, As Gaode (1989:328-329) notes, the first varimt ar-
gues that the expert or scientific evatuation of, for example, deviance, so-
cial problems, or other issues represents simply one "clai~n-making"
activity out of many such activities, This view argtres that scientific claims
are socially cmstmcted, as are other claims, and can be studied as such.
This view negates the existence of an objective dirnensiftn of reality and
argues that there are different versions of rcalit).; each one just as valid as
another, inchding this statement itself. Ohviausly, postmodernism" h-
fluence can be easily detected here.
'The second Frarimt argues that although S L E C phenomena
~ as devimce
and social problems are the results of '"him-making"" activi.ties, the so-
called ob~ectivedimension can be assessed m d evaluated by relevant ex-
perts on the basis of scien.t.ificevi,dence. This view xccpts that jn a given
time and place, it is possible to use empirical facts to reach a consensus
(wen a temporary one) about the nature of reality. This perspective hn-
plies that although there may indeed be djfferf-?m.t.versions of reality, they
should not be accepted as equal. Contextual constructionism attempts to
f h ~ dout and slrbstantiate MIhich version is more empirically valid. Works
that utjlize this Cheoretjcal perspective typicalXy contrast the "objective"
with the "constructedf' versions of reality and utjlize empirical evidence
as a basis for evaluating different ccmstructions.
It is important to note that co~~textuaf constructiosris~~ does not claim to
know the absolute "tmth"l or to be absolutely "objective." Rather, it by-
passes the epistemological problematics irrvolved in deciding m "objec-
tivity" by establishing a consensus clf relevant experts. The goal of cmtex-
tual cmstmctionists is to collect empirical evidence and make informed
and ir^ltt.fligentchoices based on the ~Xetiantand important facts for spec-
ified narratives for versions). Although this agreed-upon, fact-based con-
sensus is temporary and relative, it prwides a powerful baselitne with
which we can evaluate a variety of clairn-making activities.
Specific cases of treason and betmyal exist with,in speeific moral and
culitural contexts. One observation that must be made immediately is that
this is typically not the case in betrayai between individuafs. 'l'he ccrntcxt
of such c s e s is such that hmost (if lnot all) of them, interpreting wfio vi-
olated whose trust and loyalty is not too difficult to establish. n e context
(and there for^ the interpretation) of betrayal on the collective leveI is
much less clear. However, although the specific cclntext and interpreta-
tim of diffemt cases may sometimes be unclear, the social structure of
the cases is not. The very structure of betsayal means that it always in-
volves essmtial violaticms of both tmst and loyalty. "Thus, t-he conceptual-
ization that I utilize takes the factual level of each case and examines the
way in which these facts arc socially cmstmcted and interpreted vis-&-vis
violations of trust and loyalt)i, This is a genuine exercise ill examhing the
facts as opposed to the social construction c?f those facts-that is, a cmtex-
tual cmstmctimist approach.
Loyalty
The element that accompanies trust h our analysis is loyalty. This ele-
ment introduces a tone of mcertahty into violations of trust. Although it
is difficult: to circumvent the issue of trust loyalty rewirt.s a directional
definition-IyaIty to w h m , or to what, It is not too difficult to see that
we can tmst and not be loyal (for example, having a bank account). It is
much m r e difficult to be loyal m d distrustful. However, some people
defined. as traitors have maintained. that they were loyal to a specific
country but mistrusted its specific form of gove ent, such as loyal Ger-
mans who distrusted Hitler. Let us examine two illustrative cases.
The Case of Machum Martbar, A somewhat similar case came to its cul-
mhation on. July 16, 1998, when three Israeli judges cmvicted fiAy-two-
year-dd. Nachum Manbar of betraying Israel by supplyhg Iran (dmQ
1992-1994) with materials required to manufacture agents for chemical
warfare for a hefty profit. Specificalfy, Nanbar was fad g d t y of aiding,
and attempting to aid, the enemy (Iran) in its conflict with Israel and giv-
ing the e n e y hfurmation intended to damage Israel? ndional security.
Manbar, an ex-KibbMznjk alld ex-paratrooper in tbc lsraelj army, was
sentenced to sixteen years in prison. His act of treason was stated as
""worse &an that of Vakal-runu,'"lMdIsrael's prilne minister-Bhyamir
Netanyahu-stated trhat Marlbar "'sold his s o d to the devil."^^ Manbar, of
course, denied the chaqes and claimed that the state of Israel allowed
other Israelis to trade with Irm and that, therefore, what he did was not
so deviant, The prosecution responded by stating, first, that the st..ate au-
thorized many activities that independent indivjduals were not allowed
to do and second, that Manbar was never allowed to sell chemicals to Iran
that cotdd be used in chemical warfare. Ilvfmbi-tr" accounts were rejeded
by the court,
Pehaps the most salient cultural construction that comes to mind is the
prototypical betrayai of Judas Iscariot. According to the prevalent Chris-
tian ~rersio~~,
Judas betrayed Christ by exposing his movements and sell-
ing that infornation to the chief priests m d elders for & i r e pieces of sil-
ver. 7'hey provided thc.armed guard brought: to the Garden of Gethsemme
near Jerusaleln to arrest Christ, who went there to pray with the Apos-
tles Collawing the Last Supper. Morcroves, it was Judas who identified
Christ by a kiss, adclressing him as "master.'Thus, Judas, appearing
dose to Christ, kjssing him and addl-essi,mg him with an hierarchical
term., was the one whO, underneath that facade of friendship, trust, and
loyalty, betrayed him.
The traitor in this narrative plays a powerful cdtural script, m i l e he
appew"o be a cliose and loyal friend, he is deceitful. Allhougfii Judas"s
motives aren't tntimly clear, he is constructed as m archetypical traitor.
The man who pretends to be trustworthy one of "us," and loyal actually
errzhodies the opposite traits, H e is nut loyal to the gmup but to that inan-
irnate object cailed money; he is engaged h deliberately misleading be-
havior, which projects loplty m d love, while in fact, he is very host;ile.
All th major elements of betrayal can be found inthis narrative: violation
of trust, loyaltyf and commitment, coupled with a Eundamental cltecep-
tion. Indeed, the name of Judas lscariot has become a culhral icon. It: is
interesting to note that Nazi ideology used the term "Judas-Jude" to cre-
ate a comection m d idmtification between "Jedgm d "traitorff (Snyder
1976:IM).
The &erne cJf betrayal is also very powerfui in cmtemporary culturd fic-
tion. Clne of the most SMCC~SS~LII.seicnce fiction books, Du~se,by Frank
Herbert (made into a movie in 19%), has treason at its root (Dr. Uue be-
trays the trust of the Duke, causing his d o d a f l and death). Many sci-
e11ce fiction and adventure movies have betrayal as a main theme. The
first Star Mlam trilogy has treacher). as a major theme (Darth Vader moves
to the Dark Side ol the Force); hzdilrnn Juries and fbe Tazple of Dam (1984)
has hdiana Jones telf the head of the Kali cult that ""you betrayed Shiva";
Fahrenheit 451 (1967) has a 'Yfirc.fighterm"tray his assigned employers;
Fafiidden Isla~et(1956)has Dr. Morbeus betraying everyme, even himself;
2001-A Space Odyssey (1968) deals with a bekayal by a computer; and
TJze M a l r h (1999) has its own traitor, The eighteenth James Bond movie,
GoEden Eye (1995) has t ~ a s t mat its center. War movies frequently have
traitors and betrayat at their center as well. TI-rr. Bridge on the Riwr Kzwi
(1957), A &id86 at Xemagen (1969), Apocal:jpse Now (1979), Rattle uf the
Bulge (1965), The Cozrt-rie$eit Tuaifor (1862), The Guns of Navarone (1961),
Sfu@ 17 (1963) are all first-rate war movies involving betrayal as a main
theme. Major a c t i o ~adventure
~ movies released in the late 1990s have be-
trayal as a central theme: Amold Schwarzeneggefs 1996 m o v i Eraser has
treason as a mail1 theme; both The Net (1996) and Braveheart (1995) also
have tstlason at their center. Other popular movies, such as Air Force 7,
play on the theme of betrayal as well. One could easily write a decent-
sized work on the theme of betrayal and treason in movies alone.
'The cry "traitar'kr ""tieaso~~""invokes powerful culkral icons. It: tends
to unite people against the traitor and requires that they exercise power
through their ability to define specific contextual forms of behawior as
trust ~riolationsand disloyalty. This process requires the reexamhation of
moral boundaries and the definition of who is to be trusted and why, The
pmishment of a traitor strengthens the cohesion and integration of a cul-
ture's moral perceptions. The history of"the British monarchs is full ol
tales of treason. The Tower of London even has a "Traitor" Gate," We
need not go far to remind ourselves of such farnous traitors as Thomas B
Becket and momas More. But treacherous behavior was quite prevalent
in the 19;70s-1990s, too, Let us examisle some illustrations,
The first three chapters form Part I. This part provides the conceptual
framework (Chapter I), a typology of betrayal (Chapter 2), and an in-
depth exploration of different types of betrayaf (Chapter 3). Hawing ac-
quainted ortrselves with t k conceptual framework, t then focus on one
particular form of t~achery-treason. Tn this particular form, the issues
of membership, power, morality, m d moral boundarieeas well as those
of violating trust atnd loyaity-are very salient. Part 2 first gives a histori-
cal and conceptual: review of treason (Chapter 4) and then delves into
quite a k w cmes of treasm, acmss time and countries, utilizing the con-
ceptual framcvork laid out in Part I, X examjne the various cases in-
volved in World War ZI (Chapters 5 and S), the cases of radio trairtors Lord.
Haw-Haw and Tokyo Rose (Cl~apter71, the cases of Ezra Pound m d b u t
Hamsun (Chapter 8)' the case of Kkg Edward WI as a possible traitor
(Ghapter the case of Malinche (during the Spanish conquest of Mex-
icwChapter 101, and some cases of treason in Judaism and Israel (Chap-
ter 11).The Conclusion presents a summary of the boors main ideas and
fhdhgs.
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ating Trust and Loya
:In Agril 1777 British forces raided Uanbury. Arnold (who was visiting
his family in New Haven at the time) got hirnself very quickiy involved in
a fight against Chose British forces (together with Generill David Wooster).
Amold's combat conduct won him much appreciation-& his much
sought after promotion to the rank of major general. However, his pmmtl-
tion clid not restore his semiority over those whO were promoted before
him, bring September and October oi that year, the Battles of Saratoga
took place. &ring those battlt.s he was wounded im his kg. Washington
achodedged Amold's courageous role in Saratoga and showered him
with precious gifts. :In October 1777 be was cited as the victor of the Bat-
tles of Saratoga. His battle conduct forced Congress to restore his senior-
ity At this paint, it appears that Washingtozz cmsidered Arnald to be his
best- field commander and one of his most tmsted and reliable military
men, Unquestionably, Amold was an able and dedicated military com-
mander. F-fe is co~zsideredby many to have been one of the most capt?ble
generals of the Americm Revolutionary
Arnold" svvounds prevented him from going back to an active fietd
command, and he was appointed military governor of Philadelpkia fob
lowing the Krlitish evacuation of that city in June 1778. There he irnrnersed
himself in the pteasures of city life and embarked on some commercial
ventures. In June he also met Margaret (Peggy) Shippen, who was to have
a major influence on his life.
The following year (1279) prtwed to be a stormy year for Amdd. While
he was the military govcrnor of Phjladelphia, he was suvected of viola-
tions in raising funds (February) to support an extravagant lifestyle. Dc-
spite AmoZd" protests, Congress ordered in April that he be court-
martided. The trid began in June and ended in Jmuary 1780 with h o l d
being cleared. of all charges except me.1 The sentence that the court rec-
ornmended was an 'bofEicial puhlic prim and from the commander in
chief." Congress c m f j r m d the verdict on Fcbruary E!, 1780.2 Even that
was too much for Amold, fur he expected to be iully acquitted.
At this point in his life, Amold must have felt p t t y
his distinguished nnilitary record, his career path was not smooth and
was rrddled with some very unpleasant events. His promotion to the
rank of major general had been delayed, and when he fhally won his
promotion, his seniority was ofillcially recog~zizedonly later. He had to
experience the unpleasant (and.humiliatirtg) event of facing charges of
corruption in a court-martial, and he was found guilty on one charge. He
must have felt mismated, frustrated, and upset, and his bitterness must
have been growirrg throughout 1779. Brandt suggests that Amold. must
have felt abandoned and btrayed by his country, so that
truly incapable of appreciating his talents and granting his heart's desires-a
secure fcjrtune and a secure status in a secure society-then perhaps he
should offer his sexlrices to a count^ that could. f1994:175)
(Krandt 1994:193). When Arnold learned about the tme plan, he tried to
send a wmlimg to Clinton, but that warning arrived too late,
Eventually, h o l d ' s presszxsc worked, and 811 Augzlst 3, 1B0, he was
awillrded the command of West Poht (and some areas around it). He ar-
rived here m August 5. In that year Amold negotiated with t-he British
the s ~ ~ r r e ~of
~ dWest
e r Point forts and territories (and possibly George
Washixlgton as weIl)Vor a heSty sum of f20,000 plus an equal rank in the
British Army-a very clear act of hetrqal, both of trust and loyalv*On
September 22, 17811, Arnold and his British contact, Major John h d r 4 ,
met to further discuss Arnold"s betrqal plans, The next day Andrd was
captured by the Amerkans. This fluke occurrence foiftzd this h t e ~ s t i n g
plot of betrayal. The exposarc. of Arnold was nokv just a matter of time.
Major Andr4 served in the 54th Foot in the British Army as adjutant
gemral to General Sir Henry Clinton, British commander of New Vork.
hdrtjt was cor~spondingwith .Amo)d in 1779 and was involved in Ihe
1780 negotiations with him regarding the surrender of the West Point ter-
ritory and fortikations to t-he British. Having met Arndd on September
22,1780, Andrtjt was tryjag to rekm to Brjtish lines. e)n Sptember 23 he
was caught by t h e e Americans (who were later awarded with special
medals and some cash rewards), and this led to the surrender of Amold's
treacherous plan. When A m o l d faulld out about the capture of Andrk, he
realized that his time was up. He fled as yuicHy as he could and reached
New York on September 26. Although the British tried to neljoliate the R-
lease of Andrk, it did not succeed because General George Washington
demanded that h o l d be exchanged for Andr4, h d r 4 was tried as a spy
and executed Zly hangirrg m October 2,1780, at Tappan, New York, f-iis
remains were reinterred in Westminster Abbey in Z,ond011 on November
28,1822."
Amold was made a general in the Briltitjh A m y and ~ c e i v e dES,325 fnr
his efforts. Me fnrmed a rclgirnent. of British troops and was effecthe in
leading raids against the colonies along the Chesapeake Bay P c e m b e r
1780) m d in New London, Comecticut.
Ch December 1781, Arnold left the United States, never to return, and
went to England, He involved himself in some business enterprises,
which were not very succesSfUI.
In May 1792, James Maitland, Earl of L,auderdale, made a remark at the
House of Lords that General Amold was guilty of apostasy from princi-
ples. h o l d could not let that just pass. Ilc. spent years oE his life making
the point that he was ~ m an t apostate, a turncoat, or a traitoc He de-
manded that the earl make a public apology The request was c o q l i e d
with, but in language that h o l d thou&t was insuffiicient. tle thus chal-
d earl to a duel, whieh took place on J d y 1,1792- i2mo:ld shot
l e ~ ~ g ethe
first but missed. LauderdaJie ~ h s e to d fire, clahisrg that he had no bad
Viulnti~tgTrust and Loyalty: A Typott7gy 33
Dctaiis about Hale's enigmatic figure, ntission, and caphlre are sub~ects
on which historians disagree. However, it is plausible to assume that
Viulnti~tgTrust and Loyalty: A Typott7gy
OSher figures 1discuss in detail later fall into the s m e category. Vidkun
Quisling and Lord Haw-Haw were certainly not considered traitors by
the Nazis, but Norway and England respectively executed them on
charges of treasm afier Wr%dWar 11. The famous poet Ezra Pound. came
very close to being gut on trial for treason but was spamd from that by his
incarceration in a mental hospifai. Mlfnouglr fascist- Itaty did not see him
as a traitox; the United States almost did. Jmathan Pollard was certainly
viewed by h e r i c a n s as a traitor, but not by Israelis. Aldrich Ames was
viewed as a traitor by Americans, and Kiln Fhilby was viewed in that
way in the U d e d Khgdom, but neither of lhem was perceived as such
by the former Soviet U ~ ~ i o n ,
preted as betrayal. It can range from the personlal level to the level of an
orgmization, sueh as a nation-state.
It is importmt to note that despite the universal structure that disth-
wishes betrayal from other forms of behavior, betrayal has the chamcteris-
tics of a conthuous (or multidhensional) variable ra&er than a discrete
one. Several climensions mpplement the basic stmcknre of betrayai and can
alter its construction. For example, was the violation done in secret or not?
Was conceahent involved? Was an acbal and overt t u m c o a ~ ginvolved.
or not? As we shalt see later, vialathg trust m d loyalty ha deceptive man-
ner and cmcealhg an actual turncclating tends to be pexeived differently
than when such viohtions are committed o p d y Also, the issue of per-
sonal or national betrayal is impodmt. m e can, of course, chuoscz one or
more dhensims to focus on ininterpreting betrayal. h this text, violations
of tmst and loyalty are perceived to be the hportant ones. 1shall use other
dimensions when the context demands &at For example, the classification
of betrayal here utilizes the dimension of rnernbership as a majn criteria.
?'here is a major cult-ural difference between the insider M"ho changes
sides, a so-called "hrncoat," m a
nd the outsider who pretends to be an in-
sider (mostly, a "spy"'). Membership h a group, and thus the acqrrisition
of an identity that depmds on membership in a particutar group c ~ dyad,r
is a powerful and important variable. Being past: of a group or a collecti,ve
creates nut only a strong sense of genuine belonging but also a strong dis-
tinction bemeen those in the in-group and those in the out-group, which
is discctly related to who ir;to be trusted and who is not. This smse of cui-
tural belong4ng can serve as a robust criterion for a classification schem,
as we shall see below.
Violatkg trust and loyalty are not single-variable issues. They involve a
variety of problems and arc thus multidimensiond and complex topics.
First, there is the issue of whether the violator is a bona fide member of a
group. SCCond, there is the issue of who is the target of the treacherous
scherne, an individud or a group. 1Phird, the question of whether the vio-
lation of tmst and loyalty was done in secwt is an important one. Fourth,
the mothat-ion of the betrayer is a sig~~ificant issue. Fifth, the damage
from the betrayal needs to be assessed. Sixth, the societal reaction to the
betrayer needs to be addressed. In any given case, the specific name a d
meaning assigned to a particmla violation of trust and loydty depends
on the distinctive combination of the above issues.
Some of the issues tend to gailn prominence over others. 'f'he first three
variables seem to be dombant. We can create an interesting and empiri-
cally useful typology for different forms of violating trust and loyalty by
cmss-tahulata membership in a group against the target/victim. This
typology crcates distinct cells in a table that uniks &&rent types of be-
trayal into a coherent mity (see Table 2.1).
38 Viulnti~tgTrust and Loyalty: A Typott7gy
Whistle-blow ing
ColZective Political turncoating
(the in-grc>up) Conversion
Strik&reaking
Assassination
added element here is that not only is trust violated, but the assumptions
of commitment m d loyalty are broken as well.
In the illustrative case of personnl betrayal in a romantic relationship,
the assumption of sexual exclusivity is violated. in addition to trust.
Hence, betrayal in this categcny implies that a quality chi-tracteristicof pri-
mary relationships, referred to as gerneinschdt, was violated, often in a
deliberate1y deceitful mamer.
Moreover, some of the other categories in the table may have subeiivi-
sions, too. For example, one ends up wjth very diferent types of spies, if
one examines such cases as Judas, Pollard., and Hale (for example, see Ha-
g m 1989,1997).
Dimensions of Betrayal
D e c q t ion
Deception here is focused on defh~itictnsof moral ct, itment and inter-
est. The violator may argue that his (or her) crossing of moral bounctaries
was not a betrayal at all but an embodiment of the true interests and
40 Viulnti~tgTrust and Loyalty: A Typott7gy
mord commitments of the collective. Thus, the violator of trust and loy-
alty may be p e ~ e i v e dby memhers cJf the betrayed collective as involved
in activities that not onfy betrayed them but that were p~sa1t-c.d decep-
tively, as if they were in their best interests. The perpetrator of what ap-
pears to be a ncmsecwt betrayat is in fact engaged in a huge deception by
pretending to be wfiat he (or she) is not m d by prcsenthg a harmful be-
havior to the collective as a helpful behavior. The deception lies in the
warping of reality B la Orwell" 12984 doublethink. Viewed in this way, de-
ceptio~~ indeed lies behhd violations of trust and 1oyall.y-
htmduchg the element of deception in this fashim raises the issue of
the manipulation of cmstructions of reaiity. Violations of trust and loy-
alty; secret or not, always hvolve such mmipulations. The degree of ma-
nipulation and lying in secret vidations by far exceeds those of nonsecret
violations. However, even the nonsecret cases share a decent amount of
subversion. Consequenlly, discussions of trust: and loyalty and their vh-
lation revire some understanding of deception as well,
There are many studies a d works on deception. One of the better and
more thoughtful. definitions of, and approaches to, lies and deceptions
was developed by Ekrnan (1992). He states that a lie or deceit occurs
when "mperson intends to miskad ancrther, doing so deliberately, with-
out prior notification ol this purpose, and without having been expllicitly
asked to do so by the target." He then distinguishes between two hrms of
lie: concealment-whcm a "Ear wit;hholds some information without ac-
tualL1.y sayjng anything untrue," and fals8cation-when the liar not ml,y
withholds informatim but "presents false information as if it were true"
(1992:28).
Although concealme~ltmay seem to be less disreputable because it
may not involve inventing untrue accounts, it is quite capable of leading
audiences to believe in a rt.ality that is based cm false assumptions and
infori~atian.
Ekmm bases his inclusive defhition on a few elements, First, an intent
to deceive must exist. This element is mentioned by almost everycme wbo
has done work in this area. %cond, this intention implies that the de-
ceiver or liar made a cltoice (to lie rather than not), Third, the target of a lie
c ~ar deception did not give his or her corzserz t to be misled, and the liar did
not g b e any prior nol@catkn of the intent to make a false presentation.
This is an kportant point because, for example, no one considers calling
actors in movies or theaters "liars" despite the fact that they, by choice
and intent, make a false presentation. Fhally, the distinction between.
conceahent and falsification is indeed illuminating. As E h a n points
out, given a choice, liars will always choose concealment rather than falsi-
fication. The main reason is that csnceallaent is much easier to accom-
Viulnti~tgTrust and Loyalty: A Typott7gy 41
plish, and liars tend. to assume that it is less reprehensible than falsi6ca-
tion (1992:29).
Ekman notes that there are many social situations where we need to
conceal-for example, poker and other similar games, and commercial
and political negotiatims. Furthermore, Ekman points out that in some
situations concealment is essential for survival. Far example, Jews had to
conceal their identities under Nazi rule or occupation. '"Marranos" or
"A~usim"were Jews who were foxed to convert to Christianity and pre-
tended to do so, klrhjle keeping pasts of their Jewish identity in secret,
during the early and later Middle Ages in Spain, When the term ""decp-
ticm" is used in this book, it is very much in accordance with Ekman's ap-
proach.
Personal M I Z Collectz'zle
~
Infidelity, Adultery,
Informing, and Mutiny
The first cell X shall fncm on includes acts of betrayal committed by a
member of a g r o q or dyad in whieh the violation of tmst and loyalty is
aimed at a person. Typically the threat potential fnr the ~lationshipin
such cases is high.
I12fideIityaltd Adultery
33% type of betrayd refers to violations of tmst by individuals who view
thems&es, or are viewed by others, as either close or very close to one
mother, The term "infideiity" usually rcfcrs to people who are romanti-
cally involved; the term. "adultery" i s used to &scribe violations of trust
and loyalty between married people; anci the term "betrayal" is used to
refer to p e m e who arc close fsirmds, but not romantically or sexudly in-
volved (although adultery can be constructed as betrayal as well), There
44 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
is, of course, a qualitatjve difference between the two because the type of
assumed trust and loyalty that is hmken is qualitatively judged to "o dif-
ferent C)bviously there is much more p k s s i o n a l literature. about infi-
delity. However, history and fiction contah numerous accounts of events
that h e been presented as "betrayal'" (for example, the stormy dation-
ship between mamas B Becket and King Henry IT). A l ~ o u g hthis book is
not focused on infidelity and addtery, the context of this study makes it
important to look at it, even briefly.
Adultery is a very interestkg topic. One can look at worldwide trends
and statistics of adultery,br combine a study of prevalence together with
interviews, and thus gai" a deeper understanding and insight.2 Were. I ex-
amhe some of the main. conclusions from various studies about infidclljty
and adultery.
it was the most traditional men-l-hose mast strcmgiiy adhering to the myth
of Romantic Marriage----who spoke of their liaisons in this way. In other
wards, "casual affairs" were what highly permissive women but highly tra-
ditional men, recalling their feelings when they married, had, They indicate
the continuing greater breach implied by a wife's aduttexy- compared with
that of a hwband; she commits adultery generally only when her feelings
are deeply involved or Likely to become s c ~ t k t erisks are too great for her to
pIay as he can-W-hile he is entitled to his "bit on the side." pawson
1988:38-39)
However, Z,awson does not indicate whether this threat is equally valid h
situations where the partner knows about the infidelity as opposed to
having no knowletige of the affair.
Andber persistat cu,ltural image of adultery is adultery as theft, ixn-
plyjllg that a man steals another mm%pproperty: " H e "ossesseskwfiat is
not his to %eakeffeven if the woman "ives%erself to him, for she does not
own her own self, not even her body., . . [Her husband] owns her and
can-hdeed, sometin?.es must-punish her, even kill her" ((Lawson
1988:41), A second image is of adultery as threatening tbe lineage. This
image implies that wives are "the property of men and so were children"
(p-45).
46 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
Lawsm also describes three prevalent types of adultery. The first is par-
allel adulfery:
satisfies a desire to play. . . . It is, as its name implies, Xighthearted, not seri-
ous or cl-rmmitted, but fi?rfzil.r,Fie de ~fit~rid,
filling empty moments rather than
hours, time away from normal family and working environments, a leisure
activity like an excellmf meal with a good bottle of wine, a hedonistic adven-
ture of the flesh rather than of the spirit, though it is the spirit that may be
enhanced. (g. 54)
One can ercpmd the level of generalization of this category and add to it
such practices as gmup sex. As Lawson rightly points out, thjs type of
aduttery can be tmnsformed into the first or second type.
"li, make thirrgs somewhat mom complicated, let us &ink of a strong
e ~ ~ o t i o nhvolvement
al between heterosexual individuals married to sth-
ers. If no sex is involved, should we still view it as adultery? Probably not.
But the noninvolved spouse will probably not like this relationship be-
cause it is on the verge sf violating both trust and loyalty Let me use a
few illustrative cases,
:It is not insignificant: that in the case of the romantic inwcrlwement of
Bishop Roderjck Wright with div0rci.e Mrs- Kathleen MacPhee, an affair
that shook the United. Khgdorn in the summer of 1996,5 the romntically
inwolved couple felt it was important to state, irr pubiic, that they had no
sexual relations.
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 47
Cultural fiction, in the foms of books and movies, reinforce this point as
well. For example, in the 1470 war movie Hell B L M ~which S, takes place on
the idand of Malta duri,ng World War H, actrcss Elizabeth Shepherd plays
a w m m married. to naval officer Ronald A l h . She is indespair about the
miserable state of her marriage, which seems to be in bad need of love and
affection but is jxnmersed instead in re~ectimand biHerness md-for all
practical pul^poses-going down the drain hn her despair, she betrays her
husband and finds much-needed comfort in another officer" arms
(played by Janes Frmcixus). However, it is clear that despite the fact that-
she hitiated the affair with her new lover, the sex she is irrvolved in is dis-
tant, alienated, and frozen, In other wordis, t-he scriptwriter and d i ~ c t o r
portray an motionless affair-That portrayal is what enables her to return
to her husband at the end oi the m v i e (after he saves, hemically, the life of
her lover in a daring and suicidd operation against W o a t pen" Sicily).
'This is an important point because an etnotional involvememt wodd prob-
ably mean she would have to be ""killed" at the end of the movie,
What about sex without emoticmal invotvement (for example, with a
prostitute) or with a, very minimal level of such involvmetnt? h the sum-
mer of 1946, t:he powerful political consdtant to President Bill Clinton,
Dick ikforris (married tcr Connecticut lawyer Eileen McGann) lost his po-
sition follocving a p21bliC disclosure in a taklloid that he had a year-long af-
fair with a $200-an-hour call, girl Sherry Rowlands.Weiiusweek, which
used this story in a larger report about adultery, points out that there is a
new understanding of ad~xltc~ry: "It is a sin of the heart and mind as much
as-or even more than-the body." Morris" relationship with Sherry
Rwlartds, according to this new understand@ (consistmt with the at-
mosphere of "political carrechess'"), is that "he carried on a lmg-term re-
latimshlp with another w o m n that went beyond sex into the realm of in-
tirnacy*'" 7 e magazine's ertcensive report quotes psychiatrist Dr. Frank
I'ittman as noting that most infidelity is done on the telephone rather
than Inbed. Accordkg to Pittman, the ""essenceof an affair . . . is in estab-
lishi~~g a secret intimacy with s o m e w . . . . Infidelity isn't about Mlhom
you lie wit;fi.It's whom you lie to."""
h additional element that needs to be considered is motivation. What
about a married couple whose relations are not tcx.,g ~ a tsex , is dull and
inrequent, and then one of the parhers finds a lover? Or wha.t if one of
the parhers is temporarily or permanently prevented from having sex
(for example, due tcr an incaparitatirrg concfition or illless of a spouse)?
Should we take into co~nsiderationthe factor of motivationWhould we
give it a prominent place in the ml;sis? The moral problem here is that
if we do so, we may risk providing an indirect justification for violating
the parhessf loyalty m d the trust inthe sexual exclzrsivity of marriage.
48 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
Pxevalence and Its Meaning. One very impmtmt question regards the
prevalence of infidelity fnr males and females, hdiffertlnt cultums, and in
different h e periods. 'This is an impctrtant issue because it can give us
some significant clues not only about sexual behavior but also about how
people in everyday ~ a l i t ybehave
- in t e r m of loyalty and tntst.
Akhough there is little i,n the way nl =liable cross-cdtural and longiku-
dina) idormation about the magnitude of infidelit): the few available
studies are suggesti\ie. It is generally estilnated that in about 50 percmt of
marriages-i,ntesnatio~~alf,y-one parher will he unfaithfulall
:InJanuaq 2000 Bri.tisJn electronic and print media, disclosed some amaz-
ing facts. Summaries of routine DNA exminations done in tbr previous
year in several laboratories (some of whi& performed thousands of such
exmisratims) revealed that the fatfier of evev seven& (or tenth, depmd-
ing on the laboratory) child is not his biological father. These fi~~dings
should not really s~trpriseus because if the rate of marital infidelity is
around 50 percmt, then it stands to reason that at least some of these affairr;
may a d in pregnancy and childbk& (see Rogers 2000; Nachshon 2(300).
Let us look more-. dosely at some studies on this topic done in Israel. A
study cmdu.cted in 1988 revealed. that 63 percent of men m d 50 percent
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 49
(and admitted it on public television); Zalman Shazar, who was the presi-
dent cJf Israel and was involved with both the farnous romantic poet
Rachel and with Galda Meir; Ben-Gurion, who seelns to have had two
lovers (Miriam Cohen and Doris May) while he was married to Pola; and
ex-chief of staff, parliament member, and mirrister Rafael Eitan ("Raful'"),
who built an impressive house for h,is lover (later wife).'Y
The most famous case of kfidelity durhg the last decade of the twenti-
eth century undoubtedly is the affair that Bill Clinton, then president of
the United States (married to Hitlary, and h his fiRies), had wiEh Monica
Lewinsky (a staff worker in the White House, single, and in her twm-
ties).z(jHaving dmied the existence of the affair for a long time, m Mon-
day, Augzlst 17,1998, Clinton admitted publicly to actually havjng had the
affair (followhg Ms. Lewinskyfst e s t i r n v and the public allegatinn of the
existence of a dress with incrhinating DNA evidence on it). Durirtg the
djscussions on w h e ~ eto r in?peach Presida~tClintoll in Ihe House of Rep-
resentatives in Mlaskington, D.C., the Speaker of the House Bob Livisrgston
announced (December 19, 1998) that hr was resigning from Congress in
view oE his ocvn infidelities. Considering the widdespscad prevalence of ex-
tramarital a f airs, this shou%d,not really surprise us.
Informing
The term, "informing" applies to a variety of activities, rangjng from sim-
ple hformixrg on classmates (sgtlealers) to police and htelligence hform-
ing. Tax authorities use informers as well. For example, Israeli income tax
authorities used to have Nliashinan (literally translated as "squealer">,
which was a telephone service that anyone could call anonymously to re-
port tax violations. Wormers am sometimes idmtified with cdlaborators..
IUustrations for infnrmers can be fomd in many areas. For example, Ak-
erstrom" so& (1.991) is focused on police informers.
Many individuals feel that '"squeaiing" is ismorally ambiguous. For ex-
ample, Knesset (Israeli parliment) rnetnbers in the state of Israel tried to
pass laws that would. belp protect whistle-blowers against persecution,
but the president of Israel (Ezer Weitzisam) m d the former chief of staff
(Refael Eitan) objected because they kljt that "quealers'%hovlld be not re-
warded or supported.
An interesting case fllustrates s w e the complexities of ""squealing." Ac-
cording to Kdidman and Weston (19981, David Kaczynski. helped the FKt
capture his brother, Ted Kaczynski, suspected of being the Una:borrrber.
Ted wa~;suspected as the man b&i.nd a seventeen-year letter-bomb spree
rc3sult-ingin three deaths and twenty-three ifijured people. Was that squeal-
ing inrmoral? &e brother squealed m mother, but did he not prevent fu-
ture terrible injuries?
'This case had m interesthg twist whezz David felt that he was betrayed.
David expected the FBI to keep his role in the arrest of his brother secret
and understood that the prosecution would not seek the death penalty.
Both expectations WE shattered. Davi,d's rnle in finding the Unabonnbes
was revealed, and the prosecution did ask for the death. penalty, h public
statements, David made no secret of his claim that the FBI violated his
trust and loyalty on these two issues and that he felt betrayed. As things
turned out, David" brother did not receive a death sentence.
&e other in-depth illustration for this issue is Knox's 1997 study. By
focusing on a k w f i g u ~ sKlnox's
, (19"37) work eontextrralizes both heroes
and hformers h the late-eighteenth-century political struggle for Irish in-
54 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
was working for them, he mdly was not, Certainly, a person who man-
ages to convhtce himself that h a t e v e r he is doing is just a '"me"" mfght
also believe that he realty did not cotlaborate-Aft- all, the "real" Ander-
son (whoever that was) was not hvolved in this dangerous ""game." h-
derson is indeed. an interesting case of self-de1usian.
117 this particular context, "informing" aand "collal-7oration" are not djs-
similar. In both cases we have two opposjng and clashing symbofic
moral universes, where one tries to enlist ""itformers" or "collaborators"
h ln the other to obtain an advantageous edge in the conflict, Mereas
""collaborationm"tends to be used more in war-like situations, ""inform-
ing'" tends to be used mow in police work. One of the m m fascinating
cases, combining two such opposing universes against a third, is the
""Luciano Project," where a legal, military organization formed a coliiabo-
rative alliance with an illegal and criminal organization.
'The klrinter of I942 was a difficult time. Nazi submarines were hitting
ships off the east coast of the United Statesl" and rumors of sahotage
ning WM. Far example, the S.S. Ni,mrur-rdie, a luxury liner that
was being converted to a troop ship (to be christened Lgfiryefte) and fast
enough to outrun U-boats, suddenly burst into flames at her Eiludson
fiver pier while about 2,500 workers were inwolved in the conversion
works (February 9)- Attempts to squelch the fire caused the ship to cap-
size at the dock. Salvaging efforts failed., and she was sold for scrap h
1946. Although never proven, sabotage was suggested as the explanation
for l.he slndderl and unexpected fire." "is context prodwed one of the
strangest partnerships between U.S. Naval Intelligence a d the Mafia,
moraily two very different organizations.
'The goal of this collaboration was to secure the port of New York from
Nazi infiltrators, Such bosses as ""LuckyF'Lwiano, Joe "Socks"' Lmza, and
Meyer Lansky were hvolved in this prclject, as well as more than 350
naval personnel, The U.S. Navy estimated €-hat I:.,ucianofscontribution
was "useful" but regarded the whole project as an embarrassing episode,
better forgcrtten. Campbell, who provides tbr story of this project (1.977),
disagrees m d feels Chat the U.S. Navy had nothing to be ashaned of. fn-
deed, if anything, 'Troject Luciano" 'provides m e of the best illustrations
of the d d sayifig that wars create some rather strange bedfellsws.
'These examples illustrate that- &though many people despi,se inform-
ers, they sometimes provide information that helps society and saves
lives.
Mutiny
Murky appears in our typolow twice. Here the term is used to denote
military insurrection, When a group of soidiers feel that their command-
56 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
ing officer no longer desewes their loyalty and trust, they move agajnst
that commander.
'The most dramatic muthies, and those that receive the most atte~~tion,
have been aboard ships and at sea, The k a g e of a crew revolting agajnst
the captain of a warship on the high seas is sornethg that has capthated
the i m g h a t i m . Indeed, some classic books and movies have been ere-
ated on this theme, such as Herman Wouk" Pulitzer Prizew
I"il2e Gli~zeMziliny (made into a movie in 1954f, the movie The Mzdtiny tllr
fhe B O Z I I 0962
Z ~ ~ and 1984, based on an actual mutiny in t,81)6),and Sergei
Eisensteh" P925 Russian movie Potemkin, which was based on the P905
revolutionary mutiny cm the battleship fite~kil2.As tbr works of Mlen
(1989), Hadfield (1929), and Guttsidge (1992) reveal, naval insurrection
has not been rare, and attempts to seize control of ships are part and par-
cel of the histories of many navies in the world.
'There are several interesting cases of mutiny. One involves Farce X,
which was composed of British Royal Navy soldiers who were sent to as-
sist American forces in the South Pacific during World War 11. Their
mutiny sternmed fmm "rc?sen.tment.against orders to a remote war zolIe
considered principally someone else" province" "uttridge 1992:223).
Gfenton (1986) and Bakeless (1998:31%327) liescribe the 1781 mutiny of
the Pe~~nsylvania line, which developed aft-er incmpetence and mishan-
dling during the American Revalution, Another example is the 1743
muthy of Lord Sempill's l-fighlmd Regiment (the so-catled Hack Watch
Mutiny). The mutiny developed when the anxious soldiers of the rclgj-
meat learned that they were to be sent abroad, contrary to their terms of
recruitment (MacWilliam 19112).
A mutiny (naval or otherwise) basically means crossing the moral
boundaries dictated by the m i l i t a ~chain of command, using power to
accomplish this crossing. By its very nature, a mutiny is an open, not se-
cret, insurrection, howver, the rnilitary cm-and often does-censor in-
formation about such events,
Defectiotz
Defection refers to a situation whese two adversarial groups are compet-
ing, or are locked in a connict, and one or mom members of one group
shift their loyalties to the other and typically move from Che territory of
one group to that of the other. Defection cast take place in secret (for ex-
am*, when spies, or the military, are iwolved) or in pubXic (for exam-
ple, in politics). Moreover, defedion-by definition-involves negotiated
and changed loyalties and trust in the most straieforward. w q . The par-
ticular form of vidation of trust and loyaity that we discuss here is perpe-
trated by a member of the in-group who changes his or her loyalty and is
not aimed against anyone in particular, but against the group (although
individual actors can, m d frequently arc., hurt). Although defection can
be observed in a n u ~ ~ b of e rareas (for example, politics, religim, sport,
commerce, industry, and even police work [Zil:berbel.tj 1997]), it does not
invoke a unified societal reac.tion.
Illustrations for defectl.011 are numerous. 'The history of Czarist Russia
and the Soviet Union has some fascinating tales about defectors, one of
the most famous of which is the case of prince Aneirey Nikhaylavich
Kuhsky (1528-1583), Kuhsky was a military commander in Czar Ivan
(She Terrible) IV's regime in the middle of the sixteenth century, He was
liked by the czar m d became one of his closest, most valued, and twsted
associates. However, between 1563 and 1564 Kurbsky lost his special po-
sition with the czar, and in 1564 he defected to Poland and joisted the
forces of King Sigismund :II: Augustus of Poland-Lithuania, who was
fighting against Russia. Kitlg Sigismund was generous bath militarify and
fhancially with Kurbsky, After his defection, Kurbsky wrote the czar a
few letters, Mlhich serve as useful historical documents for the period.
This defection clearly shook Ivan, who c o n t e q l d e d leaving his throne.
Instead Ivan began suspecting conspiracies everywhere and ruthlessly
moved to cclnsolidate his power, resuiting in a rt;ip of terror tfor exam-
ple, see Keenan 1971).
58 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
September 1945; Polish secret service officer Michal Golienewski, who de-
fected in Oecernber 1960 to the h e r i c a n CIA in W s t Berlin (actually a
Soviet male in the Polish secret service) and helped to expose m d arrest.
George Blake (a Soviet spy in British MTb) and Harry Houghton (from the
Portland spy ring, discussed later in this book); and KGB Major Anatoli
Goljtsin, who dtkcted to the West from his Soviet post in Helsinki, Fin-
land, in 1962.
Defectors may possess not only valuable information but dso vduable
m d tmgible assets, like a fighter plane. In the mornhg hot~rsof August
16, 1966, an Iraqi fighter pilot, Mcxnir Radfa, defected with his Soviet-
made h'liG-21 fighter plane to Israel. Illat operation took much effort
from the 1sraet.isecret service, but persuading Munir to steal Chat MiG-2t
and defect to Israel was m e of the most brilliant, useful, and valuable op-
eraitions of the Israeli Mossad. The ability of the Israeli Air Force to e x m -
h e , firsthand, \zrhat was ther.~the first-line fighter plane of some of its
Arab neighbors certainly gave them an ubvious edge. Despite various ef-
forts, Mmir did not integrak into Israeli culture and experienced difficul-
ties finding a job- Helped by Israeli authorities, Nunir left the country to
live elsewhere. He died, in August 1998. Israeli authorities were asked to
help in his burial and did so, far away from both Israel and :Iraq (Black
m d Morris 1991:20&218; Dan 1998).
sitive role and to which he swore loyalty The violations of trust and loy-
alty im this case are very &vious.
If bdeed Hiss was a spy, he was very successful at creating a deceptive
filcade and managed to conceal his defection for a very long period of
time. Not only did he damage U.S. national security but his deception
created a bitter and divisive national co~~troversy-quitean achievement
for a spy who was also a bma fide traitor. Hiss died on November 15,
1996, in New York City at age ninety-two.43
The Cold War, The cold war saw quite a few spectacular cases of defec-
ition.42 There were some famous defectors from the Soviet Union: Kan-
stantin Volko~r,Vladimir Petrov, Anatoly Golitsin, and Yuri N'osenko,
among others. Three of the most famous defectors from the Soviet Union
were Oleg Gordievsky, @or Sergeievitch Gouzenko, and Oleg Penkovsky.
Oleg Gurrlievsky
G d i e v s k y was born in 1938 and developed a career in the KGB. Appar-
ently, sometime h the 11970s (probably 1974) he began to work for British
htelligenre (M16). His motivation to spy for the Wst, supposedly, was
heled by tbr brutal Soviet hvasion to Czechoslovakia in 19658. For more
than a decade he W= able to provide his British operators with valuable
information, fn 1985 his cover was blown by a double agent in the Ameri-
can CIA, and he defected to Britain. His defection was formally an-
nounced by the British Foreign Office in S e p t e d e r 1985. Gordi,evsky
paid a very high personal price for defection, as he left his wife and two
daqhters in the Soviet Wm. His wife dhoxed him, and althougl~in
1991 his fmily was allowed to leave the Soviet 19nio11, Che fantily did not
retunite.43
61eg Penkovsky
Penkovsky presents us with an altogether difkrent case, Born in 1919, he
took part it1 the Red Army's fight against the Nazi Wehnnncht, and after
the war he was trained as an htelligence ofticer. Me eventual:tybecame an
officer with Soviet Maitary fntelligencc (GRU). Like Gouzcnko (discussed.
below), his first attempts at estail?lishingcontact with Western intelligence
were rather f"rust-rating.However, evcn.tua:lfyhe was successful in makhg
such a contact with both the British and the A m d c m s , From April 1961.
until August 1942, he passed large volumes of vital classified information
to the Americans and British,. Some nl this information proved quite irn-
portant to President Kemedy during the Cuban missile crisis of October
1962 because it enabled the Americans to have a better assessment of So-
viet inte~~tians.Soviet intelligence was successful h exposkg Penkovsky
and arrested him on October 22,1962. In a show trial, in May 3963, he was
62 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
sentenced to death. On May l?, 1963, it was amomced that he had been
executed "by the mefiod =served for the Soviet Union's wwst traitors:
fie was dowly fed into a live k n a c e , with some of his crlosest fnrmer col-
leagues forced to watch" (Volkman 1994:30).Clearly, Penkovsky was one
of the best and most producthe pro-West '"defectors in pla~e.~,44
Edzoard L. Howard
Howard was born h 1951 in New Mexico. After an. unsteady period of
employment and moves within and outside the United States, he applied
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 63
to the CIA and was contacted in 1980 (in Chicago). He was trained by the
CIA for a variety of tasks and was eventually statimed in the American
embassy in Moscow. Both he m d his wife worked thcrfi?as intelligence of-
ficers, Because Moward failed polygraph tests, his employment by the
CIA was terminated in 1983 and he rebrned to the U ~ ~ i t eStates.
d h t-he
mi&1980s Moward traveled a few times to Ewope and was in contact
with KGB oficers in Vicnna. fn return for the information he gave them,
he was given cash. The CL4 cau@t cm to his betrayal and in September
1985 was ready to arrest him.,Howard was quicker, however, and by that
time he was already on his way to Moscow (the last part of the journey in
the trunk of a Soviet embassy car).48
Espionage and S p y i ~ g
Not every spy is a traitor, and not every traitor is a spy A spy that would
qualify as a traitor must be a person that is a bona fide member of the in-
66 Violating Tr~tst~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
The m a h strategy was to plant bombs in various places (on July 2 and
M). The aceivity on July 23 was fatal. One of the spies (Philip Matanson)
was caught with a smldering bomb when he entercd the Rio cinema, It
did not take fong for the Egyptians to figure out what was going on, and
within a matter of days all the mernbers of the spy net were ca-t and
arreted (with an additimal nine members, plus one innocent Egypti""
Jew-Yoseph Karmona, and Major Meir Binet, a repmsentative of Israeli
rnilitary intelligence who was indirectly associated with the net). The cap-
ture of the Israeli spy net was made public on July 26,1954, m d their trial
began on December 11, 2954. K;trm.ona either committed suicide or died.
while being twtured; Binet committed suicicie; Dr. Moshe Marzuk and
Shmuel Azar were sentenced to dcath (and hanged on January 31,1955).
Two were acquitted, and the rest were sentenced to spend long periods in
prison.
In Israel, a political.storm arose around the questio~nof who exactly au-
thorized the activation of the net h this amateurish way. The affair was
never s o h d satisfactody. Et led, however, to the resipation of both Pin-
has Lavm (minister of"d t f e ~ ~ sand
e ) David Ben-Curion (prime minister).
Clearly, the fag around the authorization and.orders to activate the net re-
flects the sad fact that those in charge were avoidi?g their respmsibiii.ty
to give truthful accounts. 'Thus, both trust and loyalty were compromised
in a most significant way. The affair itself, referred to as "the Lavm affair"
or moro commonly as the "Esek, Bish" "ranstated, p d a p s , as the "fi-
asco"") eesoded the foundations of the Isracli regime.62
Further insult accompanied the question of releasing the jailed mem-
bers of the net. Two members were released after seven years, m d four
others were released only after the Six Day War Uune 1967) in an ex-
change oi prisoners agreement between Israel and Egypt. Thus, not d y
did members of the net feel betrayed by those who authorized their mis-
sion but refuscd to take full rtlsponsibility, but they also felt they were ig-
nored and left to rot in prison when massive exchanges of prismers took
place between Israel md Egypt after the 1956 Sinai Campaip.
Betrayal in this case was a multiple issue: First, Egyptian citizelns joined
an espionage ring against their countr).; second., intelligence officers in Es-
raeli military intelligctnce (and perhaps some pditicians too) betrayed
their spies by sending them on. a risky and questionable operatio~nand
then refmsed full responsibil3y; third, the Israeli gove
gres"i""ly pwsue the =lease of the spies, particularly after the 3956 Sinai
Campaign.
Tyler G . Kent, Cases of spying arc. abundant. The title of E~ightl@y% il-
Oldest Professill~s.
luminating 1,986 book is indeed instructive: TI-re Srrc.o~~d
Une illustrative examplc is the case of v i e r G. Kent.63 Born in 1911 h
68 Violating Tr~tst~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
Eli Gohen. Born in Egypt in 1924' Cahm was an Arab lhguist who im-
migrated to Israel in 1957; hcJ. was rt.cruitc;d by the Israeli secret service
(vlossad) i,n May 1960. Assuming a false identity, he left Israel, fleaving
behind his wife and children) m d arrived in Syria in 1962. He established.
hhnself in Damascus as a rich fumfbre and tapestry exporter and made
many important friends. Cohm was highly successfd i,n penetsakg irn-
portant political and military circles in Syria. and provided Israeli. intelli-
gence with crucial information (ammg other things, about the S y r i m for-
tjfications im the Gotan Heighls), He was so popular that he was
cmsidcred for the post of deputy defense mjnister, Ever.ltually, Coheds
radio transmissions from Damascus wew detected, and he was caught
m d arrested on January 1K,t,965*He was torture& hterrogated, tried for
espionage, sentenced to death, and hanged on May 18,3965, in Damascus
in Marjeh Square before a clleering crowd of more than 10,000 with full
media coverage, Clearly; although Cohen was a spy, he warnot a traitoz71
abled Stalin to divert essential military forces from the Far East to the
the Nazi Wehrnzadf (mom on this case in Chapter 6).
fight agai~~st
attentjon of nations. They pour money into research, bribing, and bfck-
mailhg in order to get information, as well as deceive o&ers.
'There i s not a great deal of research on espi,mage from a social science
point of view. However, one of the mom interesting studies is by Frank
& g m (1989,1997). Hagan views espionage as the secretive theft of infor-
ma.t.ion. Mis informative and insightft~lwork focuses on exarniajng espi-
onage as a lorm of political crime, he has developed an empirical classjfi-
cation of spies based on their moti\lation, His typology consists of nine
main categories and orle miscellaneotls category for the cases that dn not
fit the main categories. His typology classifies spies according to the fol-
lowing categories: merilenary (Aldrich Ames); ideolcrgical N a u s Fuchs);
alienated/egocent-ric (Edward Lee Howard); buccaneerlsport (Jonathan
Pollard); professional (Rudolf Abel); compromised (Richiard Milkr); de-
ceived (Edwin Wilson recruiting technique); quasi agent (I'hilip Agee),
m d finallyI those hlrho clefect in order to avoid personal problems.
Hagads typology is ovati:vc and manages to surpass older typolo-
gies. For example, so-cdfed sex espionage (using sex to gai11 access to in-
formation; see, for example, Bower 1,990)can be broken into different: and
more generalized categories developed by Hagan. Other possi:ble ap-
proaches could focus cm a classificatory scheme based cm the method uti-
lized to gain inteitigense information. This codd include, for example,
human data collection, electronic surveillmce, data collection fPom open
sources, and even schemes cJf espimage fn c@erspace.Tb
Espionage has always been a hot: topic fnr popular culture, m d such
spies as John Le Carrd's Srniley and Xan Flemjng" Jjames Bond have be-
come culkral heroes. Book md movies have glanzorized the secret agent
into mythical proportions.
Double Agents, Dou231e s e n t refers to m agent who works for two in-
telfige~~ceorganizations, sometimes even without the agent's howledge.
Double agents push the boundaries between truth and deception to their
farthest limits. For example, dtaring W r l d War D, M5 (British intemal
counterespionage secret service) managed to capture every German agent
sent to Britaisr by the Nazi Germm Abwelzr" m d turn them into double
agents working for the British.
International Betrayal
hterrrational betrayal is a category of betrayal where both loyalty and
trust are violated on the international level.78 At least two salient possibil-
ities exist here.
One possibility occurs when a state is being betrayed by another
state(s). For example, the crisis created. by Hitler in 1938 over Czechoslo-
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 7'3
vakia, was "solved" by tthe September 29-m, 1938, signixrg of the Munich
Agreement. In this agreement, British premier Neville Chmberlajn and
French premier Edouard Dala&r betrayed Czechoslovakia to Hitler for a
questionable and &msy hope of peace.
"That was not the last time Czechostovakia was betrayed. In 1968
Alexander Dubcek led Czechoslovakia into a f ~ e d o m path that consisted
of himportant rclfurms in freedom of speech and the ecmorny The ""spring
of 1-"r%uef'did not last tong. The Soviet Union, worried that other Eastern-
bloc corntries would follow this freedom trail, invaded Czechoslovailcia
with full military force in August 1968 and crushed the ""spring" with an
iron fist. Not one coulltry in Eastern Europe moved to help Czeckodova-
h a resist or cope with this brubl conquest. Worse yet, some Eastern-bloc
countries participated in the militav invasion, For example, thousands of
Polish soldiers took part in the first wave d invasim. NOWestern country
helped either. The F ~ n c h prime mhiste~;Michel Debre, made a "f
remark about the .invasion: "a traffic accident on the road to d6tente
1994:2W). Later, in the 1980s a d early 1990s, the Polish Solidarity move-
ment and the Mazowieckj governmenl. m d e public apologies to the
Czech nation.
Certainly CzechoslowaEtia was not the only country that was b e t q e d
like this- In 1956 the Hungarims revolted agahst the oppressive Soviet
rule of the country. The Soviet army invaded Hungary, crushed the revolt,
and reirnstated a orthodox co mist dictatorship. In this case, too, no
country came to help the Hm~gariirtns.
Thusl in Czechoslovakia and Hungar)i feeljngs of being internationally
betrayed are not uncommon. However, those feelings, genuine and
strong as they are, are based on the ass~tmptionthat some Western or
Eastern-bloc country could have intervened and stopped a Sovief-led in-
vasion, a questionable assumption indeed.
.A somewhat sirnilar incident concerned the rerationship betwcen Italy
and Nazi Gemmy Fascist Italy m d Nazi Germmy signed a pact of coop-
eratir,n. n i s "Pact of Steel," as Mussolini called it, was s i p e d m May 22,
1939, inBerlin. by the hnlo countries' faseip n?inistcrs, Joachirn v011 Rbben-
trop of G e m m y and Count Galeazzo di Cortellazo Ciano of Zta3yYThis pact
contirnued the Rome-Berlin Axis treaty signed in 1936. Thus,one could
view Nazi Germany and hseist Italy as two nations wh
their m t u d interests eye to eye as genuine allies, in war m d in peace. It is
important to note that before this dliance was formed-particularly in
19%-the relations between these two countries had been strahed, and
points of conflict invollved cultural and political diHerences.79
This ailiance lasted until 1943. Fallwing the major defeat of the Axis in
the Mediterranean m d the Ailied strikes in Italy (h example, in Milan
and Turin), the Italians faced the prospect of either continuing to fight a
7'4 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
Particufarly tragic was the experience of roughly 5.5 million Soviet citizens
repatriated after the war, of whom 2.3 miltfiun were handed over on the basis
of agreements emeluded at the Yalta ecjnference, often against their will. The
core of the repatriated were 2.1 million Qslnrbez'fer(""labor from the eastf'")and
about a million prisoners-of-war: The Cksfarbeiterhad mostly not gone to Ger-
many voluntarily. No~netheless,half af all those repatriated w e l c~m d e m e d
to hard tabor.81
vict Union to Nazi-controlled regions, which must bave been a most diffi-
cult ercperience. WIany of those who survived trusted and were loyal ta
the Western ALlies. Most of them left a totalitarian regime to which they
never expected (or wanted) to be forcefully returned. One can easily in-
terpret this nonselective act of repatriation as international betrayal*It is
important to note that among the prisoners were White Russians who
had never achowllcdged the Soviet Union and who had lived outside the
country (more on this in Chapter Q), as well as groups of men who sup-
parted Nazi Germany.
A sirnilar incident took place in post-1945 Poland. The instant r e c o e -
ticm of the Soviet-sponsored gowemxnent by the West was rightly inter-
preted by the Polish governmmi-h-exile, and the legal opposition w i t h
the countsy, as an act of international betrayal.83
There are cases *ere the two possibilities are mingled. An example is
the 1,439 Molotov-l?ibbentrop pact. Despite a very basic ideological in-
cmpati:bility between Nazi Germany and the Stalin-led Soviet Union, in
Augu" 13939, :Nazi Germany" foreign minister-Joachirn von Ribben-
trop-and the Soviet U16on"s forcig~minister-Vyacheslalv Molotov-
signed a nonaggression pact that guaranteed the Swiet t r n i d s bordas
on its western and Baltic fronts and at the same t h e allowed Nazi Cer-
many to invade Poland (and to risk war hvilh both Britain and France, a
risk HitZer was willing to take),
?'he signfng of this pact can easily be fntr~rpretedas an act of betrayal.
The Soviet Union clearly compronnised Polish integrity as a state by em-
ablling Hitler to attack Poland (on Septezmber 1, 1939) without much ixn-
mediate risk for Nazi Germany. Mowover, the secret part of the pact di-
vided large parts of Eastern Etarope between Sjazi Germany and the
Soviet Unjon and thus betrayed East European states and Communist in-
dividuals in the West, who found the pact indefensible. It is possible that
Sovkt citizelns undcr Stalin's regirne also condemned the pact, but oppo-
sition to Stalin tmded to evaporate rather swifily, so that no strmg voices
against the agreement were heard L\lithin the country,
Mutiny
Muthy in this context refers to a collecthe insurredion not aimed at a per-
s d or specific t a ~ e tSome
. military insurrections (for example, against
poor living conditiom or nourishmen-t) can be thought of in this context
(for examplc, the mutiny of some 200 veterans of Montgomery's Eighth
A m y in Salerno in 15343; see David 1995). However, the major and more
=presentative illustrations arc. those involving large-scale insurgencies
m d their wars: the American Revolutio~~ (17751783), the French Revolu-
tion (1;792-1800), the Russian Revolution (1917-19122); the great 1857
7'6 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
In the early 1,97135, thc casgo doors of two different McDonnell Douglas
DC-10%blew open in midair (in one case, causixrg the deaths of 350 pas-
sengers and crew mehers). h investigation discovered that a 19@ re-
port that pointed out: that therc? could be problems with that cargo door
was not given to the Federal hiation Authority.
:In 3971) Ford launched a new subcompact car-the Pinto. Tests indi-
cated that even a low-speed coiilisjon could result in a ruphared fuel tank.
Having costs in mind, Ford did not change the fauIty design. &spite
warnings, the car went into production. By 1978, seventy-three people
died in accidents result-ing from Pinto fires. An engineer who hvamed
about the faulty design was ignored and. demoted, and be later resigned..
In 1986 the space shuttie Challenger was launched against warnings by
a senior e ~ ~ g h ethat
e r the seals h the rocket boosters would not hold be-
cause the temperature range was below the safety range for them, The
Challenger exploded shcrrtly after liftoff because of this problem. The en-
gheer who reveaied this fact and later testified against the management:
became isolated and eventually had to leave his job, and he found it diffi-
cult tcr acquire a new job.8"
'These dramatic cases illustrate the problelxs created by organizations
when they fail to listen to wamhgs. In each case, the organization misrep-
~ s e n t e dor concealed important infomtion. 'The literature on wbistle-
blowing is full of such cases.
At the simplest level, whistle-blowers are individuals who report to
others within, or outside, an organization about various probtems within
the organiz;ation (hcompetence, illegal and/or methical activity, corrup-
tion, deceptive practices, etc.) in order to rectify and solve those psob-
lems. Ob~ljously,&is characterization is tot>broad, because organizations
have quality cmtrollers whose job is to do just that.
Whistle-blowing is characterized by the fact that key members in the
orgmization disappmve of it. This disapproval is related to sweral fac-
tors; managers fear that the report may go to the "wrong people" or to the
press, or it may be judged. to be too harsh. Organizations tend to rcquil-e
full loyalty from their members and full m u b l trust. A whistle-Howr
reveals hformat-ion about an organizatiol~that contradicts the in?age that-
the organization tries to construct about itself. Moreover, whistlc-btowers
tend to have the tmst of, and share loyalty to, the same oqanization. Dur-
ing their normal course of work they discover and acquire secrets and
dmaging informatinn about the workings of that organization, Their
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 79
choice at that point is to either stay loyal to the organization and keep
quiet for try to work on fie problem from within the organization), or be
loyal to other norms m d '%low the whistle.'"~orne decide that their gen-
uine loyalty is to the truth, and they "blow the whistle." Mmagers and
coworkers may view this whistle-blowing as an act of violating trust and
loyalty (or as split loyalties), in other words, as m act of betrayal.
The organization sees whistle-blowirtg as betrayjng of the h~terestsof
the organization, violating tbe rules of hierarchy, bgrpassing authority,
squealhg, damaging the reputation of the orgmization, acting in a hostile
manner toward the organization, poisming the atmosphere, and sup-
plmting cooperatim with suspicion. VVhistle-blowers, on fie other hand,
tend to justify their activities in such terms as doing me's job, being faith-
ful. to the community revealing the truth, and doing something that is in
the best interests of the orgmization.
.hlt.houghboth sides use the hetoric of trust and loyalty, the hterpreta-
tion of these terms, as well as their direction, is very different. Obviously,
organizations do not like M;histle-blnwers. Researtlh on *istie-blowing
indicates rhat the road t&en by whistle-bowers is di,fficult, with often
very heavy social, psychological, and economjc costs to the whistle-
blower. OfDay (197L2) points out that whistle-blowers risk isolation, in-
mased criticism, dcfmation of character, being moved to an insignifi-
cant job, being firedf and being exposed to other degradation and
harassment processes.Kh Glazer and Glazer point out that as in other cases
of betrayal, one of the differentiating variables determining whether a
whistle-blower will be awarded recognition and respect (and perhaps
cast into fie role of a cultural ""hrom")s whefier the whistle-blower re-
crcives or gelnerates the szxpport of a collecitive of people, that: is, mnbilizes
a significant amount of power.87
Because whistle-blowir~gis perileked by many as a "problem,"' many
organizations fand states) have established specialized inner mechanisms
that are supposed to critkaliy examine organizations in a m r e or less mu-
tine manner. Orgmizations and state bmaucracies have created positions
such as controller and ombudsman to deflect whistle-blowing. Although
this may reflect a gmuine desirc to improve, it also coopts criticism and
els it in such a way that tryrrmgdoing, cormption, mistakes, and the
like are either ignored, buried for y m s h "investriga,tiornsIf'or mudclfed in
various conflicting and.confusing "versions." The fact remains that de-
spite the= positions, whistle-blowing has not disappeared.
Some colrnlries have instituted legal protections for whistle-blowms
(for example, U,S, federal protection for whisde-blowers), The state of Ts-
rael has been trying, for quite some time, to pass lcgishtion that would
pmkct whistle-blo.cversbut has encounte~dformid,able opposition. One
80 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
physical, and there is a danger that the whistle-blower ma)i slip into de-
pression and atternpt to commit suicide. Fourth, the organization receives
negative exposttre as corrupt or deceptive practices are revealed. Finally,
what society does, or does not do, to protect whistle-blowers becomes an
issue.gl
It is im,perativc to point out that although whjstle-Howers arc fre-
quently described as "traitors," it as just as likely that those being '"his-
tled" aabout may themsefves be implicated as '"mitors," h ine sense that
they may have abused their power and position. and violated the trust
and loyalty invested in them. The illustrative cases with which we begart
this scrction exemplify this very well.
Political Turncoating
Politicians who are elected on the platform of one party and then change
their loyalty to another p a r 9 are referred to as "turncoats." Such an act
inwolves issues of trust, loyaity, and their violation.
'The term "political turncaating" mrnnotes a negative judg~aent.How-
ever, like other cases of violation of trust and loyalty, these very same
""turncoats" may be regarded by others as h o r a b l e , taking high risks by
disregarcting party politics. Turncoat-s may thus be viewed as loyalists (to
themseIves, to their principles) by one party and as traitors by other par-
ties. Yet, it appears that most people hold loyalty to the party as the more
important principle.92 However, much depencts on the context of the
event.
As Leach points out, the personal experience involved in changing
sides in the political, arena is typical1y "~tncomfortableand difficztlt,"B It
usually hvohes some sod-searching, new adjustments, confrontations
with friends, and sometimes even a new identity and way of Me. Let us
exmine a k w illustrative cases from two countries: England and Israel.
:In Hebrew, the coil.oquial,term for political turncoatixlg is Calanterism,
:In 1955 a man named Rachanlirn Calanta was elected to serve in the city
cotrncil of Jerusalem as a representative of the Nationat Religiorls Frornt
(idengfied with the MAFDAL Jewish orthodox religious pditical parq).
FUAt was ir^lvor\led im a municipal political conflict in-
volving trhe authorization for a new school of archaeology in thc same
building where a Jewish Reformed synagogue was supposed. to be built,
One resdt of this cmflict was that the h/rAI;DALdecided to quit the mu-
nicipal coulncil coalition. That move left the municipal roalitio~nwithout a
majority vote, fnterestingly, only one vote was required to reestablish the
majority vote of the coalition. In rr-?turnfor promises and different favors,
Cafanter crossed Che lines and rernained in the coalition as an hdepetn-
82 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
dent member. Doing that meant that he left the MAFDAL, on whose list
he had originalfy been voted.%
Although quite a few politicians on the national level (for example,
Moshe Uayan), includjng memhers of the Israeli hesset, as well as poiiii-
cians on the local (mostly mlanicipal) level, have either changed sides per-
manel~tlyor made s~tcha m w e temporarily for specgic issues without:
permanently leaving their original party Calanter was the first to do so,
His name has thus beccrme synonymous with negafiwe and stigmatized
political turncoating in Israel.
Leach providcs a landmark study in this area. FIis 1945 work covered
htmcoats in British poiitics horn M86 to the prment. This is how he dwu-
mel~tsand describes some of the most famous British turncoats in his
study:
The Rabela Hussein Affair, On July 6, 1996, The Times, reported on its
front page:
apostate from Islam. He is not alhavved to use his passport so he cannot take
refuge abroad.%
It did not take long lfor Casement to harness his hcredible abilities to
the Irish cause. Zn 1913 he helped orgmize vdmteers and in 1914 trav-
eled to New Uork to solicit American support for an anti-Britisk force.
When WorXd. War I began in August 1914, Casement felt that it was a
golden opportunity to seek German support for an ineiepmdent Ireland.
Specificdy, he wanted to havc tangible G e r m szxpport for anti-British
activities. Casement was not a man to waste time; he immediately trav-
eled to Berlin in November 1914,7b his disappointment, German leaders
made it clear that they were not gohg to risk m expeditionary force to
Ireland.. Moreover, Irish POWs refused Casement" ppsnosal to join a
brigade that he tried to organize to fight the British. He even failed to se-
cure German rniniml support for an Irish uprising planned Eor 1,916.
Despite their refusal of Casement" ppruposd for a direct and iorceful
German intervmticm in Ireland, the Germans were interested in s q p a r t -
ing the Irish national movement; Irish unrest would distract the British
and divest their military resources, Thus, the Germans sent Casement
back to Ireland, part& to help subdue the questionable 1916 revolt and
partly to continue his agitation there. Casement made his trip to Ireland
in a German U-19 submarine as a guest of its commander, Kapitanleut-
nant Weisbach. He lmded in Tralee Bay on April 20 1916.I"' It did not take
the British lmg to track Casente~~t,and m April 24 he was arrclsted. Case-
ment was taken to L m d m where he was charged with treasm, found
guilty in court, convicted of treason on June 29, and sentenced to death.
His glorious past and services to the British Empire did not do him much
good, m d appeals on his behallf were rejected. He was hanged on August
3,1916, in Pentoz~villef"rison.102
The contrast between the first half of his career and his end is most
striking. It appears that Casement experienced conversion in two signifi-
cant areas-the religious and the political. Casement was "the only Britcrn
tt?be executed far espionage durj,ng World War X," and his "was the first
execution h Britah for treason for more than a century"uJ3
ors, he was Ordered not to return to Beirut, was fired from the army, and
prevented even from having a proper farewell with his soldiers.lw More-
over, he was refused a role, or command, in the lsradi army's serve.^^^
Did Geva betray the trust invested in him. as a commander and violate
his loyalty? Many individuals kel he did and that he changed sides. By
refrzsi.ng to take commixnd scsponsi,bility fbut agreeing to participate inan
invasion as a tank driver), his behavior could. be interpreted as betraying
his loyalty to his command and the trust they invested in him, The
Colonel Geva who refused to order his troops to e ~ ~ tBeirut
er was not the
same man as the one at the start of the war; his values were certainly
changed. This is il7deed a difficult case. On one hand, Geva was expected
to obey orders g j v m to him. 011 the other hand, he felt that orders to pen-
etrate Beirut would cost numerous lives. He did not see the point to that,
and this belief led him to state his objec-tion. But Geva was no conscien-
tious clbjectot R u s , the constructions cd Geva and of his superiors are
very different. FXe paid dcarly as his military career was shattered, and he
disappeared from Israeii publk life,
Strikebreaking
During the acadelnic year 1994-1995, the salior academic staff a.t. Israeli
universities declared a full teaching strike due to a conflict over low
salaries. It was the longest strike of academic staff in the his to^ cJf the
country; lasting seventy-six continuous days. As the strike continued,
anger and feelings of frustration were building up, At the time of the
strike, 1 was the chair of the department of swiolog and anthropology
m d I had to deal MIith all the ad~ninistrativeproblents crcated by the con-.
thued strike. n e w reiallq. was not much one could do excerpt wait for this
labor dispute to end.
Toward the end of the strike, though no one h e w at that- time that the
strike was going to end in one or tvvo more weeks, one of the senior hc-
ulty members in the deparment-let us call him "Professor K-asked to
see me. Wben we met in my office, Profcssor A told me that he had had it
with the strike. He was going to the president of Hebrew Uni:versity to
tell him that he personally was no longer on strike. He wanted his saiary
to be reinstated, and he was going to demand that the department-'Ssecre-
taries contact e v e q one of his students and inform them that his classes
were c o m n c i n g . m e n 1asked him wbrther he believed in the goals oE
the strike, he replied that he no longer believed that we-the slrikers-
could get what we wanted and that be had plans for the summer, which
he did not want to be diskrbed by the strike. Complying with his wish
meant quite a hit of work fos the admhist-rat.ivestaff bbclcawse his students
88 Violating Tr~tst~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
had to be located (students had left campus during the strike), contacted,
and told that his cbsses (and his classes only) were on,
I suggested that he spe& to the dean of the facdty about hir; change of
heart.l(J6Despite my cmtempt for this despicable behavior at a very diffi-
cult mornent, I felt that his wishes should be ~ s p e c t e dHe
. repeated his
request to the dean, went: to the pre?sjdent of Mebrew tlnjversity and told
h h that he was a strike violator, and demanded that his salary be rein-
stated."""7e departmental administrative staff made m effort to locate
his students, sent them letters, m d even called them. The result was that
very few students came in, One must remember that the rest of Hfrfbrew
University was on full strike. Within two weeks or so, the strike ended
whesz the Israeli state treas~~ry agreed to respond positively to the over-
whelmixlg majority of our dcmands, These develctpmmts, obviously, put
the treacherous behavior of Professor A in a rather ridiculous light. More-
over, he never approached anyone with an apology or stated that he was
giving uy the strike" economic gains.
F r m my point of view, one of the most interesting aspects of this situa-
tion occurred at the eszd of the first conversation with Professor A: He
asked me to keep his request a secrct. X pointed out to him that it would
be utterIy impossible because the dean,the presidmt, a large administra-
tive staff i,n the department, and the faculty, not to mentio~zthe students,
wczuld necessarily know about it. It was not possible to keep such an op-
eratrim secret. He ~ s p o n d e dthat once people learned about his behavior
they would call him a "Q~islkg."
X was puzzled at that. I knew that C;luisljng was a name synonymous
with treason aromd the days of World War 11, but not more than &at. Cu-
rious, 1 weszt to the 1;ibrary and picked up Hsidalfs 1989 volul~e011 Quis-
ling. As X was readjng i.t, two things occurred to me. First, Profcrssor A was
flattering himself, He had very little in commm with Quisling. Althougb
Qujsling's treason is an open and difficult questjon, Pmfessnr A"s betrayal
of his colleagues, in one of their most difficult moments, was very &vi-
ous. Quisling" activities were motivated by a variety cJf motives, most
important of which was ideologica). Professor A was motivated by his
egoism, his frustration, and his i d i l i t y to forego his salary-two very
differcsnt cases altmgether. C)f course, the sdf-aggrandizement of cornpar-
ing hinnself to wsfin.g was perhaps typical of the person who breaks a
strike, violates his colleagues"rustI and. asks that this shamehl act be
kept secret. Second, it dawned on me that this issue of " ' t ~ a s was
d well
worth a study The resulhf that incident is this boak.
A labor strike is m interesting form of connlct. A typical strike has one
group "f laborers with a variety of delnands facing a much smaller group
of managers with cliMwnt demands. A strike draws clear boundaries be-
tween ""us"' and '"hem," and each side is required to take a stand. Thus, a
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 89
Well-known groups are the Thugs (who killed for Kalil'l) and the Sicarii
(a group of Jews who practiced assassination in the Great Rewlt of A.D.
6&73).112 The order of Assasshs, however, is probably the most famous
of these groups.
Descrjbing and analyzi~~g the history of the order of Assassins has been
accomplished bp other schdars, and a full account of their hjstory and ac-
tivit.y is clearly beyond the scope of this work.11" brief account, how-
ever, is in order.
'The death in AD. 632 of the Islamic prophet, Mohammed, created a cri-
sis, One result of that crisis was the creation of the caliphate, which insti-
httionalked the Prophet's charisma. Abu Rakr became the caliph. How-
ever, there were those who d i s a g ~ e dand felt that Ali-the cousin and
son-in-1a.w of the Prophet-had a better and stronger claim than Abu
Bakr. This particular dissenting group became known as the 5hiatu Ali
(ALi's party) and later as Shai. That early col~fictgave birth to the most
important cleavage h Islam.ll"
Around the year AI),760, a particular grwp br& wiiy from Shiism.
'They call4 t%iemselvcsIsmailis, after Ismail, so11 of fafar al-Sadiq, grcat-
grmdsm of Ali and Hatirna. At the end of the elevcnth century, a sec.ct so-
ciety of the Ismailite sect was founded fn Persia by :Hasan ibn al-Sabbah,
who was born, at an unk~acvndate, in the Persj.an city d @t~xmand died
in 1124. Hasan apparentjy traveled extensively h the Middle East, North
Africa, and Egypt, W ing converts. His goal was to disseminate hetero-
dox doctrinrz and battle the Scljllq Empirts.
Hasan needed a base, and by 1090he had enoutgh followers to h d p blrn
conguer (40%-3091) the fortress of Alamut in the Elburz mountains (in
northern Persia, south of the Caspian %a). h l m u t b e m e the headquar-
ters of Hasan" sect, and Hasan became known as the Old Man of the
Momtain, or the Crmd Master. Hasan, however, wanted to gain more
converts and have morc3 bases. Me apparently felt that Idarn could, and
should, be purified by assassinatirtg in a systematic way all of its major
officials, whom he chose to define as corrupt. Hasan clearly aimed to
unify Islam into one coherent and integrated commm~ity.Hasall and his
sect thus developed the '"art of assassination.""
'They were quite successful fn spreading fear and terror (Rapclport
19%). Hasan's ruthlessness was justified on religj,nus grounds. He chose
young, inteujgent, and able people, full of enthusiasm and faith, They
were them trained and taught the principles of Hasan's interpretaticm of
the faith and then sent on their d e d y missions.
The groups of these young men were called Fidais. There are uncorrob-
orated reports (traced to n/larco Polo) that Hasan's young assassins at Ala-
mut were k d into a so-called gardcn of paradise where t h y c o ~ ~ s ~ ~ m e d
hahi&, The purpose of this supposed ritual was to persuade the con-
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 92.
verts that paradiscr awaited them and that death in the course of carrying
out their assassi~~ation plots woutd only hasten their entry to paradise.
Hence the name biashishin became synonpous with Hasan's sed.
There are a few good reasons to suspect the validity and truthfulness of
the story &out the hashish cmsumption,"s hut the fact that it was so-
cially tonslructed, told, and possihly believed created the dynarnic of a
self-fulfilting prophecy
The Assassir^ls, as they became known to the West by the Crusaders,
were quite successful and gained dmnst full cmtrol of Syria. Because, in
the Muslim context, the basis of power was personal, when a sultan, or an
amir, was assassinated, his base of power disintegrated.1" A~ssassilzations
within this cultucal context were thus a powerful pofitical, and social
weapon,
:111 the twelfth cenbry, the Assassins were led Zly the last Grand Master,
Ru&-al-Dh murshah. The end of R u b , and of the Assassins, came ~ I I -
der the double assault of the Mongols and of the M a d & sultan of Egypt,
Baybars.
In 1256 the fortress of AIalnut fell. Later, and throughout the 1270s,
many other fort~ssesof the Assassins thmugfnout the Middle East Ml.
nousands of Assasshs where killed. Tl~atwas the end of the ruthless or-
ganization that had thrown an ugly shadow over the regim fos a h s t
two centuries. Although the thirteenth century marked the virtual end of
the Assassins as a sect, reports about them and their idedcrgy and meth-
ods were carried into Europe by the Crusaders""7
The Assassixzs devcfaped a policy of organized murd.er, which exhib-
ited one of the m s t important features of political assassination: a sge-
cific target coupled with a carefully assasshation plot" The pat-
tern of assassination, however, was resting. The Assassins kilfed
in a padicdarfy vile m er-after they had befriended their victim,ll"
Thus, an "assassin" wwas a persorl who won the trust and loyalty of his
victim by deceit and then violated it in the most bmtal way This seems to
quatify this form of killing as betrayal. The probtem is that the "friend-
ship" sought by the assassin was never genuine or sincere. IIthis respect,
the assassins were like innphnted spies,"lg pretending to be loyal and
tmstworthy members of a collective, but in fact the opposite.
C)ne of the most f m o u s modern illustrations of this kcRnique is the as-
sassination of Leon Trotsky on August 20, 1940. As Lentz points out,
R a m h Mercader, disguising himself under the name of Frartk Jackson,
gained Trotsky's trust and loyalty and was able to brcach the securjty of
Trotsky" hbvse near Mexico City, Mercader then killed Trotsky with an
alpine ax. He was caught, served twenty years fn a Mexican prism, and
was released in 1969. Before his death in 1978 in Havana, Cuba, he was
pronounced a ""hero of the Soviet Union."
92 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
aimed at the personal level, These include con artistry, private investiga-
ticm, and professional betrayal.
Con Autkty
Con artists prese~~t m hteresthg combhation of both deception and vio-
lation of trust and loyalty. En this mspect, con artists are not dissimilar to
hnplanted spies. Both engage in deception about their true identity and
intentions. Contmry to implanted spies, who operate on the nat-ional level
( m d smetimes as industrial spies), con artists typically fan within the
crimirral jurisdiction. These individuale; present themselves as something
other than what they really are. A nonlawyer may built a front nf a
lawyer, a nonphysician act as a physician, a nonbroker as an honest bro-
ker, a nm-real estate agent as a bona fide real estate agent. Posing as a le-
gitimate bushess person, the con artist tries to trap the unsuspecting vic-
t h . The typical result of a successful (horn the point of view of the con
perscm) c m game is the swindling of resources (money, property, land, or
rights) from the victim. h lavishly austrated fictional con garne can be
seen in the 1973 movie Tfie Stitzg, Maurer" classic work (1.940; see also
1974) provides us with further h~sightsand ilustrations into this behawior
of betrayal,
Canning a h a y s involves constructing and psesenting a false social re-
ality and deceptive personal identity The aim of doing this is to build the
trust of the victim to such a dcgree that thc fie or she develops complete
and full confidence in the con artist, Once that is achieved, violatirrg the
faked trust and byalty can be accomplished. In other words, the "stingf"
takes place, to the miserable djsahantage of the vi,ctirn. The con?bjna.t.ion
of deception and the violation of unreal trust and loyalty in a crimhal
arena are t-he haurnarks of conning. Moreower, although the target of a
con game may typically be a specific persm, it need not be so. BJ-itish ty-
coon Robert Maxwell showed how a con artist c m fool and swhdle by vi-
olathg the tntst and loyalty of a very large number of innocent people
(more than once and in more than one corntry).
Conning can also be an important aspect of spyjng, It should not c m e
as a surprise that Seth (1972), for example, feels that Delilalz was a spy
(agent provocateur in his terms) m d actually betrayed Samsan. 'The mad-
ern tern for that would probably be '"honey trap" ((or"sex trapm).l"A con-
temporary example is tbe exposer of Israeli nuclear secrets-Mordechai
Va'anunu. Va'anunu was in the process of providk~gthe London Sr.rlzday
Times crucial information about IsraeYs nuclear program. In September
1986, only a few days before the story was to be published, Vafmmu dis-
appeared. He was trapped by ei.lrher sex, or the promise of sex, 0ffen.d by
an attractbe woman who called herself ""Chdy." Va%arrmustated that on
94 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
Private Investigation
Private eyes have the potential fur actirtg like "traitors," That may happen
when they present themselves as not what they actually are, trying to
gain the trust nnd loydty of tl-teir ""iarget,""only to violate it later and use
it against that "target." In this particular rcspect, private eyes c m very
close to con artists.
Professional Betrayal
This cdegory rcfers to si.tuations where professionals betray the trust and
loyalty of other individuals. Exasnpiles aholmd.. One simple examgie in-
volves therapists who take advantage of the vherability af their patients
and have sex MIith then. A particdarly problematic subcategory of this
case hvolves those professionals who sexually &use children.1" Patients
who come to therapists for support in resolving their psychological prob-
lems surely put: Cheis full trust and loyalty i,n these theragists. mvionsiy,
using that relationship of loyalty and tmst to gaixr access to sexual favors
is a severc.betrayai of trust. Other cases involve physicians who fail to tell
their patients the true nature of their disease, fearing Che patients' reac-
tions, or physicians who perform. unnecmsary surgeries, or lawyers who
cheat and take advantage of thrir clients. These issues are sometims de-
fined as "ethj,cal problems" and involve a varicty of relationships be-
tween professionals and their clients.
Likewise, a category of interest to acadelnics is the potentid vialation
of trust and loyaity between researchers and Chejir sub~ects.The elnphasis
here is on the one-to-one, personal interactions beheen the parties. Oste
such spectacular case was exposed in the spring of 3998 by British TV
Channel 4. In a .fascinating and moving dac~tnnentayabotlC Soviet cos-
monauts h r i Gqarin and.his colleagues, it was revealed that Vladimir
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 95
Brand" Mission. A most dramatic and tragic case involves a rather dia-
bolical. Nazi scheme from World War 11.'" h March 1944 the Nazis in-
vaded Hungary, Adolf E i c b a n n was assigned the gruesome task of
murdering the 8(2(l,f)1)0 Hungarian Jews.""Ve and his group of Nazis
c m to Budapest-and began their yrepara.t.ionsto activate the "final solu-
tion" for Hungarian Jews.'"P The Jews in Hungary werc divided into a
few main groups. "They were, however, w a m of tvhat the Nazis were do-
ing to European J e w "They tried to orga,nize help and created a "'saving
committee." On April 25, E i c h called UoeX band, a Hungarian Jew
to his office a d told him that the Nazis were willing to spare about one
million Jews iF the Allies would provi,de the Wehnnuchf with 10,0(30trucks
(to be used, accordhg to Eichmann, only on the Eastern Front), suhstm-
tial amounts of tea, coffee, cocoa, soap, and m undisclosed amournt of
money;'"""
On May 19, Brand left Hungary (accompanied by Andor '*Bandip'
Crosz) with this diabolical '%"blood for trucks" offer m d went to Turkey
m d from there to Syria. The plm was to prese~~t this "deal" to the British.
Contrary to Britist-r promises, when Brand arrived in Syria, he was ar-
rested by the British autkoritics on June 7,1944, and sent to Cairo where
fie was jmprismed for three and a h& w n t h s . Sowyer B& states that
the order to arrest Brand was issued by Sir Harold MacMichael, the
96 Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty:
~ d Categolaies and Cases
Karski" Mission. The case of the Polish emissary Jan Karski is sorne-
what similar, Toward the end of 1942, Karski left Polmd canying some
alarrning messages to the West about the Nazi systematic eMorts to exter-
mhate European Jews provided by Jebvish leaders hWarsaw As a repre-
sentative of the Polish underground, Kasski met in July 1943 with Presi-
dent Roosevelt and told him what he had wibessed at Belzec, and in fie
fail of 7,944, his information about the extermjnation of European Jews
was published in the United States.13Wike Brand's mission, Karski's in-
Violating Tr~tsl~ l h~y a df f y : Categolaies and Cases 97'
formation failed to elicit a response that was effective in altering the ex-
ternination process.
'These cases are included as illustraticms of professjonal betrayal be-
cause ineach case various professionals were presented with alarming in-
formation but failed to react in an effective way. The tmst and loyalty that
were assumed when both Karski and Brand set on their missions were
broken. Surely, a g ~ a t e response
r could have followed their discfosures
than silence and h a c t i o ~ ~ ,
'The next cell we shall focus on is one where an. outside member c m -
mits violations of trust and loyalty aimed at the collective, Tbere are two
typemofbetrayal in this celt: srtrveillance and espionage.
Surveillance
Surveillance is practiced by the military, by palice, and by private investi-
gators, m d it usually refers to the close supervision of activi.ties of specific
ALthough violatirrg trust and loyalty are not ty~icaliyinvolved
citizens.l.7""
in it, s o m forms of this prac.lice may involve issues of trust, for example,
when a spouse asks that his or her partner be put under surveillance
without that parher's howledge or agreement. Thus, altlnoul;h military
surveilla~cedoes not necessarily involve violating trust or loyalty; other
forms may."% the abstract Itvcl, one can argue that using surveiXlance
(for example, wiretappi"g) violates a generat sense of trust assumed by
citizens, However, when undercover cops and sting operations take
place, a much more specific and concmtc sense of violation oi trust and
loyalty is created.
An undercover agent or a sthg operation is based on instilling in an
unsuspecting target the false feeling that another persun is from the same
cultural group, is loyal, and c m be tnlsted. &ce htyalty and trust are es-
tablished, they are used to trap the unszxspecti;,ng person. Thus, alhough
the undercover agent does not betray the tmst of his masters, he is violat-
ing thr tmst and loyalty of the decei\.ed person.
Staples" ((1997)provocative s~~ggestisn is that Western societies have
experienced a shift Eram focusing surveiBance on specific and suspected
targets to a culture where everyone is a suspect. In contemporary life, we
are all subjected to mmy types of sllrveiilance on a routinc basis. He
refers to this phenomenon as the '"meticulous ritual of power.'? Such sur-
veiliance includes being taped on video cameras in stores, gas stations,
banks, s h a d s , cowts, buses, and worblaces; being; recorded on a d o
tapes in elevators and on telephones, and being tested by polygraphs,
perscmality- tests, dmg tests, genetic screening, and so forth.
Staples's observatiun calls attentiun to the fact that in modern,
information-processing cultures, much information is gathered about in-
98 Violnti~tgTrust and Loyalty: Categories and Cases.
nocmt citizens, many times without their knowledge m consmt. This in-
formation is gathered in formats that offer easy wtriwal. AlChough some
of .this gathering of in.fnrmatim is done for beneficial purposes (for am-
ple, persmal security), it also c m be used against citizens or in ways that
are inappropriat-eand u~~~ustified, Metn &is happens, the issue of violat-
ing trust and loyalty is invoked in full force.
der to the United States h 1948. He established himself there, and in the
mid-1950s he was working in New York City as a photographer under the
n m e Emil R. Gold&. fn fact, he was in c h a s e of the Soviet spy ring in
the Mew York area and in charge of operations in North and Central
America. His contacts with Moscow were made by using radio. abel
made the n?istake of giving a newsboy a hollocv nickel used to transmit
messages, and evmtually the FBI got on his trail. On June 22, 7.957, the
FBI arrested him. In the fall of 1957 he was tried, convicted, and sen-
te~~ced to thirty years in prison. On February 10,1962, he was exchanged
for Gary Powers, the American U-2 pilot whose plane was shot down
over the Soviet Union on May 1, 1960. Abel was trmsferred to train new
intellige~~ceoperatives in the Soviet Union and was later immortalized on
a Soviet stamp.l?(IAbel, one of the most thilented spies known, was clev-
erIy implmted in the United States. He most certainly was not a trajfor.
Summary
Chapters 2 and 3 form a continuurn. In. Chapter 2, X presented the min
classificatory scheme for the different forms of betrayal., classified by ex-
clrxsion/inclusic-rn of membership in collectives and t.he n a m e of the tar-
get. Using Chese axes yields a table in which one can group diffcrtnt types
of violations of tmst and loyalty. Chapter 3 discusses each classification in
the tattle and prowides empirical itlustrations.
'The wedth of taws provides empirical substance to the analysis A ma-
jor goal of this book is to present a comprehensive cmcqtual hamwork
in Which the many different mmifestations of betrayal could he made to
i t . This strategy requires that we become akvare of their mqiriad manifes-
tations,
One immediate conclusion from the presentation thus far is that the ex-
perience of betrayal is very common. There is nothixlg snciologically spe-
cial about betraying or being betrayed. The large number of types of be-
trayal makes a persuasi\le argument for the high prevalence of betrayal.
Betrayal is characteristic of our culture..
The widespread existence of betrayal, together with its s k m g denunci-
ation, indkate that a boundary game is being played here..The behavioral
patterns that: are referred to as "betrayals" m utiljzed by variotls cultural
agents as boundary markers signifJiing differences between right and
wrong. The social ccrnstructims of Judas Iscariot, Benedict Arncrld,
&than Hale, m d Mordechai Vafmunu all i1lustra.t.ethis vividly.
The social cmstmctim of betrayal is a sociological tale of cultural con-
trasts and paradoxes. The w i d e s p r ~ dbrhavior of infidelity a d adultery,
togthcr with the stmng clenunciation of it, p v i d e s a good illustration
for this. Although trust m d loyalty are deeply beld values, their common
violation hdicates that cultuses can absorb q&e a lot of mistrust and
dislnyalty and still function. In other words, betrayal is not tcda-
ated but adds to the calorful mosaic of our cultures, Moreover, mmy
""itraitors" are crucial for continued social life-the whistle-blowers, the
strikebreakers, the infomers, the spies, and others.
Betrayal helps both to mark and to accelztuate existkg moral botmd-
aries, but it also helps to change them-anotlter culltural paradox, h-
deed, many traitors pay a high personal price for their violation of trust
m d loyalty;but sometimes new social organizations m d networks are
created a I q the way.
Part Two
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Treason
Characterizations of Treason
Definitions
W ~ aist our cultural understanding of the term treason?
'The Qxfolii Endish: Dictioni~tydefines treason as "the action of betmy-
ing; betrayal of the tmst undertaken by or reposed in anyme; breach of
faith." The esteemed dictionary calls our attention to an hnportant histor-
ical distkdion by tellhg us that
In old English law, treasan tvas either Izigh Ireasurj, an offense against the
King" majesty or the safety of the commonwealth, or pcfl't or peEfy tre~son,an
offense cornmitt& against a subect. 13etit treasrrrn is now punished as mur-
der, and high treason is usually styled simply Ireas0~2.Many acts of high trea-
son are now treated as trease~nfelony. I-lr'gll Crc~son-~,~" treason prc)per-is in-
tel-p~td as the N ~ i ~ l a t iby
o na subject of his allegiance to his sovereip or to
the state (defined in England in 135&51)."
The Encljclrrpaeda BriiFu~nicupoints out that "the law whieh, punishes trea-
son is a necessary cmsequence of the idea of a State, and is essential to
the existence of the State."B PZ"loscoweadds that treason "is the one nabral
a i m , prmishable at all times asld in all types of social organization."Y
Judging by the socrieta.1reaction to treason, it is ixrdeed one oi the most se-
rious offenses imaginable. Both Nettler and tlurst arc. quick to point out
that treason is the only crime defined in. the United States Consti8ution.la
In Israell the death penalty does not exist, except in a few cases, including
treason. The EZcycdopaedia Brifal~~lim points out that punishments for trea-
son were ""b&barsus in the extreme." b r example, "the sente~~ce in the
case of a man was that the offender be drawn on a hurdle to the place of
execution, that there he be hanged by fie neck not until he be dead, and
that while yet alive he be disernboweled and that then his body be di-
vided into four quarters, the head and quarters to be at the disposal of the
Crownff(women were bumt).ll
John Bullnch
Bulloch" 1966 book folbws a typical route. Following quite a few short
descriptions of cases of treason, his min conclusions are that "thercl. it; a
design, a continuity of trcachev h general, evwy traitor has some defect,
some m t a l ixnbalancc which makes him what he is" (p, 178) and that
""in the years to come it will be . . . the men who believe, who will out-
weigh the weak and the greedy who betray their count-ry fos gain. Those
who commit acts akin to treason will do so consciously and wilhgly, not
weakly md sbpidly" (p. 183).Bullcrch explains thjs shift trYithin the con-
text of the cold war.
Like other authors, Bulloch is puzzled about why certain people be-
come traitors, and he resorts t~ the psychology of personal motivation to
explain this. Me lhns isolates a few reasms for t r e a ~ ~ideological
n: belief,
monetary gain, and social isolation. He even cites a case of t ~ a s o nwith a
homosc-lxualbackground, where individuats were forced into treacherous
acts.'Wis conclusion is very clear: ""Traitors are usually sad men; always
there is something wrong with them, some defect in their character or
some lack in their personal lives, failure in their jobs or in their social ad-
just~xents"((p. El). Ku1.Ior=hfsimpression that "traitors are sad peopleu is
shared, very strongly, by West in her 1901 work. Raitors may be sad peo-
ple (especially those who get caught), but: thrrc. are lots of miserhle and
sad people all arottnd us m d very few of them are traitors in Bullocfi's
sense of the term*
Moreover, Bulloch" list of motivations raises some doubts about char-
acter defects. Is ideologicat belief a consepence of a charactttr defect?
How about greed? 7'r, put it: differently there are mny people with simi-
lar backgrounds m d traits who do not b e c m traitors.
Idndoubtedly several different personal motivations p h y an important
part in traitorous behavjor: greed, blacknnail, sex, ideology stupidi,ty,
vengeance, fear, and sensation seeking, among others, Secmt intelligent
services have dwetoped quite a body of kncrwiedge on this issue. So-
caled intelligence officers, whose nnission is to reesuit traitors, collabora-
tors, m d spies, are trahed to locate the weak spots of their potential re-
cruits and utilize them to fie maximum. Tme, recmit~nentof traitors does
not always occur in this way, but when it does, bowledge of what moti-
vates individuals to act is important and practical. hdividuals who wel-e
themsekes involved in recruiting traitors (for example, spies) tend to
view betrayal through the prism of motivati,on, because this is their
modus opermdi.
:I have selected exmples that ilustrate the dif-ferent types of motiva-
tion~,han approach similar to Bullloch'ss..However, 1 am primarily inter-
ested in the svcinl uatzrrc oi treason and only secondarily hterested in the
question of perscmal m o t h t i o n , Some scholars have p o i ~ ~ t eout
d that
these two are analytically inexlricabk. My effort to untangle the two as-
pects, in the hrrn of prioritization of attention, is done for the purposes of
focusing the interpret&on.
Because persond motivation may reflect cultural preferences, as C.
Wright Mllls pointed out, the "sociological Imagination" rrequil-es that we
examine the "grrsmal" within the "social.'%ather =ason for tbe above
prioritization is that charting the different- mothations provides us with a
finite set of rnotivatims that pmvidcs a typology based on motivation.
However, it leaves open the vestion of why people with similar weak-
nesses and motivations do not become traitors. mus, focusing exclusively
on motivation is, in my vicw, an inherentXy flawed approach because it is
incapable of providing us with a satisl'actcrry explanation about the very
nature of thc phel~ontenon..F~~rthermore, beyond the specific motivations
that may expIain the conversion of any particular individual into a trajtor,
we need to understand the larger cultural and social structures that both
produce and en;tble the very existence of these individual motivatia~~s* In
other words, we need to expose the social basis of Ireason, If we are to ar-
rive at a better understand% oE treason, W must understand fiat it is a
subcatego" of the larger phenomnon o( betrayal and that it is more irn-
portant for us to understand the meaning of this larger category in its rel-
evant social context.
Social life is full of cmflict and cmtradidian. Thus the defmt and the
deviant are nut necessarily undersocializd peripheral misfits or rebels.
Greater eznphasis m the structural and. cultural dimensions of dividcd
loyalty bighiights the sociological dimension of betrayal, providing a dra-
matic alternative to the view that traitors have dckctive personalities or
are just plain evil. Betrayat, in the perspective presented here, becomes
understartdable as an everyday culturai event. Its strucbre is universal,
m d its specific co~~tent
becomes culturally and contextually meaningful.
Treachery- and betrayal are otder than the thirty pieces of silver paid to Judas,
but at the md of the twentieth century they are cancqts that appear increas-
ingly subjectirie, Are whistle-blowers to be discc~uragedas selfish monoma-
niacs, or are they to be celebrated as prc3tectors of valuable rights? Are defec-
tors nothing more than selfish careerists, or are they brave martyrs deQing
oppression to stand on principles? In an era wKch has seen the political pen-
dulum in Europe swing from totalitarianism, to dernocracli; and then back
again to democratic socialism, and during a period when the individual can
be seen tcr have triumphed over the state, the choices are less clear cut. 50
what was it that compelled the minority to try to change history? (p.19)
Rebeeca West
h 1964 Rebecca West drafted one of the classical works in the area of trea-
son, which was republished in 1985. The first edition of her book inte-
grated her previous joumatistic rczports of the trials of Wiltiann Joyce and
j o h Arnery for The New Yorkr. These two individuals faced accusations
of treason at the end of World I/Var II.lWs West" interest in disloyalty in-
creased, she ai-i;ended other treason trials m d hameled her htellectual
pursuit more and m m into espionage. The 1985 Pmguin edition of her
work has a chapter on William Jc-tyce(Lord Haw-Haw), but the book also
delves into cases of espionage after World War XI, hcluding some aspects
of the cold was,
West discusses such cases as the so-catled Cambridge spy ring (men-
tioned in Chapter 3); Emil Klaus Fuchs (a British nuclear physicist who
spied for the Soviets); JuIills and Ethel Rosenberg (Americans who passed
information on nuclear weapons to the Swirts; both were executed in
1953); the 1961 Portlmd case involving five cmicted British spies Mtho
g w e the Sovjets valuable information &nut underwater weapons; the
1963 John Pmhmo affair, which led to the resignation of British prime
minister Macmitfan;'"ohn William Vassal, a British AdmiraIty clerk wbo
was arrested in 1962 and charged with passkg state secrets to the S-viets,
and a host of others. Clearly, W s t focuses on ""tllhg the stories" of some
convicted traitors.
Her conclusions are in two areas.20 First, she points out that the te~~sion
between public and pl-ivate liberties is such that traitors may fulfill. m im-
portant social function of introducing vital change into our cultures-a
h d of positive mutation that helps to crihange the moral bou~zdariesof
society Howeves, West has a much stronger conclusion regading the
dangerous and socially disintegrative nlmidc-ological traitors who c
resist the appeal of monetary rewards. She calls far a swift and m m -
biguous public stand. against traitors. Wheseas West" approach-mpha-
sizb~gthe personal and focusing m the cold war period-has become a
sort of standard, my appmach i s c u l t d and thus conceptually different:
than hers,
Mnrglaret Boveri
The next important work is R/fargaret Boveri's 1956 book, which also sur-
veys a large number of cases of trcason. Without explahing whir, she be-
g h s k r work by disthguishing among three forms of treason: (2) trea-
son; ( 2 ) propaganda; and (3) coilaboration, resistance, and secret service.
This framework serves as the bacbonc structure of her book. Alhottgh
Boveri is interested in personal motivations of betrayal, she is one of the
few who acbally makes a genuirre atternpt to examine treasm from a so-
ciological and histsrieal perspedive, and th~~s-theoreticaZ1y speakng-
her work is sounder and more interesting.
Boveri asks several interesthg questions:
Pincher" 1987 work excels with illustrations about spies. .A large part of
his work is devoted to the motivational issue-why do some people be-
come traitors and others do not. This particukr focus not o111y merits ana-
lytical attention but has s m e strong prartical aspects as welf. Looking at
traitorous spies from a mothational poifit of view may give intelligmce
oMicers some tools for clealing with and recruiting such spies. Fincher, of
course, is not the only author to examhe the motivation of traitors as a
pclssiblc explanatory prineipIe, Both Akerstrom and Frmk Hagan pursue
this perspective, toa.22 The main concept Pincher proposes is MICE-that
is, that traitors are motivated by Money Ideology, Comprmise, or Ego.
He points out that actual motivations arc not discrete and that a complex
colnbination of differmt motivatrions may exist. Moreover, other motiva-
tims referstld to by Pincher as "the Rottti,ng of authority and disrespect
for the law" may play their part as well.
Pinchcr provides a ra&er skaightfmward definition oE beason: ""anat-
tempt to overturn the g o v e m m t @ s t a s h e dby law, including the activi-
ties associated with such an attempt, such as tfne assassin.ation of leadersef'23
This is m intereswg but quite problematic approach. the one hand, a
political hterpretation given to a c r b h a l activity c m very easily accard-
ing to this defhitim, qualify that activiw as treason. Un the other hand,
many cases of traitorclus spies, mentioned by Pinehrr, wodd be dgficuit to
dassjQ as such with this def.nilion. Such individuals as Poilard, the Walker
family of spies, Ames, and Va'munu would hardly qualify as traitors un-
der his definition. A third probtem is his iz~sistcnceon "gwemxnent by
labv;'Wmy dictators, some with horrendous records, wodd qualify u ~ ~ d e r
this definition, Cto individuds who go against them qualify as traitors?
This leads to another problematic &sue. According to Pincher 'S definition,
the activgies of an opposition, any opposition, to any government estab-
lished by any lawf c m be easily portrayed as being treasm.
Piz~cherframes treason wi&in loyalty but adds that a ""traitor" basic
role is to betray trust,"% DistStjng~~ishhg between major m d minor viola-
tions of loyalty, he concludes that one major criterion of treason is the
damage it causes. Uamage he measures by the lmgth of the treason, fie
time context (during times of W ~ Jor. peace), how m y (or whet-her any)
individuals died as a result of the t~acbery,and the threat to the regime,zs
Although not explicit in his analysis, Pincher does point out that secrecy
is an important issue.
Cart J. Eriedra'dz
Friedrich discusses treason with;in a more general discussion of what he
rders tcr as "the pathdcrgy of pditks.'" Examining a variety of such phe-
nomella as violence, corruption, secrecy, propaganda, and betrayal,
Friedrich explores the negatke and positive functions of the existence of
such phenomena. He p o i ~ ~out t s that the legal etefh~itionsof treason can
be easiiy expanded to genccate an understmding that betrayal "consists
of supporting a rival organization, giving aid, whether material or other"
and that ""teason is basically a violation of trust."% Like others before and
after him, Friedrich makes the mativational issue a central one and details
various mntkatims to commit betrayal and trcasm: conflict of loyalties;
ideological cammitmmt; homelessness a d alienation; and persecution
m d ofplaitation o.f mjnorities. Me does mentim that the desire frtr enrich-
mmt can serve as a cause, too (but he omits sex),
However, he is more interested in political forms of t ~ a s o nand,conse-
quently, distinguil;hes five types of treason: (1)a sihnation where old val-
ues clash with new ones; (2) revolutionary treason; (3)involvement with
an external enemy; (4)disrcgading orders of a regime; and (5) involun-
tary treason, when a regime acts in a twasonous way." "Friedrich points
out that betrayal and treason are not necessarily bad and m y actually
have a posi.tive function. Like Boveri, he states that these acts may lead
the way for crucial and important changes. 'rhe July 2(3,1944, plot to kill
Hitler is one example, and the resistmce to the Viebarn War is mother.
Betrayal, argues Friedrich, like other forms of political pathoiogies such
as violence, corruption, secrecy and pmpagmda, facilitates ""theadapta-
tion of a system or regime to changing conditjons occurring either in tl-te
system or in the social substructure, or in the outside environment."
These phenomena aro "interdependentf"; for example, if violace in-
creases, so will treaso11.2"
Friedricb seems to Limit his characterization of betrayaI to cases whesc
secrrcy is fnvolved. fnevitablyfthis particular characterization forces him to
delve into case of espionage*He thus strates that the ""betrayalof military
secrets is the very core of. . . treasonf'29and that "the lure of secrecy consists
h r the possessor of a secrtzt partly infie possibility of betraying iterf30
h d yet Weale" work itself reveals the ideological basis behind some of the
more famow renegades (for example, Amery, Joyce, Bailly-Stewart) m d a
fcw others. :lsr fact, the Nazis searched, for Bri~shsympathizers (not to men-
tion anti-%mites) to help their cause. m a t is so strmge, or wave& in the
worldview of m ideologist? Perhaps from a Westem, democratic contem-
porary perspective ideological commitment seems ""unrealistic,"" even
bizarre, but it only accmbates the skeng.t%tof that ideological commitment.
However, when this explanation faas short, there arc3 always those ""cm-
plex pvchological reasons."
Motivation keeps coming up again and again as an organizing prtnci-
ple. It is indeed an interesting cmcept. "T%leorc.tically,
if we were to take all
h o w cascs of treason and classify Chem according to the motivation of
the traitors involved, we would certahly cmate an interesting list, per-
haps not much different h m similar dassificatory lists of mothations for
espionage."" As important as motivatio~~ is, it alone camot explah trea-
son. To h d a more satisfying interpretation, we have to look at social iin-
teractions m d institutions.
I'secedjrrg Male's 1994 work, Seth's 1973research focused on the eMorts
by the Nazis (aided, to a farge degree, by turncoat John Amery) to per-
suade British and Commonwealth POWs under German cmtroi to join
the wm effort on the Nazi side an$ bccome part of the Nazi Wehrmacht.
The name given to this potential force was the BriGsh Legion of St. Gease,
later known simply as the British Free Corps. Alfiough the Nazis con-
trolled several hw~dredthousand Paws, kwer &an a hmdrcd agreed to
participate in the British Free Corps. Thus, this attempt to persuade a mass
of individuals to viofate their loyalty to, and the tmst invested in them by,
their comtry sirnp)y failed,
There were quite a few famous cases of betrayal in Britain during the
the cold war, especiatfy espionage. As Britain moved from World War 11
to the cold war, there occurred a sociological shift from public and open
dissent (on the baderline of betsayal) to secret and deceptive betrayal.
Although English history is full of anecdotes and accounts of betrayal,
other countries have their share, too. Klernent's 1984 work, mel~tioned
earXier, describes how the American Civil War period was characterized
by heightened conscicrusness of conspiracy and treason. During majm
conflicts, issues of loyalty and trust become paramount. Tolerance for dis-
sidence, deviance, and complex moral stands is almost impossible to sus-
tain. Charges of distoyalty and treasm can be effecthe symbolic toots in
the hands of determined leaders in campaigns to redefine mord bomd-
aries and bolster their own agenbas. During codict, the boundaries be-
t w e n patriotism and treason, between loyalty and betrayal, becorne
clearly delineated; rhetoric creates a social reality where goad is pitted
against evil, with no middle ground. Although KZement focuses on the
American Civil War, he cites other cases that support this historical gener-
alization." Shilas situations occzrrred durj,ng the McCarthy witch-bunt:
against American Colnmunists in the 13511~~ the Stalinist purges and per-
secutims of the 1930s,66 and the 1490-1650 European L\litch-hUnts.67
'The generalization we can make here is that intliznes of crisis and social
change, various moral entrepreneurs will try to take advantage of the
fluid, conhsed, and uncertain situation to redefine the moral boundaries
of the cdture. Their success depends on several factors, chief m o n g
which is their ability to generate, mnbilize, and use power.
Focusing on Treason
Although betrayal on the personal level is an interesthg topic, one about
which numerous novels have been written, our m a h hterest lies with be-
trayal on the nationat, state, collective, or orgmizational level. 'I'he main
reason is that the two elelnents so importmt for our understanding of de-
vianc+morali~ and power-are very salimt there, These elements oifer
us a way to understand treason.
Treason implies violating one" cmmitment, trust, and loyalty to a par-
ticular symbolic moral miverse characterizing a collective. This violation
is conceptualized as an almost universal "crime" and is severely pun-
ished by mast cztlttures.68 Treascl~~ is thus hvoked whe11 m obligation of
allegimce (expressed in terms of trust and loyallty) to a particular social
(and moral) order exists on the individual level and when an intention to
violate that obligation exists, which is duly followed by relevant adioneb9
Committing an act of betrayal requires makQ a moral. decision, Tt means
that at least two different behavior options exist and that one of them is
defined as immoral and treacherous. 'This is an important p i n t . In, many
cases of national or collective t ~ a s m the, mnral choice is not very clear
because one may feel loyal to an idea or to a political, social, or moral sys-
tem different than the one in which that individual lives. Sometimes,
these two are mutuafly antagmistic.
Violating one's trust and loyalty to a nationaf collective, a state, a state
orgmization, or rUIer/s wjll clearly in\Poke a societal reactior~in the form
of m accusation in treason. What makes one choice treacherous m d m-
other not? The cmrial variahle here is power-the power "f those making
the cdtural interp~tationof a specific b&avior to mean that it violates
trust and loyalty in the form of '"treachery." Thus, the successful defiiyli-
ticm (that is, &:be one that is both accepted a d serves as a basis for action)
of any specific person as a traitor is limited to a particular configmtion
of power and mrality Change that confjguration and a different inter-
pretation will emerge.
Lord Haw-Haw (William Joyce), executed by the British as a traitor,
was highly respected and esteemed. by Nazi Germany. Likewise, mem-
bers of the White Rose, executed by Nazi Gemany as traitors, were
fiighly respected bp the nm-Nazi world.. Josephus Flavius, respected by
the Romans, has been considered an archetypical triritor by many Jews, It
is precisely this qualiy of betrayal that is so interesti~ngand worthy of
examining.
This qualiw of betrayal raises mother issue that is relevmt to contem-
porary public discourse. When two or more political or ideollrgical points
of view clash, the risk of a particular choice running h t o culturai inter-
pretations that may define that choice as tl-eacherous is significant. In-
deed, when definitims of treason emphasize that it violates ""atlegiance to
the communityf9he assumption that the nature cJf this "allegimcef~s
nonproblematic needs to be challezzged.
VVorld War I1 raised the issues of loyalty, tmst, and deceit, on both the
personal m d national levels, to a mapitude and intensiv not frequently
found ino&r historical periods. We will be examining the issuc of betrayal
in different countries, but it must be remembered that personal betrayal
was also an issue, for exampk, the bekayal of Jews hiding from the Nazis,
Clne m o u s case involves what: may have been the worst traitor of
Miorld War 11-Hamld (Pole) Cole. When the war began, Cole deserted
the British Army and aligned with the Nazis. Although British intelli-
gence th~r~tght he was helpkg to save the lives of Allied pilots who para-
chuted into occupied Europe, he was actually betrayirrg m n y of them to
the Germans. He was also effec"cive in betraying other Arlird agents. As
the war progressed, he joined the Americans and helped them hunt dokm
his previous German masters. Cole was shot and killed on January 9,
1946, in a shoot-out with the French police in Paris. haz,ingly, among
the people he betrayed to the Nazis was his lover-Suzanne Warren-
who was also the mother of their child."
One general statemat that needs to be made is that clashing armies E-
sort to deception whenever they cm; that is, they deliberately mislead
their oppments and viofate their trust and loyalty. Bp W i n g their enemy
through manipulating their trust and loyalty they can score better and
cheaper victories. MiliQry history has several such episodes: the Jilpmese
attack on Pearl Harbor; the surprise attack of Egypt m d Syria on Israel in
0ctol;ler of 1973; and the surprise Nazi comteraeack in the Adernes (the
Rattle of the Bulge) in December 1%4. However, manipulating the trust:
and foyalty of oy-pctnents is not restricted to the military field. Hitler cer-
tainly manipulated both the Atlkd powers and the Soviets before the be-
g h i n g of World War IIby signing international agreemel~tshe had no in-
tention of keeping and by violathg them whenever it suited his purposes.
Reseaxhers in =cent years have even speculated that Churchill was in-
volved in similar nrrmipulatiol~s* First, Rusbridger and Nave (1991) assert
that by not telling Roosevelt about the impending attack on Pearl Harbor,
Churchill ensured the entry of the United Statres into World War E. Sec-
ond, K'tlaer (1994) mintains that by deliberately ignoring Rudolf Mess's
(Hitler" deputy) mission of peace to England. (Hess" strange flight to
b g 1 m d occurred on May 10,1%1), Churchill guaranteed that the Soviet
Union would be dl-agged into World War If. Kilzer even implies that
Hess's mission was genuine and that it could have prevented botfn the
war and the extermination of Europem Jews. f i r d , Uennistone (9997)
states that England used secret s:ignaf intelligence in an attclmpt to get
Turkey involved in the war m the side of the Allies and to help open a
second front against Nazi Germany in the Balkans. With this ifiroduction
and the illustrative cases in mind, let us examine the first category of
World War 11cases.
Violating Tr~tsl~ l hyalty
~ d D ~ i r i ~Worlc2
fg War 11: Part l
Fifth CoXumnism
The threat of growing populaf support for fascism was very real in t-he
early 1930s.6 As we shall see in the case of Kng Edward Vlfl (later Duke
of W i n d s o sysympathy fur fascism. touched some prominent figures, who
f o r m d various networks of sympathizers,
In the szxlnrner of 1940, Major Genmal Willjam Donovm, director of the
Ofice of Strategic Services (055) during World War f1,7 helped to draft a
132 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part l
Nazis. The '"German mjnority" 'issue was just an excuse used for public
consumption. The real motivation was one of racial Gern-tm hegemcmy
m d expansionism, as indeed stated quite blwztly in Mitlds Neirr I ( u ~ l t ? f :
Regard.less of this, German minorities were called upon (and expected)
by the Nazis to aid them in their political and territorial claims before and
after the Nazis seized power, The nature of this help ranged from poEticd
support to espionage, conspiracy, smuggling weapons and. explosives,
and sabotage..
7"he most comprehensive work abed fifth co s is that by Louix De
fang," De fang examined meticulously the e ce of a possible Ger-
man fifth cdumn, country by country, in Spain, Austria, CzechoslovaZtia,
Poland, Norwy, Balkans, Switzerland, and in more generd terms, in
Western and Eastern Europe and the United States. The answer she pro-
vides to questicms of the existence and effectiveness of Nazi fifth columns
e o m hmd, &ere can hardy be a doubt that elements of
sted. That is, there were ;indeed German mhorities (and
gmizations) whose goal it was to &stabilize the regirne
of their host corntries and cause its downfall. Although the most preva-
lent activity of these organizations was espionage, they were also FR-
volved 117 sbotage and tried to disr?lgt daily life. However, the frevency
size, and type of aclvities of these organization
different countries. For example, whereas fifth-co
strong in Czechodovakia, it was virtuaily nonexistent in Poland. Uc: Jong
notes that the activities of these Pllazi sympathizers resdted partially from
instructions that came directly from Nazi Germany (for example, pre-
A~zsChlzi~;~Austria) and partially from these imdividuals' w n interpreta-
tim of their identification with Nazism. Werc they effectbe? Again, the
answer is complex and is case specific.
'fhey were quite effective in Czechohvakia. Konrad Henlein had al-
ready established a Nazi-like party inOctober 1933. Durhg the 15335elec-
tions, this party wan about 60 percent of German-speaking voters. The
activities of the pro-Nazi H d e i n i s t movement w e very h d p M to
Hitkc Theis continuous provocative agitation in the St~detenland(which
increased after the Austrian-&man Anschluss in March 1938) apparenq
helped to persuade the British that the Nazi clairn to parts of Czechosto-
vakia had ""smething to it" m d that Czechoslovakian htegrity could no
lmger be maintahed. That the Czech government was very effective in
quickly and siiviftly squdching the specific September 1938 agitaticm was
of no usc? to Czedosfovakian nationd integrity. l-he weak state ol the
British a r m d forccs at that tim.e, coupled with what appeared to be a dis-
belief that Czechoslovakian unity could be maintained, contributed to the
sig~zingthe Munich Pact. hdeed, follawhg that 9pternber 1938 agree-
mmt, the Sudetenland was gi-ven to Nazi Germany, and Monrad Henleh
was =ply rewarded by the Nazis with the appolntrnent as head of the
Sudetenland. :ill May 1939 he was promoted to the position of Gauleiter,
heading the civilian adminjstrdion, jn Czechoslovakia,l4
However, De Jong points out that in mmost of the cowtries she sur-
veyed, t-he German rninority was not strong or organized as an effective
politicd force. M a t most Nazi sympathizers in most c o t ~ ~ ~ t rdidi e swas
simpIy to talk loudy about their new belief and used Geman Nazi in-
sig"ia and figures in public as pofnts of identification. It needs to be
added that in such countries as Holland, Switzerland, and Britain, the
German groups, as such, simply dld not have legitimate grievances. Can-
sequently, Nazi organizations in these countries never acquked extensive
popular support. C)ne examfle is South Mrica, where the government ex-
posed and broke a Nazi organization.
Obviously, the Nazis were always interested in increasing tensions and
unrest in societies that ob~ectedto them, and so they always encouraged
subversive activities ai-nned at promothg such disintegrative processes,
The best case of this is Austria. It is quite clear that Kurt von
Schusehnigg" Ai?Lurian gover~nme~~t fell because of the systematic activ-
ity of a group of Nazis, headed a d supported by Berlin and Munich.
ism had a rathctr problematic empirical existence in
World War 11. As a conceptual propagmda tool, it was priceless,.At a time
of great anxiety and uncertajnw the idea that some sort of widespread
pclwerful secret conspiracy existed, wbose purpose was to disintegrate
countrks frorn withjn, k d hjdder~fears and was used to expla,in s m e
otherwise puzzIing phenomena (for example, the rapid collapse of
France). However, a careful examinaticm, country by country, for the exis-
tence of a fifih colurnn reveals a complex reality that. is not very support-
ive of the concept, As couXd be expected, fnllowing World War If, the term
slowly vanished frorn use. 'f'he main reason for this was probabty that
cptions (for cxamplc, Austria), no genzline widespread
actually existed, a realization that became quite clear
during the poritwar years.
It needs to be added t-hat the abovc conclusiorl is valid on:ly if cve take
the term. "fifth column" tto mean a well-organized cmspiratmial body, as
the tern originaily memt. If we reintevret the concept to denote a body of
sympathizers, then the term could be used to mean the faciljtation of
change from one political/cultural form to mother. Haweves, such a rein-
terpretation of the term, eliminating its origil~aiconspiratorial naturt~,
raises other difficutties. For example, what il a large part of the populalion
of a country-penly and publicly-befieves that the country slnould fol-
low a path that others object to7 What if others view this part of the popu-
lation as treacherous or as composh~ga fifth col~x~m? Clearly in a situa-
tion where a populatim is so badly split between different worldviews,
136 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part l
and one part decides to use the rhetoric of trcason to describe its disagree-
ment with dissenters (that is, to &legitimize oppcments as disloyal and
untrustworthy), the concept of fifllh columnism becornes completely in-
valid and useless, .An example that comes to mind is the accusation made
by so many in the Jewish Israeii political right (and religious right) that tbr
Israeli left is "treacherous" "(same have even used the term "fifth c~lumn"),
.As recently as Novmber 1939, accusations were made in Israel by some
ultra-Orthodox Jews that hnmigrmts from Russia to Israel constituted a
i & h colwm because they werc set on corrupting the country.
Collaboration
The delinition of the term ""cllaboration" is context dependent, In the
neutral sense of the term, it means cooperation, or harmonictus wmk and
effort. Many professional, academic, polj.tical, and economic teams "'col-
laborate." However, within the non-neutral context of a conflict, or war,
the term typically denotes something like "working with the other (cm-
emy) side" or helping occupyjng hrces.. Thus, the meaning of the term
depends on me%ppoit of view that is, on morality and on one" ppower to
enforce particdar moral intevretaticms.
For example, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, what Israelis have de-
fined as ""PaI.estinian assistants,""in what map appear as a positively
charged jargon (suyfm in M r e w ) , were ~ f e r r e dto as despised ""collabo-
rators'"~ othcr I'alestinians. It is signiS'icant that even in Issaeli E-fcbrew
slang, such Palestinian coltaborators have been referred to as sht inkus,
meanrr7g '"hose who stinkH-clearly a negative rc-rferenct-1. Overall,
arotlnd 5,000 I'alesthian collaborators (mostly undercover) have helped
Israel in its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, of whom around
1,200 have been murdered by other Pale~thims~15
Intelligance (poljce and military) colla,borators have a limit-rd lengCh of
operational life. After that, the organization that used them must shelter
them, sometimes for very long periods of t h e . The question of betrayal
arises at two poiints in the career of such col1;rboratars: the decision to col-
laborate and l& after the operational period ends.
CoIIaboration forces into sharp focus the issues of morality and power,
as well as those of trust and loyalty-their direction and violation. 81-
thou& there are different Qpes of collaboration, I shall continue by fa-
cusing on one of those types-dlaboration within the cmtext of a na-
tional conflict, which is an integral part of treason.
Background
The general back;mund in Europe after World War I was one of major
eccmomic crisis and st-radows of both cclmmunism and fascism looming
over the fand. This was a period of unrcst, unrertainv, confusion, and op-
portunity regarding changes to boundaries of morality. The ascent of
Hitler's National %cialism must be viebved wit-;hinthis context..'The Eu-
rope that Hitler was facing had quite a few fascist mwements, most of
whjch were rather sympathetic to him. Mussoli~~i's Italy and Franco's
Spain moved directly into fascist totalitarian social orders, Other caun-
tries had fascist movements, but not as strong. Thus, for yuite a few peo-
ple, t.he "choice" appeared to be between communism and fascism (or its
Nazi varimt).
Let" briefly review some of the key dates and events durirrg the period..
tlitler was appointed chancellor on fanuary 30, 1933. Following the
Reichstag fire on March 5, 1933, Germny went to Reiehstag electictns.
The Nazis won 288 uut of 647 deputies (44.5 percent). After consolidation
of Hitter's power, new elections in November gave the Nazis 93 percent
of the votes. In Mar& of 1936, Germany denolmced the Locarno Fact, and
German troops were sent to the mineland, In March of 1938, German
troops crossed the border i ~ ~Austria.
to September 29-30 witnessed the
pitiful and wretched appeaserne~~t attempt at Munich by French premier
Daladier and British prime minister Chamberlain to Hitler and Mus-
solinfJ6 I'he s p r i ~ ~ g summer of 1939 witnessed quite a few puhlic calls
and
to Hitler to avoid war, to no avail.
Germany attacked Poland m Septesnber 1,1939, and World War 11 be-
gan. Within a short period of time, Nazi Germany occupied and cm-
trolled much of Europe: Belgium surrendered in May 1940, France
yielded in June 1940, and Romania in October 1940, fln 1941 Germm
troops marched into Bulgaria (March), launched major offensives in
Pllorth Mrica, Yugosl,avia, and Greece (April), and on J w ~ 22,
e the victori-
ous Nazi Miehrmachf attacked the Soviet Union. German U-boats experi-
enced ml-tjor victories in the Atlantic, and Britain was heavily bombed
from the air, Until the summer of 1941, and following the hitial Nazi vic-
tories on the Russian f m t , Europe seemed to yield to Hitler. But FR 1943it
began to be clear, as the W-boats werr;, losing the Battle of the Atlantic,
Staijngrad was rcltaken bp Sovkt troops, and the Nazi M'mth Afsican cam-
paign was collapsing, that Nazi Germany was probably gohg to lose the
war. In June 19.24, follwing the landintgs of Allied forces in Normndy it
became obvious that Nazi Germany was loshg the war. 'The question
was, how tong before it wauld collapse completely, That happened in
May 1945.
similar situation. Both German)i and. Japan controlled large areas and
popdations using relatively small military forces. How was that possi-
ble? Warmbruun (1943) suggests two major a causes for the swcess of
that control: (1)swift and decisive military defeats; m d (2) threats to use
violence and actual use of it. What was one supposed to do? HW was
one supposed to behave under one of the mast ruthless and racist
regimes to have ever existed on this planet?
Collaboration and resistance . . . are vague [terms] and defy precise defini-
tion; callaboratian could mean anything from volunteering for the Wlfen
S.S. to buying a picture pastcard of Marshal Pktain, likewise "resistance""
could be derailing an enemy troop-train or singing an obscene parody of
"Lilti Marlene'"! Qtitflejohn 2 972:336)
Czechoslovakia
The f i n i c h Pact (Sptember 29-31),1938), in MIhich Ex~glandand France
agreed that: Nazi Germany could acquire the Sudetenland, actually
meant the end. of Czechoslovakia as m independent state. It dld not take
long. Within a few months Nazi Germany took over the S u d e t e n l d ,
Poland seized a small border district, Slovakia became a vassal. German
state, and the leftovers of Bohemia and Moravia were occupied by the
Nazi military in March 1939, If citizens of Czechoslovakia, a d the Czech
p~""den,t,Eduard BeneA, viewed Western countries with scorn and sus-
picion and felt betrayed by both Enghnd and French, who can blame
them? In a hopdess policy of appeasement, French and Engfish politi-
crjans sacrificed the integrity of Czechodovakia, exposed its citizens to
Nazi rule, and.certainly did not ach-ieve the. goal they wanted-the pse-
vention of another world war. The Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia
was relatively be11ig11; the Nazis felt that they could maximize economic
explojtatim and. squeeze more out of Czechoslovakia by using benign
means rather than by using harsh repression. Correspondingly, resis-
tance to Nazi occupat-ion was not very strong, at least not until the 1940%
The most notable act of resistance was the assassination of Reinhard
Heydrich (May 27, 1942) by Free Czech agents (trained in Ex~glmdand
pamachut.ed into Czechoslovakia for the task). His dealh, a week later, re-
sulted in the Nazi massacres and destruction of the villages of Lidire
(June 9,1942) and Lezaky.
Folfowlng the November 1938 Munich Pact, Eduard BeneB resigned his
post as president.24 His successor was Ernil Hacha. Put under bmtat, pres-
sure in Berlin, sixty-seven years old, and in poor health, Ilaeha s i p e d a
surrender document in Mar& 1939. i2Ithough he continued to serve as
the nomisral head of state of what was left of Czechoslovakia, the state
was actually managed by its Nazi rulers." Mastny points out: that
Czechoslovakia was Nazi Germany's first conquest m d remained u ~ ~ d e r
Nazi rule the longest time, Ui~derpleas from Emil Hacha" government,
Czechs were asked to refrain from acts of resistance. However, the assas-
sination of Heydrich (ordered by the C,ondon-based BeneA) unleashed a
campaign of terror by the Nazis, Mashy claims that by 1942 the Nazis
had sirtlply crushed the Czechs popuiar will to resist, a situation that re-
mained in effect u11ti.l the end of the war, and that ""at no time did the
Czechs challenge the Nazis with a significant resistance movement."'""
142 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part l
It is difficult not to ask whether Hacha was a traitor and thus examhe
what some view as his tragic rde. He was sympathetic to Nazi G e r m y
before Ihe N'azi occupation of Czechoslovakia, urged his people to sup-
port the n i r d Reich, and expressed satisfaction and joy at Germay's vic-
tory over Frmce.27 Al-thtrugh he was arrested after the war and died in
p"son kvaithg for his trial on charges of col1ahnrati.on and treaso~~ (Jwne
27,19451, it is clear that he tried. his best to keep as much of what was left
of his country intact and independent. However, that task was bopeless
under Nazi rule. mough not as powerful and strong as Vichy's P&tain,
Ilacha was cast into a somewhat similar position." It is noteworthy thctt
the collaboration of the Czechs was very useful for the Nazis. In 1941, for
example, Czech industry provided about 30 percent of German armor, 40
percent of its automatic weapons, and close to one-third of its trucks, Ob-
wiousiy, there were s w e good reasons for the relatiwely benign treatment
of Czechoslovakia by the Nazis. Nevertheless, close to 70,000 Czech Jews
were sent to their dcaths,29 and close to 35C),OO Czechs perished as a re-
s d t of Nazi occupation+^^
MacDonald and K a p m provide an illustrative descriptim of life u d e r
Nazi occupation in Czechoslovakia. For example, in January 1941 the
BBC called people under Nazi occupation to mark the letter "V" m walls
as a sign for "vicbory-" Compliance of people in Prague was enthusiastic
because this behavios offered a fnrm of resjstance and a marking of moral
boundaries in a way that did not pmvoke bloody reprisals. Moreover, the
campaign was very sz-lccessful throughout Europe until the Germans
themseIves adopted this s i p . In the summer of 1941 Prague was flooded
with huge 'V signs-n walls, Locomotives, and bulletin boards. Ger-
mans used the sign to proclaim faith in G e r m victory.31
Two possible cases of betrayal may be exmjned. in the Czech context.
One was durkg the Sudetenland crisis. a r k g that crisis, which began to
heat up durhg April 1938, Konsad He~~leh-headof the German Sude-
ten party in reality a Nazi party-caffed. for autonomy for his people.
tlenlein's politicd agitation was very useful for Nazi Germany and
played directly into Hitler's expansionist inte~~tions. Although by %p-
ternher 15, 1938, the Czech government had the agitation under control,
and Henlein Red to Germmy, the Munich Pact voided that control. Fol-
lowing the Munich Pact, Henlein was appointed the Gauleiter of the
Sudetenlmd in Octuber 1938. The fact is that he exercised little power,
and many of his supporters were kilkd by the Nazis. In I945 Henlein
committed suicide whj.le in an Allied internmelnt camp.
The other case occurrcd follwing the Nazi mcupatioan of Czechoslava-
kia when a Local Czech political organizaticm was allowed to exist-fie
National Cooperation-headed by the Czech fascist General Rudolf
Gajda. Cwld Gajda and Henlein be considered traitors? Indeed, they as-
sisted in the disintegration of their corntry and participated in a process
that meant the end of Czech independence and srtbjugation to Nazi Ger-
many. Fmrn this pojnt of view, they indeed vi,olated the basic trust and
loyal.ty beween citizens and their corntsy. However, both were also cam-
rnitted fascist Nazis and &ought that their ccnantrfs genuine good future
was with. Nazi Germany, and their actions were based on that belief. mey
trusted, and were loyal to, Nazi Germany and they displayed their pref-
erc.nce in public. 1t is interesting to note that at the ertd of World War 11,
Czechnslovakia regained the Sudetenland, and under the terms of the
Potsdam Allied Agreements (July-August 1945), the Sudetenland Ger-
man popdation was expelled.
.April and early May of 1940.3"ose Polish dficers were among 180,000
other Polish prisoners of war who fell into the hands of the Red A r y
during the Nazi-Soviet partition of P d m d in 1939.3"ese murders, ob-
viously, raise some interesting questions of trust and loyalty between
Poland and the Soviet Ul~ionunder Stalin,
Denmark
Two Nazi German djvisions invaded Denmark on April 9, 19it0, Capen-
hagm was taken within twelve hours, and Denmark accepted the Nazi
cxcupation. Denmark was not the target of the German military move,
but controlling Clensnark was crucial for the German military campaign
against Norway.
The Dmish gover ent was alilowed to mainta,in parts of its powers,
and such osganizations as the police, courts, and even the laws were re-
tained. Even a downsized Uanish army was allowed to exist. Clearly, the
Danes wanted to keep as much of: the country's administratim as possi-
bfe in Danish hands, and a national coalition was formed fcrr that pur-
pose. b r such a policy to succeed, the Gemans had to be persuaded that
a genuine coclperatio~~existed. It did, for a long time (1940-1943). 011the
other hand, it was expected by the Danes that the German interference in
Denmark's internal affairs would be m h h a l . It was not. The Germans
kept dentmding military equipme~~t, removal of ministers, and so on. To
prevent a compulsory conscription to the army, about 100,000 Danish
workers were required to go to Gemany. bliowing the Nazi invasion of
the Soviet Union, the Danish Communist Party was banned, and the
Danes had to agree to the recruit.m.ent of the so-called Danish Free C o v s
to patkipate in the war effort. &tit 1943, most of the Danish population
seemed to have supported a po:[icy clf collaboration in =turn for litnited
independence.
AIthough a small Dani.sh Nazi party existed in Denmark even beforc
the German iwasion and occupation of the country, it must be noted that
many Danish diplomats outside Denmark supported the Allies, Such
Danish territories as Greenlmd, Iceland, and the Faeroe Islasrds became
available to Allied forces, and lrhe Danish merchant fleet sailed to Allied
ports and heiped the Allied war effort. The I>anish colla,hmation with Ihe
Nazis was strained.
As the German demancis on the Danish eccmamy grew and military
losses for the Nazis increased, Danes became mare defiant. h 1943strikes
occurred, m under;gmund Freedom C o r n 3 was created, and when anti-
Semitic laws were introduced (October 19$3), most of the country's 8,1100
Jews had already been moved to n e ~ ~ t rSweden.
al In response, the Nazis
tightened their totalitarian grip on Denmark. By 1944 the Nazi occupation
of Denmark resembled the occupation in other areas, and much of the
Danish independence was withdrawn. Danish resistance grew day by
day, thrking on the lack of inner factions, m d was ready fnr a full-scale
rebellion. That became umecessary when the German military surren-
dered an May 5,1945,35
The nature of the Dcanish collaboration with the Nazis is interesting,
The thecrrtrltical trade-off was ""cllaboration" for "limikd independence."
For a \zrhile, this poiicy worked as cxpected and apparently mjoycd pop-
ular support. Thus, the use of the term "ttreason" in this particular context
may be inappropriate because violation of the trust and loyalv of most of
the Danish pop~~1atio11 cannot be established.
After the war, 14,(MO prison sentences were given to Danes accused of
collaborating with the Nazis (that is, &out 374 Danes out of every 100,000
WC"= jailed for this offease). Demark also carried out twenty-three out of
forty-six death sentmccs it passed against collaborators.36
trator, it was also dotted with various political controversies and codicts.
Quisling did not hide his moral, political, or ideological views, and he
tried to expand the power of his position. Evezztually, an March 3, 1933,
@isling was forced to resign. His main achievements were the crctation
of a state militia ( k i d e ~ g r zand
) his rise from rczlativr anonymiy to one of
Norway" recognized (md controversial) figures,
After resigning as minister of defense, Quisling formed in 1933 the
Nasjonai Sading (N.5.-National Unilrn Party), over which he had com-
plete control. The N.S. emphasis on nationalism was attractive to some
young people, and its antilabor stands attracted some support from busi-
ness people. Morwer, Quislhg and the N.S. never hid their affhity and
adnniration for Nazi Germany (and fascist Italy). Mast N.S. supporters
were young and joined for ideological reasons; others simply believed
and admired Quisling perscrnatly. Hwever, the party did not attract
many supporters and did, wry poorly in the 1933election. Nationally, Ihe
Nasjonal Smling
Following the 1933 election, the N.S. made some changes to its plat-
.form, the most siwiffcant of which was a gradual transition between 1934
and 1936 to fascism, both in ideology and in adoptLng @pica1&zi-i-like
external s i p s (wjl7gthe Nazi salutre from 1934, and ~ f e r r i n gto Quislinl;
as the parfiJ@ret.r,or simply as the Fgrer, meaning the leader)>"
The 1936 election put the N.S. to a real test of power, the test of a basi-
c d y nondemocratic party ccrmpethg for power within a democratic
framework. Quisling gradlaally fmused his antagonism on the demcxratic
system itself, and by doing that d o m e d the N.S. and himself to a mar-
ginal role in a poputatim that embraced demwraey. ong other things,
s o m N-S. meetings were the scelles of violent: clashes.43
The general election took place on October 1936, and the N.S. won
only X,S77 votes ( t h t is, less than in fie 1933Action in absolute terms).
The N.S. vote declined .from 2.23 p e ~ e nof t the total vote in the 1933elec-
tion to 1.83 percent in 1936. The derlis\e in rural areas was from 1.76 per-
cent in 1933 to 1.4 percent in 1936 (a dmp from 14,942 to 14,Ef votes) and
in urban arws kom 3.21 percent to 2.74 perce~ztfa, drop from 12,908 to
12,426 votes). The N.S. was clearly losjng supgost.4 The drop FR support
and populaity had its impact m the N.S., and in 1936-1937 it exgeri-
enced cfisintegration and gradually turned into kvhat Hoidal refers to as a
margirral sect." Consequently, during 1937-1W3, &is&% begm to turn
more of his attenticm to Nazi Germany.
Quisling's first contacts with the German Nazi Party had been made in
the early 1930s. In 1934 the head of the Scmdinavim desk of the Nazi
Partvs office for foreign affairs (headed by Mrcrd Roscnbergl-Thilo vctn
Trotha-visited Norwa)i and attended the annual meeting of the N.S. in
Stiklested." h e Nazis, however, wew fuliy knowledgeable about the dis-
integratim and insigrlificance of the MS., and they were not too enthusi-
astic about either Quisling or the N.S. tn 1933 Quisljtng sent congratula-
tory cables to both Franco in Spain (February 28, 1939) and Hitler (April
20,1939). Hitler was referred to as a ""hro." A lower clerk for Frmco ac-
knowledged receipt of the message, but Hitler never responded." The
Nazi attitude toward Quisling and the N.S. was clearly illformed and am-
bivalent. Mowever, this amt?ivalence did not prevent the Nazis from sup-
porting @isling, or Hitler from meeting hixn.4"
The main reasan for these contradictions and zigzags was that although
the Nazi foreip office had a realistic evaluatim of Q~zisli~~g's m r g k a l po-
sition, Hitler either lii.Ked him or thought that something could be gained
from Quishg. In fact, during their first meetings, one of the topics they
discussed was Germmy-Norway cooperation. It is clear that h that meet-
ing Quisling presented to FXitkr his plans fclr a pro-Nazi coup in Norway
Quisling was interested in politjcal cotzperatiltn and in Ncrrway becoming
an indegerrdel~tpro-Nazi state within a Nazi German federation. AI-
fiough E-fjAlcr delayed his response to W s l h g " hitiatke, the Nazis we=
v i c k to trandate Quishg" ?;&tic& aspirations into practical mititary
terns. 'They were h the process of pl k g their offensive to hvade and
conquer Norway#and they recognized that Quisling cou%d,be useful.
Wen the legitimate Norwegian gwernment left Norway followhg the
Pllazi invasi.on of April 9,1940, Quisling announced 811 t%le radjo that he
had become both the prime minister and foreip minister and was head-
ing a national government. That government was headed by a man who
had failed in two elections and was certainly pro-Nazi However, the
Nazis remined ambivalent, On April 15,1940, wit-hin a week of the inva-
sion, they dismissed him because-among other things-he could not
maiintain a stable governmelrt and he attracted too much hostility. Instead
of QQuisling's national government, an Administrative Council was crc-
ated, and Nazi Germany appointed a Reichkrtmrszissnu to rule the con-
quered country-Josef Terboven.
nrboven, a bank clerk by profession and a party official in the Rhine
prowince, was summoned to Hitler's office cm April 19 and told &at he
was to becom t-he chief Nazi admiaistrator in Nmway, effective April 24,
1940, Terboven was to administer Norway brutally, cruell~u;and ruth-
lessly, as ordered by Hitler, until the end of WorId War ZX, On May 8,1945,
Terboven committed suicide in Norway.49
Of course, @isling was su& a true believer that he never gave up. His
politicai aspirations created a cl-zrcmictension between him and 'lefboven.
150 Viotalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'lfg WurIcZ War 11: Part l
Quisling's failure to attract a mass membership was largely due, in the final
analysis, to the ~ ~ b v i fact s he was perceived as a collaborator. He was
~ u that
directly associated with the power that had deprived N o w a y of its saver-
eipty. His insistence that he was carrying out a carnpaip to win back inde-
pendence tzrithin a greater Germanic federation was disregarded as inronse-
quential prcypaganda by the ovem-helming majsriq.
The public" svew of him as a traitorous canspiratc>rbecame even stmnger
as the arcupation progressed because af his ads. To prove to the Germans
that he deserved to be trusted as the head of government, he assisted their
war efhrt by taking part in the formatian of NoweGan military units, re-
cruited to fight on Germany" bbehalf.51
. . . The o>vem-helmingmajority of the pclopte regarded their opposition to
N.S. as a fight against evil, . . . N.S. was further weakened by its inability to
a"tract influential people into its ranks.'"
C:harges of collabomtion and treason did not end, with the execution of
Quislirrg. Almost 93r00C)individuals suspected of being comected to the
NS.were illvcstigatd. They jncludcd nnt just N-S. mclntbers but non-N.5,
collaborators as well, Abrsut half were either found not guilw or not brought
to bid. AIt;hou& 46,085 Norwegians were fomd H l t y most wert, passive
NS.members who received penalties ranging from Hnes to deprivation of:
civil rights for limited periods. &out 18,000 people were hprisoned., By
1948 onb 3,2W remahed in prison," Of every 100,WQNorwegims, 633
werc in pis011 for charges of coliaboratiol1,~7and of the thirty Norwegians
who werc sentenced to death,hiventyfive werc actually executed."
A1:hough Quisling is constructed as a genuine traitor, his treason has
problelxatic aspeds..He ide~~tified with Nazi Germany m d believed that
:Norway should. be an independent state within a German-dominated
federaticm. He did everything in his power to realize this end by collabo-
rating with, the Natzis- Uflfortmately fol. him, very few Norwegims were
wilahg to embrace his '"vision," which, so m n y of them, apparently, con-
sietered a frightfut nightmare. It was that; inconsistmt and deceptive for
Qlljsling to deny at hjs trial the obvious facts djsclosing his inti,mal.e rela-
tions, conspiracies, and collaboration with the Nazis.59
Luxembourg
The tiny country of Luxembourg, with a population of close to 300,000
people, was occupied by the:Nazis on h'lay 10. The ruling family a d g w -
ernment escaped to England where they formd a government in exile,
Although most Luxembourgians did. not welcome the Nazis, about 2,000
joi~~edthe German military. After the war, about 10,001) Luxembourgians
faced charges of colla,boration wjth the Nazis.61
France
01June 22, 1940, wi&k &out six weeks of the successful Nazi invasion,
Frmce's mrnilltary nrracK11e was hcapacitated by the s~~perior
msibry war
juggernaut of Nazi Geman5 and France was forced to s i p m amistice
agreement with the Nazis. Drnk7-phes that when the French a m y R-
treated, French citizens, fearhg German reprisals, prevented the French
Army from sabotaging bridges or even f,hting sometimes, French losses
156 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part l
were astounditsg: about 90,QUO dead and 20Q,000 wounded, plus about 1.9
million prisoners or mil;sing. France was divided into several administra~ve
areas,From that point in time, the issue of French collaboratio~~ with the
:Nazis became a paistful and,complicated. reality for the French. Of the areas
into which Frmce was divided, the sou&em zone is of most interest ta us.
The? Vichy. minister of war, General Colson, on July 12 ordered him tried for
treasc)~and desertion in time of war. This time (August 12) the ver-dict was
. . . death in absentia and confiscation of all property.
158 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part l
Pktain later wrote: "This .\rerdictwas required by the need for discipline, to
set an example, in order to stop the exodus of French. officers out of the coun-
try, but it is dear that this verdict in absentia can only be in principle- It has
never been my t b u g h t that it tzrorald be impc>sed."78
Robert Brassillach, the young editor of the pro-Vichy Je Suis Partout, insbted
. . . that he acted in the best interests of his country. He had undoubtedly
been consistent. His views as a journalist had been fascist before the war.
Brassiltlach had simply not changed them. He died before a firing squad on 6
February 4945 at the fortress oaf Mcmtrr~ragewith a cry of ""Courage! Vive la
Fra~tcel'~88
Although after the war many of the collaborators wercl. pmsecuted and
pmi&ed, the scope of these prosecutions is djfficult to assess. ""lFrance,
more than 6,000 m m and womm were condemned to death for collabora-
tion with the Germms, let alone those who met a summary fate immedi-
atety after the liloeration."g% different set of numbers is provided by
Dank who notes that French courts had to deal with 125,000 cases of
women m d men who were charged with cdlahoration with the Nazis
and betraying France. Of those, 2,853 were sel~tencedto death, and of
those, '767 were actually executed. According to Dankf post-VVorld VVar 11
France sent to firing s ~ dmow s people than any other occupied country
in Europe.%Archer provides still a diffemt number: "ln f 946, the Frezzch,
purgi,g citizens who had turned collaborationist durlng the Nazi occu-
pation, arrested half a miilion men m d women on chargemof trea~on.~'gI
Novick's work also tried to assess this issue and is probdly the better
one, He maintains that f r m the k n w n cases in, the Cmrs de justice,
45,017 were not prosecuted m d 50,095 were heard; around 39,000 were
sent to prison. G v i c k notes that "presidential commutations spared all
but 3 of the 8 men sentenced to death by the High Court, and all but 767
of the 2,853 scmtenced to death by the cows lie justice.""- En the Chambrrs
civique, 67,965 cases were processed." Novick also tried to assess some
summary executions statistics, His research indicates that there are two
sets of data. &e set indicates that 5,234 cases occurred before liberation
and 4,439 after it (totaling "3,673cases). 'The second set considers cases
where the motive could, not be established satisfactorily (1,955 cases) and
adds prt?- and post-liberation cases (8,867) for a total of 30,822 cases.94
Havhg painstakingly examisred the issue of the magnitude of sunmary
executions of suspected collaborators, Novick comes to the conclusion
that the "official numbers" (ranging between 9,200 and 11,100 cases) must
be taken as a minimum. The methodological problem in\rolved i,n assess-
ing the numbers, and hence the magnitude of the French reaction to col-
laboration in this regard, am simply too complex to be solved. Ilowewer,
even these mhimal numbers are high, and Novick indeed adds that "94
out of every 100,000 Frenct-rmm were hprisoned for coll.aboration,"'""
Clemency however, began in 1947, and in March 1954 all punishments
given in absentia wert? canceled. &y 3 9 a , not even one collaborator re-
maiined in m y French prison.96
Visiting Vichy. Between June 24 and June 27, ,998, I visited Vichy, a
small, quiet, and very pleasant French town about three hours by train
from Paris. The amazing thing is that there is absolutdy nothing in Vichy
that presents any connection to the World War 11 period. I had to ask a
French colleague to show me the buildjng wherc. the Kchy govame"t:
was. nere were no markings, no signs, nothjng, The "Vichy Guide" F-
phlet distributed to tourists (as well as the interpretaticms given in local
orgmized tows) state the f0llokvin.g:
THE END OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC, THE WAR, AND THE OCCUPA~ON
After the 1940 French defeat, MarGchal Pktain was in charge of forming a
new go>vernment.G4n6ral de GauXle broadcasted his Earnous call from Lon-
don on J m e 2 8.
The French government, unable to stay in Paris, moved to Bordeaux.
After the 1940Armistice, the government had to leave Bordeaux, occupied
by the German Army, and moved to Vichy, The reasons far this choice were
the hotel facilities af the "queen of spa towns" and a modern telephone
switchboard.
On July 1, the gavernment took possession of the hotels. Six hundred
members af parliament voted in favor of the Fourth Republic. The republi-
can regime was abolished-.The French State replaced it, with Philiippe P4talr-i
as head of state (only eighty members of parliament out of six hundred op-
posed the bill).
From that date onward, Vichy became the capital of the French State for
four years.97
There was not a word about the nabre of the defeat, about a death sen-
tence for de Gaulle, or the nature of the collitborationist "French State"
ruled from. Vichy.98 Thus, the question of the necessi.t)i and legitimacy of
the Vichy regitne is still not settled in France..
Modin who was captured on June 21, 1943, tortured, and klled), the
Maquis was created in 1943. Struggling with objective difficulticrs, the
Maqwis eventually mastered armed resistance, The cost was high. nbout
90,000 resisters were killed, tortured, or deported, and thousands of oth-
ers suffered Nazi reprisais.
Admiral Jean Eiranlais Raslan. We shall end the section on French col-
laboration with the case of Jean Frmqois Darlm. W ~ e nWorld War I1 be-
gan, Fleet Admird Darlan was the colnanander in chief of the Frer~ch
Navy. The navy was a modern and powerful force cmcentrated in the
Mediterrmean Sea. It had seven battleships (two of which were battle
crrwisers), seven heavy cruisers, twelve light cruisers, seven@-onedestroy-
ers, m d seventy-six submarines pius a large number of smaller and auxil-
iary craft. After the defeat of France (June 1940), Darlan assured British
prime rninister Winsto11 Churchill that the French fleet wouM never fall
into Geman hmds. FXoweves, fullowhg the surrender of France, Admiral
Darlan did not order the French fleet to sail to British or neutral ports. In-
stead he ordered his fleet to sail to French colonial bases in North Afirica,
The British were obviously suspicious of the intentions of the F m c h h e t ,
anli fearing it rnight act agaifist them, they sent strong BriSish naval forces
to ellgage and neutralize the Fre~~ch naval forcm in Mers el, Kkbir (a naval
base mar the Algerian port of &an) a d Alexandria (fu2y 3-6,1%0).1" A
few days after the defeat of France, Darlan gave his allegime to Marshal
Philippc Petain and accepted a position as mhister of the m y and later
as vire premier (February 1941) in the Vichy regime.101
As vice premier in the Vichy gowe ent, Admirat Dartan pursued a
policy of: limited cooperation with the Axis powers. H@ most certahly
presented a slick and evasive frmt. Darlan confided to the U.S. amba*
sador, William D. Leahy, that he woulLi dissxiate himself from cotlabora-
tim and wot~1,dwelcome strong Allied intemel~tionif supported with ad-
equate strength (B0vel.i states that Darlan mentioned a force of 500,000
men),l" Dmlanfs zigzagging created a situation where neither the Ger-
mans nor the ALlies really h e w cvhere his loyalties lay or whether Darlan
could be tmsted.
Early in 1942 Darlan lost his ministerial posts when Lava1 returned to
power, but he was gjverl command of all French armed foxes and n a m d
high commissicmer of French North Akica.
The Anglo-American invasion of French Narth Africa was launched on
November 8,1942.10Wespite ai-i;e~xpts to secure Fre~~chnonresistmce, the
invading Allies did. encounter resistance by French forces, especially at
the naval base of Oran. 'I'hat port was assaulted on November 8,1942. Ue-
spite its formjdable deknses, opposition was overcome within two days
of the Iandings.l@It so happens that at that particular time, Darlan was
visiting his sick son in Algiers (his visit began Noverrzher 6). The French
resistance to the Allies and f>arlanfspresmce in Algkrs provoked negoti-
ations between Eisenhower"~deputy, MMark Clark, and Darfan (Novem-
ber 9). The Nazis began applying psessurc on Pktaisl to accept Gcrman
"support" hTirnisia. P4tain was trying to gain tkne m d prevent Germm
weupation of southern France and thus kept smding hdnniml Darlan con-
tradictory and. vague messages, Darlan was able to delay a cease-fire
agreement to November 11, when Geman forces entered Vichy-controUed
Frmce.
Darlan" success in securing the active support of French officers in
'Titnisia was only partially successful, and the situation remained con-
fused. The remains of the French fieet in Todon delayed sailillg to M r t h
Afrka and scuttled more than seventy fleet units on November 27, Since
Darian%authority was accepted by at least part of the French forces in
North Mrica, Qncral Eisenhower desig~zatedhim colnrnander and polit-
ical head of French North Afrka. Eisehower" move was severely criti-
cized in Britail1 m d the United States, causing much embarrassment.1~~
h d yet Staiin had a favorable view: "I consider it a rclmarkable feat on
your part that you have succeeded in drawing DarXan and the others to
the side of the Allies.""fb How does one describe someone who collabo-
rated with the Nazis who then helps the Allies? The solutio~~ was the des-
ignation of Darlan as a "temporary expedimt,"loT
Vctrrier" 11990 work fmplies that Acfmiral Uarlan was a key player in a
pivotal episode of World tRlar II. Behind Darlan" presellce ixt Algiers h
1942, says Verrier, lay a conflict between Roosevelt and Churchill, on
which hung the fate of France. He clailns that the "choice"' both Chwhill
m d Roosevelt faced was betweell Darlm m d de Gaulle. Verrier is quick
to point out that Darbn was P&tainfsforrner deputy and Roosevelt" col-
laborator in maintaining the Vichy administration of :North Africa as a
full and repressive force."Wooscvelt was awarently not a great admim
of de Gaulle m d preferred Darlan. According to t7errier"s intevretation,
the reason for this preference was I(ot>seveltFsinterest in ~ d u c i n gthe
size, influence, and power of the French empire. To accomplish that, a
complaisant Frenchman had to be found. Darlan seemed like t:he ideal
choice for that purpose.
Ch Christinas Eve, 1942, Fernand de Xa Chapelle Boiznier (1922-1942), a
twenty-year-old member of the French resistance entered the office of Ad-
miral Darlan and fired at him two deadly shots from a 7.65-caliber pistol.
Bonnier was a men7ber of a group of five young anti-Nai Frenchmn
who pEotted the assassination because they thought Darlan was a traitor.
Although he viewed hknself as a national hero, others did not. A court-
martial ordered by General Henri Giraud (see below) condemned him to
death. He was executed on the morning of December 26,1942.1" Clearly,
164 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part l
The more I reflect upcm it, the mow cmvinced I become that it can only be a
t e m p o r a ~expedient justified no>tablyby the stress of battle. We must meet
the serious political injury which may be done to our cause, not only in
France but throughout Europe, by the feeling that we are ready to make
terms with the local Quislings. Darlan has an odious record-.It is he who has
inculcated in the French Navy its malignant disposition by promuting his
creatures tcr cc>mmand'"3
From January, 1941, until April, 1942, by order of my chief, Marshal Petain, I
carried out policies tzrithout the implementation of which France and her
colonies would have been crushed. These polides were unforttlnatel y dia-
metrically v p o s e d to yours. What else could I have done? You were in no
position to offer the slightest help, and any gesture in your direetic~nwould
have brought disaster to my country.
pire and colonies, m a h t a h the integrity of the French fleet, and minimize
the effects of the occupation of Franceall in the face of determined and
ruthless Nazi rule. It was an overhelmjng task.
Moreover, it was probably not a realistic goal. For example, to what ex-
tent was it realistic to expc~ctto maintail1 a peripheral colmid indepen-
dence while the empire's center was occupied by enemy farcesflhe real
test for Darlan, and individualis like him, was whether to grind one's
teeth, cotlaborate with the Nazis, and try to mfnimize damage to France,
or to face Nazism for wfiat it realty was and defy it in the strongest possi-
ble way-that is, join the British. a c e we accept that Darlan saw the real-
ity of the occugatior~,decided to play along, and tried to minhize darn-
age, rhen his zigzagging actions become understandable. Not morally
justified but understandable.
Darlan, perhaps well-fntentioned, failed to see the evil of the Nazi
regime and preferred to colabarate with it. One needs to be reminded
that Darlm could have taken the risk and joined the Allies, However, this
is only part of the story. The other part is that Churtlhjll a d Roosevelt
we= concerned with the postwm world order, and so was cle Cau,lfe. The
potential and actual insrer political conflicts among members of the Allied
forces &o played a part. At the very least, Darlan did collaborate with
the Nazis, caushg at some points more trouble to the Allies. To mswer
the question, was Darlan a French Quisling (in the jargon used in
Chwhill" letter), we need to ask, from whose point of view?
The Ghan~elIslands
The Channel Xslmds comprise nine islands, the largest of which are the is-
lands of 'Jersey and Guernsey, posil-ioned about forty miles west of Cher-
b o w and about eighty miles south of England. Fotlowing the German
victory over France, Germans began bombardm,etnt of the islands on Jwne
28,1940. tnvasim and occupation began on June 30. This military move
cost the lives of forty-four idalders and the evacuatilrn of about 30,1100
crivilians. About 60,0610 rclmained in the islands. The occmpa.t.ionendcd on
May 9,1945, when the German garrison there surrendered. The conquest
and occupation of this BrifiSh t e r r i t ~ ywas the closest the Germans ever
got to the minland of Britain.
The issue of cotlaboration with the Nazis in these islands was a compfi-
cated one. It appears that previous claims that the occupation was moder-
ate reflected the experience of the islands' colildborative admhistmtors,
who were tseated well by the Nazis. Life for the ordinary islander was
harsh, as starvation, imprisonment, and harsh fh~eswere cornonplace.
In September 1,942, 2,000 British-born citizetns wcx deported to intern-
ment camps in Germany, and in January 1943, another 201) were deported.
as rcvenge fur a British c m m n d o raid, Collaboration was also common,
not only by local administrators (who helped the Nazis control the is-
lmds and cooperated in the deportation of Jews to concentration camps),
but also by black marketeers, informers, and a host of British women, re-
ferred to as "'Jerrybags," who dated soldiers from the German garrison."b
Concluding Discussion
Chapters 5 and 6 providc us with a broad view of s o m of the ~ S S Z Xof~ S
treason during World War 11, fn these chapters, we exasnine the empirical
meaning of treason in a situation of extreme conflict h e r e moral bomd-
aries are continuously challenged and h e m loyalty and trust becorn de-
batable issues, In a series of cases, we have seen how simple appearances
contrast with complex realities m d how, in each case, treason is defined
withh a specific context.
Fifth coliumism is a conspiracy aimed at dishtegrathg a government
from witJlin a country. Clcrse examindim of the reafity behind tbis con-
cept reveals a compex hchaal level, where fifth colmnism may be less
prevalent than commonly believed, The term ""fif2.h coliumn" has also
come to refer to political inBuence and subversion.
Callaboration also provides us MIith a complex reality The popular im-
age of World War XZ collabosatoss is a negative one; it implies that collabo-
rators were willing tcr close their eyes to the evil of Nazism and hclp it to
achieve its goal of European dominatio~~. h many cases, this eval~~atiolz is
valid.. However, mce we accept that the moral: judgment of ""cllabora"
ticm" is not clear-cut, then we c m examilne the cmplex ~ a l i t y
'There are different types and levels of colfaboratian, and one needs to
ask, what real choices did people have under Nazi occupation? Could
they choose the least damagFr~gone, or even one of the many forms of E-
sistmce (active or passive)? The reality behind ""cllaboration" was much
more connplex than the simple black-and-white dichotomy. There were
many forms of collaboration and resistance, each with a somewhat differ-
ent moral charge.
Moreover, some of those referred to as ""clZaborators" "believed in the
Nazi ideology and were co itted to it prior to the Nazi wcupatittn (for
example, Degrelle, Quisling, and Seyss-Inquart). Although evaluating
their activities as treacherous may seem to be a complex issue, the viola-
ition of trust and loyalty c m be established in each of their cases. Obvi-
ously, it requ,jres that we define wt.tose loyalty and what trust they
bseachect, Doing that may necessitate taking a stand., which brings us
back to Chapter I, where it was pointed out that this study requires mak-
ing judgments. 7he ksues of l o p trust in collaboration are sharp
and painful, OveraXl, one can exa ;in detail-the realities h which
168 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part l
Cmatian Josip Broz, also known as Marshal Eto (who was the general sec-
retary of the Yugoslav Communist Party prim to W r l d War D). Tito" or-
ganized f m e s were called ""Pastisans," after the irregular f m e s who
fought agai.nst Napoleon in%sin in 1808 and in Russia in 1842.
General Mif-rajlovii:made ~ p e a t e dtmces with the Germans in an at-
tempt to ntinimize casualties. Marshal Tito was much nnore aggressive
and ruthless in his tactics and consequently more effective, This differ-
ence did not escape Churchill's stkntion. At a conference in Teheran (No-
vember 28-Dece~~ber 1, 19431, the first meetbg of W.nstasz S, Churchill,
Jaseph Stalin, and Franklin D. Roosevelt (the Big Three), the Allies de-
cided to support 'Tito's foxes. It is worlh noting Lees's (1990) s o m e h a t
d j f f e ~ nversion,
t Mc suggests that British Commmists fed Churchill mis-
leading information regarding General Mih.ajloviC%activities and that
this information led hhn to prefer Tito. Lees implies that Mif-rajlovit was
actually betrayed.
As clashs contirrued with the Partisans, the Chetniks, lacking real sup-
port from the Allies, were drawn into the sphere of Nazi Germany
thmugb conthued negotiations, and theis coll,aboration with Axis forces
increased. They first collaborated with the Italians, and later with the
Nazis, to cornbat the Partisans, whom they viewed as the primary enemy
g @me, the Chetniks cdaborated quite openly wlCh Ihe Nazis
D ~ ~ r i nthis
in hgoslavia, At the very least, it is clear that Lalthough Gcneral M&aj-
lovit opposed the Nazi occupation, he most definitely collaborated with
them on. more than one occasion.
The Chetniks were destroyed in May 1945, after their attempts to gain
support from the Allies and the local population failed. General Miha~louit
went into hiding but was caught on March 12,1946, and take13 to Belgrade
the next day, On June 10,194& his trial on charges of cdlahoratlim with
the Nazis and for high treason and war c r h e s began. The well-publicized
trid lasted until JuXy 15. He w s h u n d guilty and sentmccd to death. C h
July 17,1946, a firing squad executed h, Twent).-three other collabora-
tars were also tried with him. In 1992 Serbia erected a monument memori-
alizing MihajloviC at Rams Gora, rehabiliitating him (and several other
World War 11collaborators),
Chetniks used mass terror agahst their enemies. Some of the most out-
rageous acts task place between @fober 1942 and February 1943. Amo~zg
other acts, the Chehiks were jnvolved in ""cleming" actions against Mus-
lims and Croatians in countertermr actiwities, It is importmt to m t e that:
the Chehiks were not the only collaborators with AXISforces. 'There were
other Serbian and Slovenian forces who collaborated,with Nazi Germaniv,'
As in other European countries, the Nazi occupation made the issue of
the content of betmyal a complex one i,n Yugosfavia. The personal deci-
sions of Mihajlovii- and individual Chetniks werc directly ~ l a t e dto the
exjsting political and military realit).; that is, decisionmaking was related
to pm"'; amwell as the complex (and sometimes conflicting) interests
m d moralities in which loyalty and trust were contextualized.
:It is, perhaps, unfair not to mention in this context the secret fascist or-
ganization that was fomded around 1929by extreme Croatim nationalist
Ante Pavdit-the Wstachi. Followillg the fall of Yugoslavia in 1941,
Pavelii: and.the Ustachi declared (on April 10) the esta.blis:bmnt of an "in-
dependmtfTmtia, and under a Nazi umbrella tbry ruled it ruthlessly,
violently, and mercilessly until 1945, This r e g h e committed nulnerous
barbarous and brutal purges and massacres against those they viewed as
their ""opponentsf"-Jews, Muslims, Orthodox Serbs, and others. After the
end of World War 12 Pavelit escaped to Argentha.
The issue of whether Pavelie and the Ustachi were traitors is an inter-
esting one. They cotlabmated with the Nazis and were invollied in some
extremely brutal activities, but from the late 1 E 2 s on, these individuals
had never f-iiddcn their desire for an independent filscist Croatia, minus
ethnic groups they did not want in their nightmarish "state," Atthough
it is possible, and even i~nperative,to accuse the ZTstachi and Pavelif
with war crimes and atrocities, betrayd may be a more djfficult charge
to support because one needs to establish exac.tly who they betrayed.
Although it is possible to acgtle that Chcse terrorists violated the trust:
and loyaky of other Uugoslav citizens, it may be equally argued that
many cJf their victims never trusted or were loyal to the Ustachi, and
thus the term "betrayal" "re is on a higher level. of citizens (with
pawer) against citizens (without power), like Stalin's purges, Hitler's
genocide-or state-spcmscrred terrorism. Mowover, like the many Ger-
mans who welcomed Hitler, many Croatians welcomed the Wstachi. For
those, no betrayal was involved."
as the Battle of Sevastopol. Although Manstein" 11th Army was not very
successfut h its first assault, Manstein etevised a diffaent strategy. He fo-
cused on first iso:tati.ng and then purghg Soviet military presence from
the Kerch Penirtsula (at the easternmost tip of the Crirnea). By mid-May
1942 his strategy had yielded some spectacular successes, His fnrces had
wiped out two Red Army divisions and captured altnost 1711,UW prison-
ers. Followhg this success, the fate of Sevastopol was sealed. During June
17-31), Sevastopol fell to the Nazis, who captured an additional 915,OC)O
priso~zer S.
During these fierce and fateful battles, Vlasov" command was sur-
mmded by German forces in May 1942. Refusing to surrender, he was
captured by the Germans.' Whereas official Soviet versions state that
Vlasov had been irt contact with the Germans since the Battle of Kiev and
thus gave hirnseff up immediately after fie Soviet defeat in Svastopol,
Andseyev asserts that foiilowing the colfapse m d dispeaioon of his 2nd
Shock Army troops, Vlasov wandered in the forest for more than two
weeks before being captured (June2.1: to luly 121, probably reflecting on
what had happened.Mncfreyev kets Chat these two weeks are crucial fm
understanding Vlasov" later behavia Durtng that time, Vlasov's smjnd
changed from "that of a pmmhent Sowiet commander to that of a collab-
orator with the enemy, and prepared the ground for his subsequent dcd-
sion to try and form an mti-Stalin Russian Weration ArnyMe7 That trans-
formation was neither simple nor eav.
Overall, it is important to understand the context of these evezzts. Thou-
sands of prisoners were taken by the Wehrnzaelrf on its eastern front.
Stalids totalitarian rule was very unpopular, and the Red Army itself ex-
perie~zcedhtensive Stalhist purges.. Few Soviet POWs, at least initially
had the starmjna to fight for the Soviet Union. That changed as the war
continued and the brutal nature of the Nazi cmyucst became clear. Foot
points out that the Germans captured nearly 5 million members of the
:Red Army, noting that
hitially; Vlasov (as well as other Soviet Paws) was distrusted by Hi"cller,
who viewed them as inierior people. Thus, Wlasov" activities were con-
fh~edto making propaganda, and he was not: giwen the means or author-
ity to form, an asmy, which is what he really w n t e d . But as the war
tumed against Nazi Germany, Nazi taboos were sosnewhat relaxed. In
November 1944, I-CeichsfGhrer Heinrich Himmler, head s E the
Schutzstaffel (the S.S.), allowed Vlasov to form the Anti-Stalinist Commit-
tee for the Liberation of the Ptzoples of Russia. VIasov recruited soldiers
176 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part 2
from POW camps and those who bad been brought back from Russian
territories as forced labor. Vtasov then set up three divisions of Russian
soldiers"This military force became h o w n as the Russkaya Osvoboditel-
naya Amiya or Russim Liberation Army (R.O.A.). The idea was to create
a free Russian army that was not under the authority of a communist
regime. Oa November 14, Vlasov and the R.0.A. published a manifesto
in Prague. In it, Stalisl's annexation of foreign territory m d his policy of
rc.prtrssior.1oE indigenous Russian nationalities were attacked (Andreyev
1987:124-133).
At U?e end of the war, one R.O.A. division was involved in fietine; the
Red hrmy at Franuurt-m-fie-mer.9 h o t h e r division was involved in the
1945 Partisans' uprising in Prague (a2ay 1-2.). Requests Eor mpport from
Pattods 3rd a m y before the arrjvaf. of the Suviet Ukrairrian Front were ig-
nored. hcking the support cJf other forces and karing that the Nazi forces
commanded by Qneral Tonssaint wodd destroy Prague, the rebels ap-
pealed to Vlasov. At that point, Vlasw bad about 20,000 troops statinned to
the west of Prague. "X'heR.0.A. arrived in P r a p e on May K, 1945 and al-
though they were poorly equipped, they managed to clekat German rein-
forcements before withdrawing. However, when Konev" Red b y ar-
rived the next d a y in Prague, the city was cleared of Gemms.10
R.O.A. troops surrendered to the U.S. 7th army However, in accor-
dance with one of the agreements reached during the Yalta Confercnre,ll
Vhsov, his troops, and six other generals were handed over to the Soviet
army. Many of the troops committed suicide. General Vasw was ar-
rested by Soviet authorities on Czech soil in May 1945, m d m August I,
1946, he and the other generals were hanged in Moscow on charges of
Ereas011 and espionage.12
Vlasw" defection to the :Nazis needs to be vkwed in context, Sb begin
with, Stalirr's rule was very unpopular. Vlasov"s anti-soviet and anti-Stalin
feeljngs had deep roots. The hormrs of Stalin's rcgime, his brutd collec-
tivization of farming, and his bloody and ruthless purges of the 1330s
were not easily forgotten. Moreover, several historims have noted the en-
thusiasm with which the Nazi Wt.hrrnacht and S.S, mits were welcomed
by local. Sovicts when Operation Barbarosa commenced. M m y believed.
that the Germms were comirrg to Iiberate them. Indeed, Andreyv argues
that: "dekatism, the doctrjne that wges soldiers to waken their own side
so that the regime m i e t be morc easily overthrown, was exhibited on a
much larger scale in 1941 than could even be considered normal."13
Burton (1963) refers to Vlasov and his followers as the "Vlasov defeatist
movement." He points out that the nurnber of Soviet citizens who partici-
pated in the war effort cm the side of the Nazis ""was not of primary im-
portmce" and that these individmls were effective o d y in fsel.ing "Ger-
man military strength for combat, takhg over . . . such service functions
as mti-pastisan warfare, anti-aircraft duties, and services of suypIy." In
terns oE frontline figheing, they rendered service against the "Allied inva-
sion of Italy and of France . . . where [they] gave good accounts of thetn-
selves in action."M Clearly, Burtm domplays the role of these turncoats,
unaware of the contradiction in his w n description. The Soviet forced la-
bor that was sent to Germany helped in the war effc~rtas well, and many
of these forced liaborers later jolsled the iR.0.A.
Burton interprets the Vlasov movement as a ~flectionof Soviet citi-
zens' aat-titudestoward their own regime. Me notes the many defections in
the Red Army, especially in the first six months of the Nazi invasion.'"
The events of the sumrner of 1941 clearly indicated the widespread dis-
content of the Sovi,et ejtizenry Durjng the first phase of the Nazi iwasion
into the Soviet mien, Soviet citizens welcomed the Webi?rmaehtas a liber-
ating army*" If Hitler had taken advantage the Soviets' hatred for Stalin,
his in\rasion of the Soviet U'nion might have ended differently. Mowever,
his racist ideology which led him to view and tmat the Slavs with scorn
and contempt, effecthely prltvented such an occurrence.
h d r e y e v point oats that many Soviet citizens in Germm hmds, par-
ticularly primers of war and forced Iaborers, made clear their opposition
to Stalin between 1941and 1945. This r&ses the question of whether these
individuals should be viewed as traitors and collaborators. For some, the
answer seems clear because they jojned the Nazis in actively figfiiting the
Red Army The nature of this violation of trust and loyalty appearwobvi-
ous. For ofiers, it is not so clear.
Should. resistance to Stalin"s regime, while professing toyally to Russia,
be cmsidered treasod Whose tmst and what loyalty were viobted? And
what exactly was its nature? Andrcyev prefers to call Chose Soviet citizens
who expressed their oppmitim to Slaljn through military, civil, and polit-
ical means the "Russian Liberation Movement," v The most crystallized
form of this oppctsition, in the shape of a military organization, W= the
military unit headed by Lieu tenant General Andrey Andreyevich VIasov,
This discussion shows how difficult it is ta adhere to technical defh~i-
tims of treason-and how lutile it is. The political, social, and military re-
ality in which the h s s i a n Liberatiun Movemnt operated q u i r e s us to
make moral judgments about who betrayed whom.
Other Soviet military residance units had been crcated b e f m Vlasov's
R.O.A., but VIasov gave these groups the power, respectabiliv, and impe-
tus they had lacked. However, during most of the war, even Vlasov's
strongest war effort was in the propaganda, front. M t until January 1945,
was he actually allowed. to crc3ate a rnjlitary unit. Thus, in reality, Vlasov's
"arn?yMwwas little more than words.
In the context of World War 11, resistmce to Stalin. took the form of de-
featism. Andrrzyev (1987) examines the debate regarding Sovict defeatlism
178 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part 2
very critically and argues that in mality the situatim was quite complex.
For example, the Soviets did not sign the Geneva Ctmventicm, and so it is
not clear to what extelzt their Paws were protected. West (2985) argues
that treason involves betraying the state" pprotection, but what kind. of
protectim did Stalin's ~ g i r n offer?
e TOthe extent that it did offer any pro-
tedian, what was the nature of this protectionVIrlasov, asserts Andreyev,
was basically a propaganda tool until Labout November 194.18 It is also
clear fiat by lieciding to o p d y join fie Nazis, Vlaslzv was entering an
immemsely complicated politic& a m a for hvlnich he lacked any trainhg
or experictnce.l%s Keegan points out, "Vlasov was . . . an idcalistic m n
who hated the tyranny of Stalin and made the mistake of seeing the Ger-
mans as potential liberators.""2"
Unfortunately, many documents relating to the R.0.A. were deliber-
ately destroyed out of fear that they would fall into Soviet hands and be
used as evidence. However, as time has passed, the threat has dimin-
ished, and more individuals have been willing to provide informatiosl.
However, as the context of Vlasov" actions becomes clearer, fie nabre of
fiis betrayal hecoms mnre probkmati.~.
The Nazi Wetrr~~lacht and the Red Army were locked in a titanic clash.
?"he ddection cJf a resourceful, high-ranking, and decorated officer is-
simply put-a vio:latim of both the trust and loyalty jnvested in that: offi-
cer by his country Thus, many Soviets viewed Vlasov as a traitor and an
opportunist. However, unfolding the context of that famous defection
creales uncertainties about the natusc of that loyalty and trust
The issue of Vtasov's betrayal must be juxtaposed against the ~ a l i t y in
which he functioned. His actions were certainly FnRumced by the cata-
clysmic events in which he took part. Thus, determhing whether Vlasov
was a traitor or a hero depends-almost completely n how one views
Stalin's rufe cJf the Sowiet URion, TechnicailL; Vlasow betrayed the trust
and loyalty hvested in him. However, one must consider what: it was that
he betrayed and his aspirat-ions to help create a dif-ferent Russia. Viewed
in this way, that is, ccmlparing the reality with the image, the issue of por-
traying Vlasov as a traitor becomes problematic.
The case of Adolf Hitlcr as a traitor illustrates the main problem in-
volved in treason. It was fie Weimar f\lepuhlic that viewed him as a trai-
tor. Most. certainly, Hitler and his suppctrters did not view it in that way
From their point of view#the very establishment of the Weinrar Republic
was the result of a betrayal. The trial of Hitler illustrates the clash of two
very differer~tsymbolie moral universes, one succeeding the other in a
rather quick fashion. Indeed, a mme generalized observation can be
made here: Leaders of an incoming regime can be vittwed as ""traitors'~o
the old, and vice versa.
Some of the statements Hitler made in public during his trial are worth
quothg. Having taken full rr-?sponsibilivfor planning the Putch, he said
that he was such a natior~alisticGerman that he ""wodd rather be hanged
in a Bolshevik Germany than perish under the mle of F-~ench swords," He
then added, ""Ewen if you judge us guilty a thousand times, the goddess of
the eternal court o.f kistory will laugh and tear up the verdict of this court,
but she pronomces us not guilty,"x hrthermore, as stated in Mein
I(lam~JHitler did not even accept the democratic rules of the game. His
politicai agenda was that for Germany to become powerful m d thrive, a
a
n
people-supported dictatorship was reytlired. He despised t:he constitu-
ticm of the Weirnar Republic (August 14,1919).
In 11924 the Weimar Repubhe had the authority and power to prosecute
and pu"j.sh Nlitler. VVithin thirteen years or so, the situation would be
completely reversed. Hitler had the opportunity to actualize Mthat he en-
visinned and preacl-ced as his political dream. It was, in fact-, a genuine
nightmare to free people in the rest of the world and-in the final analy-
sis-to Gemms as well.
Aside from Hitler 'S past record as a democratic state-cmvicted traitor,
it is worth our while to exmisre at least some of the more famous cases
that his ~ g i m persecuted
e as treason.
Resistance to Hitler
No act of m y mti-Hitler persol1 or group within Germmy marked the end
of Nazi Germany One can safely state that Hitl@r%r e g h e was never seri-
ously challenged or threatened from withir.1. It was the combined mditary
e h t of the Allies that ended the existence of that vilc regime. Howcver,
there was opposition to Hithr. That opposition was disorganized., antago-
nistic, hesitmt, and unable to unite for a meaningful coordinated action
aimed to elilninate Nazism. In fact, &though there were quite a few at-
tempts to assasshate Hitler ( k n z and Ptzhlc 1997:12&122), there was only
one time when Hitier c m e close to be actuatty killed, and that was the July
1944 faikd attempt to assassjnate fiim with a b o d eAny opposition wiffl.l,in
Nazi G e m m y faced a ruthkss and relatively efficient security police,
Looking at the different resistant groups within Nazi Germany, Zim-
mermam points out:
There is no doubt that the contrasts among the different resisting groups,
and the tzreaknesses af their political and wcial perceptims, are of secondary
importance, The crucial factor was their willingness to defend the hvnor of
the human race apinst a total disintegratbn of Christian and human values
resulting from the unlimited rule of a political regime which was based an
an exaggerated use of force, ruthless brutality personality cult, idwlogicat
zealotry, cynicism, loathe for human values, corruption, and arrogance.=
The White Rose, =ring the late 1"360s, the West was rocked by a series
of student revolts that threatened to destabilize regimes and alter social
oders. Those revdts were reseaded quite intensively However, during
al)that time, not many (if any one) cared to remeznber that- a small g r o q
of students at the University of Munich, supported by one faculty mem-
ber, chose to express their sense of horror at the Nazi regime. These rebels
orgmized a group of resistance wjthin the u~ziversityat the height of the
Nazi regirne in 1,942.The scope and magnitude of this "revolt" ((actually,a
very moderate expression of dissent) were minuscute compared to the re-
volts of the late f 960s. However, to do this as early as 1,942, against such a
ruthless regime, defistitelly took much integrity m d courage. They all took
a tremmdous risk and paid with their lives for their defiance. Their "ac-
tims""wcre mostly verbal, criticisms and dispersion of pamphlets, far less
than what so many students did FR 1968. Their story can be found in quite
182 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part 2
a few studies,28 as well as in the fact-based 1983 German movie The White
Rose. The essmce of that group's story is as follows.
"The n m e "the Wbite Rose"' refers to a group of studernts at Munich
University that lformed in 1942 and lasted into 1943, The students whose
names are most: frequently mentioned am Sophie (born 1921) and her
brother Hans (born 1,918) Schd, Wilie Graf, Chrjstoph Probst, Mexmder
Schmordi, m d one faculty member-Professor Kurt Huher.
Hans was a medical student, and SopPlie specialized in biology. Pro-
fessor Huber taught philosophy and encouraged the students to take
the rebellious stand, Students in the White Rose were in touch with stu-
dents from other universities. Although in mid-February t-ians and So-
phie participated in a demonstration in Munich, quite an occasion in
Nazi Germmy, their most overt action was dispersiSlg (anonymously)
pmphZets against the Nazi regime in which they called citizens to top-
ple the Nazi regjme of fear and terror: Tfie student-s began dispersing
the leaflets in mid-June 1942, and altogether, they produced six of them.
Following the surrender of Field Marshall Paulusfs 6th Army in Stalin-
grad (E;ebrun,ry2, 1913-31, the White Rose puhl,ished its sixth m d firnal
pamphlet. In it, it was stated: "Three hundred and thirty thousand Ger-
man men were senselessly and ir~sponsiblydriven to their deaths by
the brilliant strategy of th& world W,r I corporal,. Fiihrer, we t h d
you. . . . We grew up in a state where all free expressjon of opinion has
been suppressed.''
The b u j l d i ~ ~superintende~nt,
g MIho wifnes~edthe Schotls dispersing
their latest batch of leaflets irm an upper floor, reported. them to the
Gestapo on February 48,4943. Munich tlni:versity headed at that time by
an S.S. officer, dmounced their acli\rity. -Together with four &hers, they
were armsted and brought before the Nazi People" Court ruled by the in-
famous and dreaded ""hanging judge" "8land dreisler on February 22,
1943," "Frcisler found the SCholls and Probst gu&y of treason m d sen-
tenced them to death, Supposedly, Rrrichsfijhrer Himmler was not inter-
ested in creating martyrs and demanded that the execuf;ictnbe delayed.
However, his telegram arrived too late and the condemned were be-
headed. Prokssor Huber, Alexander S~hmorell~ and Willie Graf were ar-
rested later. Their trial took place in Munich in Freisler's colartroom m
April 19,1943. They w r e found guilty of treason and sentenced to death.
OShers were sentenced to prison and fines,
Born in 1893 in SLvitzerlartd, Professor Huber taught philosophy and
pvychnlogy at Munich Wniversity from 1925, whex he was appointed
professor in 1926. Huber opposed. Nazism and was the m e who helped
the kholls draft their leaflets. He was beheaded on July 13,1943, Alexm-
der Sehnnorc311 was also beheaded on that day. W i e Cral: was beheaded
on October 12,1943.
:It is interesting to note that on February 3,1945, Freislier was lPcilled dur-
ing an Allied air attack from a bomb dropped by m Americm plane. This
happened in the mid,st of another treason case. The trial was of Frau Solf
and her daughter Grafin Ballestrm, who were associated marginaXly
with the July 20, 1944, plot to kill Hitler, Mlhich brings me to our next
topic.
The July 20, 194.4, Assassination. Attempt Against Hitler, Aside from
an atrt-emptto plant a defective bomb inhis airpllane (March 13,7,943), and
von Gcrsdorffk ffailed attcsnpt to personallqi bomb him (March 19431, the
only time Hitler really came close to being killed was the assassination at-
tempt on July 20, 1944..'The person behind this failed assassination at-
tempt was Colonel Count Claus von Stauffenherg (born 1907). That Stauf-
fenberg was a rnilitary m m was m coincidence; the relationship between
Hitler and the Germm military w s complicated." T h e had dways
been a group of military officers who were unhappy with Hitier % regime.
tlcrwever, for the most part, off-icers were. unable and umilling to coordi-
nate m effective opposition to Hitler. Van StauEenberg fhally managed
not o d y to organize such a g r o q but also took upon himseLf the risk of
smggling a suitcase with a time bomb into Hitler" headquarters at Ras-
te~~burg, East Pmssia (hewn as the "Wolf" Lair"). 'The bomb exploded,
as plmned, m July 20,1944, at 12:42 IW., causing much damage to prop-
erty and woundhg and killing several officers, but somehow Mitler sus-
tained only minor injuries, although he was only twelve feet away from
the explosion.
Hitler's rage cuhinated in the identification and capture of all the can-
spi,rators, even those who wcre o d y remotely associated with it (for ex-
am*, Field Marshal Ewin Rommel), and the execution of mast of them,
sometimes in a vicious mmnele, Overall, almost 5,000 individuals were
executed, as Hitler utilized the opportunity to eliminate many of his op-
ponents. Clarifying the Nazi mnral and political boundaries in this lethal
er bmught the Nazi Party tc:,new peaks of power; the failed assassi-
nation plot was used to rcldefine the ReiCXlls moral bomdarics and to reaf-
firm trust in and toyalty to Ad.ol.f Flitler," This was accomplished by suc-
cessfuily constructing the conspirators as traitors. Momower, loyalty to
the Nazi fGhrer was constraded as Che equivdent of honor. "&r Monor
is Loyalty" was the motto of the S.S. and an oath by which they swore.
Emm the Nazi Party point of view this failed caup was an effective tool
.for generating more social inlegration and cohesion around Hitla at- a
very difficult time.32
revolution. Thus, his personal motivation to rule the Chinese may have
overc.ome his pofiticat and culktral sensibilities, and he agreed to become
a puppet emperor ""ruling" part of China. He may have atso hoped, like
@isling, Pktain, Vlasov, and a host of other European politicians, to gain
some independmce for his cowtry. Regadless of h w c ~ n elooks at it, Pu-
Yi did colla'Llorate wit-h the Japanese occupation, certainIy to their benefit,
It is interestislg to note that despite this fact, he was allowed to live his
nabral life (he died in 1967 at the age of sixty-one) and was not etiecuted
like European collaborators. Although one should, not make sweeping
generaliizations from this single special case, the way Pu-Yi was trezlted
might prompt some tl-toughts &out possible diffewnces between Euro-
pean and Chinese forms of justice.46
It is not too easy to find Japmese forms of betrayal, However, hnio rather
famous ones, from very different perspectives, involve Ozaki Hotsurni
and wfiat has become h w n as Tokyo Rose. X &scu,ss Tokyo Rose in de-
tail in Chapter 7; here E discuss, briefly#the case of Ozaki Hotsumi, To un-
derstmd the context, one needs first to review the case of molther famous
Wctrld War I1 spy-Rehard Sorge.
and so he was very closely watched.%On OctObes 15, 1941, to the corn-
plete shock of the Germans, he was arrcllsted in his home in Meguro. Eol-
lokving- Sorge's arrest, his ring of spies (about thirty-five members alto-
gether) was exposed m d its members arrested. The Japanese were very
successfut in efiminating Serge's spy network completely.
.hga,in, Seth and Rower note that S o r g spent the evening and night be-
fore his arrest with the w m a n who made his arrest possible-l(iyomi-
and that she was in the hhase at the time he was arrested.51 From Sorge's
paint of view, Kiyomi violated his trust and loyalty and he11ce betrayed
him. However, much like Blblical Dclilah, K y m i never had a genuine
loyalty to Sorge, and his trust in her was thus mfsplaced and founded on
deceit. Sorge's trial took place on. September 29, 1943. He was sentenced
to dea&, but his execution was delayed until November 7,1944, when he
was hawed in Sugamcr Prism in Tokyo. In 1947Kiyomi was shot tcr death
outside a club where she used to perform, "probabiy by agents of Srnersh
attempting to avenge the death of their brilliant spy"" The Soviets
warded-gcrsthu.mou.sly-Sorge the "Hero of the Soviet Union'hnd
honored his melnory by creating a s t m p carrying his pictw.3
Because of the nature of StaliPl" rreghe, it is not entkely clear to what ex-
tent Stalh tmsted the infornation passed cm to him by Serge." Hwever,
there is little doubt rcgasding the value of the intellige~~ce passed on by
Sorge. Two very irnportmt pieces of infornation were passed. on to Stalin.
fist, S t a h was given a three-week a$vance noticr about Hitler's plms to
invade the %vkt Union. Sorge &armed Stdin in May 1941of the planned
German attack on the Soviet Union and specified June 20 as the date of at-
tack. 'I'he actuat attack took @ace on June 21. Staiin, however, discounted
the hformatio~~. Second, %rge hformed Stalh that Japan had no intell-
tions of initiating hostilities against the Soviet Union. Sorge estimated,
based on his G e m a n and Japanese sources, that fapan" strategic. interests
were in southern Asia and the Pacific and not in Siberia. This enabled
Stalin, perhaps not too enthusiastically or tmsthgly, to p d i army units out
of eastern Siberia in the fall of 1941and repcwition them tcr defend Mwcoclr.
This, most certady was very csudal, in the Kanle of Mosco\v. If Stalixl had
more fully tmsted his man in Tokyo, the combination of these two items of
i n f o m a ~ o nwould have mabled him to move milibry units from the bor-
ders with Jilpan to face the Nazi Maim much earlier and more forcefully.
a h e r important pieces of hformation prwided by Serge" espionage ring
were the forecaswg of "the Japmese military mutiny of February 1936and
the Japmese invasion of China in July 1937."55
Ozaki Hotsunzi
.Although Riehard Sorge is a very promhent fjgure in the literature of
W r l d \Nar 11 espionage, Sorge"s primary Japanese collaborator, Ozaki
Hotsumi, is often omitted. However, without Ozaki, much of Sorge's
valuable intellit;ence work could not have been accompl-ished.Sorge even
adxnjtted that when he wrote in 1941 that Ozaki "'was my first and m s t
important real confederate. . . . Our relationship, both business and per-
sonal, was perfect. The information he coltected was the most accurate
and the best that I ever obtained from any Japanese source, and I formed
a close personal friendship with him at once."sh For many Japanese,
Ozaki is considered the traitor. The letters that Ozaki wrote his wife, Eiko,
from prison were published as a book irn 1,946, and it b e m e a best-selkr,
sellhg more than 10U,1)(10 copies inf apm between 1946 and 1962.'7
Johnson's 1990 book, An Insfatzce of^ Treasorz: Oznki Hotsuilrzi nrzd fhe Sorgc
f(ilqI providcs a very detailed xcount of C)zalti%treachery fnr the
English-speaking audience. I shall., therefore, describe the case in brief.
Ozaki Hotsumi was born in 1901 in 'l'okyo but raised in Taiwan (t-hcn For-
mosa), where hjs fatkr worlted as m editor. He attended Tokyo fxnperial
Wniversity (1919-1925), from which he graduated in 1925.Fdowing his
father" footsteps, he joined the Japanese newspaper Asaki Shinzbla~in
May 1926 as a reporter, Me was not very successful at a city desk job, and
in Octdber 1922 (at his own request), he was transkrred to the Chinese sec-
tion of the Osaluz Amhi. m I I e he was sbdying, specializing in the "Chi-
nese problelx," kalso used his time to study Marxism and communism,
A month after his move to Osaka, Ozaki married his siste~in-lawAl-
thou$ such a marriage wollld have received little notice in any Western
culture, it was extraordhary in Japm.58 However, cmtrary to a naive as-
sumption, Ozaki did not "steal" his brothefs (Hostami) wife (Eikct). Eiko
and Honami's marriage was goirtg nowhere, and they had separated in
1927. 'The Ozaki-Eiko romance developed during the sprjng m d stlmmer
of 1927. During tbe summer, Hnnami married another woman, and Eiko
was free to remarry*Ozaki's move to Osaka in October 1927 was followed
by Eiko moving there in November, m d the two were married.39 HOW-
ever, it seems that Ozaki was not very faithful to his wife. He apparently
violated both her trust in him and his loyalty to her, as he had several
mistresses.@
:In 1928he was assigned a comspondent post in Shanghai, where h re-
mained until 1932. Ozaki and Eiko"s only daughter, k k o , was born there
on Novennber V , f 929, <)zalci%fateful meeting with Sorge took place in
1930, probably in Orrtober or Movembet:
It is interesting to note that the woman who inf;roducedOzaki to Sorge
was Ms. Ag~zesSmedley, a traitor in her own right. Agnes was born in
Missouri m d committed herself to anticolonialism in 1917.hl She was an
active member of the Socialist Party In 1918 Agnes w a s indicted on
charges of espionage, She was part of an Indim nationalist spy ring, who
contacted the Gemaxls in order to smuggle weapons and propagmda,
and she was inwolved in schemes aimed at underminfng British colonial
192 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part 2
rule, After her arrest, she moved. to Berlin, continuing to support the tn-
dim nationalist cause. Zn Nwernber 1928, Agnes travcled to C h a as a
correspondent fos a German newspaper and involved herself in the Chi-
nese revolutionary movemestt, Later that year, she moved to Sfnanghai
and became Sargefsassistant in ~ c m i t i n gmembers for his spy ring and
pmhbly became his rnistrcss as well (for a while at least).bz
As bhnson points out, Sorge and Ozaki li.ked, each other from the first
moment they met. They discovered that tbey both despised the foreign
imperiaiist intemel~tionin China At that time, Qzalci thought that Sorge
(he actualfy met blrn when Sorge called himself '"Johnson"") somehow
~ p r e s m t e dthe Communjst Intematilmal, and he thus believed that he
was assisting the Chinese revolution by providing the Comintern with
aid. Only after his arrest in 1941, did he learn that Sorge was working for
Soviet military fntelligence.
Qzaki never joined the C o m u n i s t Party, but he was what Johnson
refers to as a ""poto-communist,"' believing that Japan" better future lay
with some form of co unist social order. By today's standards, Ozaki
was probcrlbly a liberd who abhorred fascisln and had a strong Marxist
tendency. The link betwcm Ozaki and Sorgs was not mly personal but
expressed a deep ideological commitment to a Marxist, c o m u n i s t
worldview as w d . However, it is fair to quote kom one of Qzaki's lettms
to his wife, Eiko: " h a m not first and foremost a Cammunist,"~"hnson
adds: "The most sipificmt tribute to his fndependence was paid him by
his judge, Takada Tadashi, nfter the trial, Takada privately said that
Ozaki was a man of virtue, devoted to his ideals, and the very model: of a
patriot. "a
W e n OzaE left Shanghai in 1932 m d returned to Qsaka, he broke all
contacts with Sorge until 3934. h r i n g this interval s o m critical events
to& place: the hlfay 15, 3932, assassination of the Japanese premier by
naval aca&rny cadek; the Fcbrwary 20,1933, arrest and mzlrder of the fa-
mous Japanese novelist Kcibayashi Takiji at the Tsukiji police station in
Tokyo; and the February 27, 1933, burning of the Gclrman Reichstag.
When Sorge met Ozaki in M y and asked him to help the ComiMern,
Ozaki agreed." %cge had deceived Ozaki about the true nature of his
mastctrs; they were a prcrfessiclnal espionage organization, not a bona fide
ideological group.
Ozaki established hin\self as one of the m a h fapanese commentators
m China. Ilc. was intelligent and shrewd and had. a sharp eye and a clear
miad, His analyses were read by many people and infl,uenced deejsion-
makers. Although he left China in 1932, his ana2yses were accurate and to
the poht. tle kept warning the Japanese government: about the rise of
Chhese naticmaiism as a result of the provocations committed by the
Japanese Army, and he noted that this nationalism served well the hter-
ests of the Chinese Communist Party. Between 1937 and 1940, he pub-
lished six hooks. Ozaki's expertise on China affairs was not a ""cover." He
was indeed a genuhe expert on China. During the Sko-Japanese War,
Ozaki provided, continuous evaluations of the situation. Mareover, he
was appointed as a cmsultant to Japanese premier Kmyoe's first cabinet
m d was hvolved h official research. Thus, Ozaki had direct access to the
highest echelons of the Japanese ruling network, Since Sorge was at-
tached to the German Embassy in Tokyo, he had access to the highest-
level Germm reports. It is no w o ~ ~ dthen e r that between the two of them,
such high-level intelfigence was securcd fur Stalin,
After Sorge was arrested, C)zaki's turn came. He was arrested on the
same day that Sorge was, that is, October 15,1941. 'This was the last time
Eiko saw him until 1943. However, while in prison, Ozaki wrote Eiko
more than 200 letters (between November 1941 and November 1944).
mese letters were published in 1946, and they provide hsight into a c m -
plex man. As fohnson points out, much of what we know about Ozaki is
from these letters.
CJ)zaE% trial opened on May 31,1943, and on Septe~~ber 29,1943, Judge
Takada sentmced h h to death. An appeal. was presented in February 29,
1944, and reached the supreme court on Maxh 5. April 5, the supmme
court rcljected the appeal (because, amnng other things, Ozakj was still
considered a Marxist). Other appeals were ux.lsuccessful, m d on the
moming of Nowember 7,1944, Ozaki was hanged (with Rchard Sorge) at
Sugarno prison. Thus ended the lives of two extremely rcmarka:ble m m
com~nitted,to a similar ideology.
Alfiough Johnsm asserts that Ozaki is considered the greatest traitm
in Japanese history, one needs to mderstand the context of his acts of
treason. To begin with, Ozaki was Japanesef that is, part of the Japanese
collecthe. He most certainly vicrlakd both the trust invested in him by
the Japmese m d their loyalty at a mast difficult period hJapan" history
He pretended to be trustful and loyal but in fact passed his country's
most secret intentions to a hostile nation. By all criteria, Ozaki fits very
W& the charackrization of a traitor*His agreexnent-to help Sorge resulted
from his belief in some i n t e ~ ~ t a t i form
v e of Marxism. Thusl both Sorge
and Ozaki were motivated by ideotogical Easms. Both were very keen
~"liticaicommntators and journalists, m s o n points out that while
Sorge was feeding his Soviet operatives with classified intefiigmce, he
provided the Nazis with regular political anrxlyses, Mlhich they valued
quite highly-"" Ozaki established hixnsel, as quite an authority on China,
and Sorge esthlished. himself as quite m expert mJapan,
:111 some mspects, Ozaki was a true believer in a Marxist ideology. His
vision for Japan was a socialist-commw~istfuture, and he f c t that such a
future was a much better alternative to the type of fanatical Japanese na-
194 Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part 2
JapaneseAmericans
EolloMling the Japanese surprise attack on Pearl Harbor (December 7 ,
1941), Americm authorities felt sa threate~~ed that they decided to intern
around 120,OUO American rclsidents with Japanese origi""(most of whom
were American citizens). Despite t-he fact that President Roosevelt had no
reliable iutformation suggestiq that these Arnerican citizens were in-
volved in subversive activities, and that such measurGs were not sag-
gested or taken agai11s.t Italian or German Americans, the p r e d e n t
sig11c.d executive order 9066 on Feitlruary 19, 1942, which gave the mili-
tary the authority to intern Japanese Americms. Un March 2,1942, Lieu-
tenant General DeWitt, head of Western Defense Command, declared
ClaEfomja, Oregon, and I"lashixlgto11 to be areas Trom which t?ll residents
of Japanese descent should be excluded. Consequently, around 110,000
Japanese Americans (of whom about 64 percent were American citizens)
were forced to leave their homes and bushesses m d sent to one of ten re-
location centers.
These Japanese Americans were f o ~ e dto abandcm their homes, prop-
erty, status, friends, and interests i,n their communities m d pressed into
hard labor. The unsubstantiated suspicion was that they canstituted a
,potmtial (or actual) traitors, and that their supposed loyalty
to their cotmtry of origin-Japm-was such that they would necessarily
violate their loydty to the United States and its trust hthem. That is, they
would betray their hmerican citizenship. The US. Supreme Court ini-
t i d y uphd the relocation polirsy but i,n 2944 declared that the detention
of persons whose loyalty was not cornpromised was uncon
ent camps were thus closed in 1944, but Japanese
contir~uedto experience discrimination. However, one development
helped to counter this discrimination: the heroic battle performance of the
Nisei.
'The Nisei, or Japanese American troops, fought valiantly and proved
their toyaXty numerous times. Units involving fdisei, as wetl as indkidual
soldiers, were repeatedly awaded military citations. Certahlp, the coura-
geouverformance of Japanese American units duriz~gthe war hetped
neu.t.ralize the feerings jnvolved in the incarceration of other Japanclse
Rmericms.@The memorable 1951 rnotim picture G o f i r Broke iocuses on
the M2n$ Regimental Combat Team, which was composed of Nisei, sus-
tained heavy casualties in 1944-19.3-5, and won m y colnntendations for
vaior, including a Congressional.Medal of Hmor.b9
EETYP*
During World War 11, Egypt was ruled by King Farouk (1920-1965).
British rule of Egypt was resented by Egyptian nationalists, and m n y
Egyptians were striving for nativnal independencc,m Farouk displayed a
~ l u c t a npro-British
t stand (to which he was bound by a treaty he siwed
with Great Britain) but retained a pro-Axis gover~zmexrt.Thus, he ap-
pointed a pro-Nazi prime mixlister, and he and some nationalist officers
such as Gamal Abdel Nasser and h w a r Sadat (both later became Egyp~an
presidelzts) culfivated hopes for a G e r m victory because they believcd
that such a victory would get them closer to national independerne. As
Weinberg" smcmumental work points out, given the pditical and social
nature of Nazi Germany, such a belief could, only be characterized as ""eoo
ridiculous to be worthy of serious discussion,"n That belief trmslated it-
self into actions as they maintained contacts with the Germans. Mihat
these Egyptians did not comprehend was that Germm rule would be sig-
nificantly more oppressive than the BritisE9.7"
Mihen the Axis victoric.~,led by Rommel's Afrika Korps, in the North
African desert threatened Cairo in 1942, Farouk was forced by the British
to dismiss his pm-Nazi prime minister, and his pro-Nazi officers were ar-
rested. " M e n the h i s powers wew cm the brink of defeat, Egypt de-
clared war on Germmy and Italy in February 1945 so that she could join
the United Nations."Ts
The British Imperial War Museum keeps in its artlhive a document con-
crcrning "'Farouk 1, f i g of Egypt."7Uccording to this documnt, on July
28, 1942, ""to Egyptian militar). planes . . . [fIew] . . . to Field Marshal
Rommel" headquarters . . . [with] . . . inrportant maps and plans in-
tended for the German military authorities." The docment accuses f i g
Farouk of maintajning a two-year negotiation process with the Nazis, in-
cluding an exchmge of letters with Hitler. Among other tbings, Farouk
yearned for a Nazi victory, supported the pro-Nazi rebc3llion in Iraq
(April 1941), and called for the bombardment of Jerusalem and Tel k i v .
Emm a Britib pojnt of view, Farouk's actions certainly placed him very
close to behg a bana fide trajtor. Hocvever, that could not h e been the
j u d p m t from an Egyptian nationalistic point of view.
Vintalitzg Trrtsl and hyalty Durr'12g WurIcZ War 11: Part 2
Concluding Discussion
This chapter extelzds the discussio~~ of cases of treason in World War 11.
We have examined the context in which the different traitors operated,
the options they had, and the choices they made. MilnailoviC-,Antonescu,
Vtasov, von StaufIe&erg, F"u-X, &aki Hotsunti, King Farottk, the Chet-
niks, the Iron Guard, and the Whjte Rose were defhed by contemporaries
as traitors because they we^ perceived to have crossed the boundaries of
trust and loydty. 'Thus, structurally, the characterization of traitor fits be-
cause in these cases a violation of trust and loyalty existed.
"T'hethreat presmted by these individuals to their ~spectivestates was
grave. Mowver, \zrhen these cases are closely examhed in terms of his-
torical context, the issues of violating both trust and foyalty in terms of
content a d mrality (that is, their constmcticm) become complex. With
the exception of the cme of Japanese Axnericans, it is not sutficient to state
that the different indjviduals violated trust m d loyalty. From a moralistlic
point of view, one must: consider the question of trust and Loyalty to
whom? In thc case of Japanese Americans, the westion can be reversed;
that is, many of them felt that their countsy (the United States) betrayed
their trust and loyalty.
Weintar Germany prosecutkg Hitler for treason (md he rnnst cerhimly
presented. the gravest threat for that unstable democracy) and the Third
Reich prosecuting those who we= perceiwed as untmstwor&y, disloyal,
and threate~~ing to Hitler provide us with a sinnilar illustra'rinn. As the
mord buundaries of Germany shified, the very meming of trust and icy-
alty changed radically In both cases, those who were pweived to have vi-
dated trust and )oyaLty were ialheled traitors and treated accordhgly. The
threat potential in each case was indeed large. However, morally, it is
prololematic to equate Weirnar Germany and the Third Keich. In m r a l
terns, they racliically differa~t.'Thus, &though the structural mem-
ing of treason in both societies was sim.i:iar and based m analogous viola-
tions,the content of these different cuftural contexts, and consegumtly the
moral. meaning and significance of hese vi,olations, was very different.,
:InChapteps 5 and 6, we focused on individual cases of treason in a very
brbulent period. In each case, a better understanding emerged when the
image was contrasted with the reality. Moreover, we could see how in
each case, the same unkersal structure of violations materialized. But we
did not stop there; we took one m m step by viewing not only the stntc-
ture of the violations, but their co~ttentas well, which necessitated the use
of morality as a criterion for evaluating the cases.
The next three chapters delve in detail into three cases of betrayai in
World War 11. Chapter 7 exambes the ""rdio traitors," those who used
the relatively new radio technology to disperse to their enemies messages
of despair, propaganda, and misinform;ttim in order to weaken their will
to fight. There were quite a few such inciividuals, but we &all focus m
two: Lord Haw-Haw and liskyo Rose. Chapter 8 focuses on individual
cases oi intellectual betrayal. There, we look at a curious phenomenon-
inkllectuds who arc. gifted with humanity, sensitivity and empathy lend-
ing support ta the cruel, the crude, and the oppressive. Firrally, we shall
examhe, in grcat depth, the case of a traitor king-Edward VX1X.
This page intentionally left blank
Radio Traitors:
Lord Haw-Haw and Tokyo Rose
The term "radio traitors'' was used by both Weyl and Edwards to de-
scribe a special situation during World W;ar 11.1 During the war, both
Japan and Nazi Germany recruited individuals to transmit, via radio,
propaganda to their opponents (and supporters). It is importmt to em-
phasize that t:he Allies used such transmissions as well, The new radio
technology thus gave rise tcr a new form of betrayal, using radio wawes to
comrnit treason."n&ed, the= were quite a few such traitors-me meth-
ods of recruit.hg radio trait.ors varied.. Some did, it wilXingly because they
were committed ideologically. Others were offewd money or other in-
duccmenl.s. Still others were recruited frnm prisoncr-of-war camps under
threats or for promises for better living conditions, As both Weyl and
Archer note,%su& traitors included the following: Robert H, Best, who
trmsmitted for the Nazis;" British comic aut.lnar P. G. Wodehouse (creator
of Bertie Wooster and Jeeves), who made a se;t-iesof radio transmissions
from Berlin to E~~gland and the United States in 1943, for which he was
paid by the Nazis;Wblitdrc?d Gillas-also known as "Axis Sa,l,lyff-who
broadcast lfor the Nazis and was sentenced in 1949 to ten to thir_tyyears in
prison irr the U ~ ~ i t eStates;T
d and Jane Xnderson-&so known as ' l a d y
Haw-Maovffand "'the Georgia, Peachf'-who transmitted for Che Nazis to
the United States 'four times a week.8 However, hnio radio traitors won
particular f m e : Lord Haw-Hw m d Tokyo b s e . :ill tbis chapter, we shall
explore these two cases in detail.
siasticralry and without any coercion. Joyco gained worldwide fame for
being the person who broadcast Nazi propaganda to Britain and other
countries, He was arrested after the war, charged with treason, found
guilty, and hmged in January 194ba9
Background
Williarn Joyce, also h o w n as 'Lord Haw-Hakv, was born on April 24,1906.
His place of birth is not insignificant: Rrooklyn, New York, His father,
Michael, was born in County Mayo, Ireland, in 1868, and emigrated from
Ireland to the United States in 1888, when he was twenty years old. In
1894 Michael became a U,S, citizen, follwing his decliaratjon of intent to
do so in 1892. In 1904, with a U.S. passport, Michael went to ERgland for a
visit. That visit was momentous for Michaeli, It was then that he met his
estmde Emily Brooke ("Queenie"") of Shaw#in Lancashire,
Gertnrde was a phy"i"i"n's daughter and about ten years younger than
Michael. The two married in New York on May 2,1905. William was their
first child (they had two more sons).
Having made some m n e y in the United States, Michael apgartrntly felt
that it was time to return to his home corntry The Joyces left the Unikd
States in 1909 to settle in County Mayo. William was then three years old,
They =turned as U.S. citizens with U.S. passports. Michael's heart was
with Ixland, and he apparently regretted becoming a US. cjtizern, to the
point of ""denying on occasion that he had ever become a naturalized
Arnerican.""lWe insisted that he and his family were all British. In fact,
Selwyn points out that Michael was see11 by his younger son Quelltin
burning his American cilizenship documents in 1935. Young William was
thus educated in freland, with strong English ir^lclinations, and he was
raised in an atmosphere of extreme conservatism with s t r o ~ ~imperialis-
g
tic ideas.11
William had his nose was broken in a schoolyard fist fight, but he did not
r e p & his ir\jury Consquently, it was not trcated property, m d his voice
acquired a nasal tone.1"
In those years of William"s childhod, frc-rlandwas in the clutches of go-
litical turmail. Michael sided with the British Crown. In 1928, at age four-
teen, William also joined the struggle against the frish nationalists by col-
lecting intelligence for the infamous '"Blacic and Tans," the irregular
Crown forces.'"us, Wltlam associated himself with brute force at an
early age, He most certainly saw what effects clandestine operations
h d i t ~Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Rose 201
codd achieve, Rstimony irom the period, indicates that Wiltiam was fa-
naticaily devoted to England and opposed to what he saw as the Irish in-
surgency. Willian's service came to an end whetn a truce was amounced
on July 11,1921, and the paramilitary units of the Bfack and Tans began to
~trcllatin October. Extremists on both sides felt that they had been be-
trayed.'"
The establishment of an Irish Free State left the Joyces little choice.
Fearing the revenge oE Irish nationalists, they moved to E~~gland (Decem-
ber 8, 1921). Wlliam lied about his age and enlisted in the British Army
When his true age was disclosed, he was mleased from the a m y after
only four months of service.1"
It: is clear that from his very early years, Joyce preferred physical action,
combat, intrigue, manipulation, military disciptine, and seg-iqrovement.1"
Joining the Black m d Tans, and his attempt to join the army so very early
in his life, m s t eertady wveals an opinionated, determined person with
a clear afEin.ity far conservatism and a fascination with force. These actions
also invol\ied lies, disguke, a d pretense at a very early age..
In August 1922, Willjam Joyce wrote a letter to London Umi\lersity,
which is frrsquently voted. In it, he states that he was born in the United
States to British parmts and that "hno wayfWwashe connected with the
United States. It expresses extreme, perhaps even juvenile, loyalty to the
Crown. This letter was rehfarced by a letter from his fatha, Michael, who
added that "we are all British m d not Americm subjects." It is clear that
although the Joyces' presentation of themselves as exclusively British was
filctually misllcading, they most certainty viewed themselves as British
sub~ects.That view was patriotic; genuine, and a result of a choice.17
William began his formal studies in 1922 at Battersea Pdytechnic. After
graduation he continued his stucties at tiirbeck College, London Unjver-
sity, focusing on ERglish language and literature, H e receivd a First Class
Hsnors Degree in June 1927, Along the way, in May of 1927, he mrried
Hazel Kathleen Barr; they eventually had two daughters, but their mar-
riage ended in 1936. 'f'his line of William's cartrer indicated a bright and
intelligetnt mind, quite capable of impressive academic aclhievements,
Mrilliam, however, was also developing a political. career. Un December
6, 1923, hr-. joined the British Fascisti. This rather strange group was
fa~lndedby Miss R. L. tJifiton-.Omtan,and its primary goal was to prevent:
a socialist revolution in Britain,lWn the evening of October 22, 1924,
Joyce was in charge of the ""fsquad" of the British Fascisti. A public polit-
ical activity was to take place in s ~ ~ p p oofr ta pOlitical candidate h Lam-
beth North.lWuring the meeting, countergroups intervened, and bycc
was attacked by an anonymous person who made a long cut on his face,
causi,ng a very vi,sible scac In 1924 it was clear that thc British Faseisti was
disirttegrating. Although byte was givcn an opportuni-ty to restructure
202 h d i o Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Ruse
the group, he was too busy studykg for final exams and makirzg an in-
come as a tutor, Although joyce chose at thjs time to pursue an academic
career, he was not filzished with political adion.
:InMarch of 19B he applied for a job in the Foreign Office but failed the
rwiew process and was rejected. At the same timc., he also tried to join the
Conservative Party. By that t i m , Joyce must have already possessed
some strong opinions, The Conseclrvatjve Party was not very open to ex-
treme anti-%mitic fascists like himself. After two years of trylng to exert
inSluence the=, he quit?qfn July 11933 he joi;ned the Britisfn tlnian of Fas-
cists (B.U.E), headed by Oswa1.d Mosley.21 In the autumn of that same
year, Joyce was already deputizing at meetings for Mosley. Joyce quick3y
established hintsdf as an =set and a capable, aspiring politician. He was
certainly considered a very good orator.
htieipating the possibility of a trip to Berlin with ikfosley tc:,meet in
person the new Germm fiihrer, Adotf Hitler (never to be actualized),
Joyce applid for a BritisEt passport. In his applicalion, Joyce stated that
he was British by birth, a clear and obvious lie.22 In July 1933 he was
grmted the requested passport." h 19% he was promoted to Diredor of
Propaganda for the B.U.E His paid appolntrnent in the B,GJ,f",,and later
promotion, enabled him to leave the Victoria 'I'utcrrial College, and he
abandoned his doctoral progrant at King's College.2""Th,roughout 1,934,
Joyce remained, next to Mosky the most powerkrl figurc of the B.U.F. in
the p ~ d a imagination."'Wmever,
r the two devebged personal reser-
vations toward each other.%Among other things, Joyce exhibited e x t ~ m e
patriotism (he insisted, for example, that "friends stand to attention and
sing 'Gocl save the Kingbt informal evening parties at his home'") and
overt hatred for Jews and capifalism,27
Jayce was not succes~fuIin the March 1937 etectims for London
County Council. A mcmth later, Mosley "purged" foyce and a close asso-
criate of his (Joh Beckett) fmm the B.U.I-i2"0yee then fnunded hjs own
parhyI the National Socialist Lague, with its paper T11.1c.Helmman." The
party had only a small number of recruits. In February 1937, Jlryce mar-
ried Margaret Cairns WMe, a B.U.F. mcmtber." =ring 1938-1 939, Joyce
called puhlicty for a pact with Hitkr (and Italy) and for active discrimina-
tion against Jews.31
'The events precedhg World War I1 began ta reduce the choices Joyce
had. In March 1938, Austria was amexed to Germmy (the Anschi'uss), In
March 1939, Hitler took over CzechoslovaZtia, and a British pact with
Poland followed. It was clear that a major war was in the making. foyce's
British political fantasy had very little cbance of materializing, and be had
to make a choice. He could not join tbr British in their fight againp;t Nazi
Germany; m d he could not apt out by declarirrg himself a cmscientious
objector, Momover, Joyce truly believed in FXjtler, Although the Joyces
h d i t ~Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Rose 203
The Admiral Graf Spee. The first transmission concerns what has be-
come h o w n as the Rattle of the River Plate. That bat.tle took place on De-
cember 13,1939.
i r a l Spee was commanded by Cap-
The Nazi pocket battleship A d ~ ~ ~ Craf
tain I-lans Langsdorff and had a crew of 1,101),4qis pocket battleship
was sent to the South Atlantic seas, mrhing in September 1939. Her or-
ders stipulated that she was to hunt and sink Alied commrce. In two
months of raiding, that pocket battlehip was efkctive in sinking at least
nine ships (totalkg 50,089 tons). 'The British Admiralty could not allow
such hostile high seas activities to contirrue unchallenged. A battle hrce
naval squadron consisting of the heavy cruiser Exeter and the light cruis-
ers Achilles and Ajax, commanded b y C m n o d o r e Sir Henry Marwood,
hunted down the :Nazi ship.50 The three British warships found the Admi-
ral Graf Sp;. on acember 13,1939, and engaged hcr in the battle that has
become k~own. as the Battle of the River Plate.
They surrounded. the Nazi ship and hunched at her c7ne salvo after the
other. Clearly tbr Nazi ship had superior guns (11-inch), but it was infe-
rior in speed to both light crrwisers. Captain I,angsdorif focused hjs main
armament against the most powerful of tbe tbsc Exefer-md hit her
quite badly. At the end of the battle the Exefer T-IQ0to starboard
and was thrrse feet down in the bows. She was steered by a boat colnpass,
and all her guns were uut oi action. Her bridge was destroyed, and six@-
m e offiicers and men wew kilied and twenty-three were wounded. 'The
battle co~~tinued to rage for fottrteen hours, and the Admiml Craf Specr w s
not doing badly. However, Captain Langshrff made a fatal mistake by
underestimatit~ghis chances in a continued battle against the three cruis-
ers. He disengaged and fottnd asylrtm in the neutral port of Montevideo.
Dcspit.e his request to stay hMontevideo for f f een days to allow for
necessary repairs, only a three-day stay was approved. Captain Langs-
dorff was led to believe, fdsely, that a large and formida,ble British naval,
force was waitirrg for him outside th harbor. FXe decided., with the full
howledge and approval of the highest eehelons of the Nazi gove
to scuttle the ship. On Sunctay, December 17, 1939, at 18:0(3, the Adllrirul
Craf Spee moved, out and stoppedf and her crew abandoned,her; then a se-
ries of explositms U n e d the ship into a flaming wreck," x r e e days later,
Captain Langsdorff, wrapped in the flag of the old Imperial German
Navy, shot hirn.~elf.~z The symbolic value of the Nazi defeat was gl-eat, It
was considered to be a moral boost for fie British, and it shattered the
myth that the Nazi pocket battleships were invincible. What did Lord
Haw-Haw have to say about this bitter Nazi defeat?
On December 17,1939, Radio Hamburg made its triple "Germany Catl-
ing" mnouncemem.t.follocved by the 'You are about to hear the ncws in
206 h d i o Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Ruse
English," read by Wltiam Joyce. Here is what he had to say about the Bat-
tle of the Ever Plate:
The New Yo& Ernes reports the British cruises Exeter has been run aground
near part StanZey near the east coast of the Falkland Islands, This American
newspaper states that the Exeter has been so severety damaged by the ar-
tillery of the Admiml Gmf Spee that it is impossible to make this ship seawor-
thy again. As =me of the guns of the Excter are stilt in working ordel; the
British admiralty obviously intends to make use of the hulk a s an additional
coast battery at Port Stanley.53
Joyce ipored the brutal Nazi occupation of Nosway and the hypocrisy
of "political independence." Furthermore, the German Nawy sustain&
serious darnages in the operation, and its operational ability was signifi-
cantly reduced. The Norwegians put up a courageous defense, and the
Nazi conquest of Noway was certainly not a picnic.
Wliam Joyce's personal life was not smooth. His f rst marriage dis-
solved into nothingness. Now, hBerlh, his second wife was I-ravisrga hot
love affair with a younger man. The traitor Joyce was thus betrayed m
the personal le~el.~gIn August 1941, Willim foyce sued his wife Margaret
for a divorce on the grounds of infidelity*Mxgarct responded by stati%
that her husband abused her by losing all ~ s p e cfor
t her."" It was clear
that the marriage came to a dead-end. Divorce was granted. Followhg
the divorce in court, the two newly dkorcees displayed an emotional out-
burst and feu into each other arms outside the court. 'They went to have a
meal at the Kaiserhof. Later that day they each went his m d her separate
ways,hl The two remarried again in February of 1942.a
I'm talkin" to you about Germany That is a concept that many of you have
failed to understand. . . . Here we have a united people-.. . . They are not im-
perialists, they do not want to take what doesn't belong to them. All they
want is to live their own simple lives, undisturbed by outside influences.
That is the Germany that we know.
the receding, m d his Nazi superiors decided not to trmsmit the record-
ing because it was too obvious from thr voice that somethirrg was very
wrong. The recarding itself was found in the archives of Radio Luxern-
bourg.67
The two British officers were alert, They suspected that the man infront
of them may try to puil a gun on them. Thus, as Joyce was rczachi~~g into
his pocket, Ijeutenant I+rcy-in a husry-got hold of his revolver and
fired bw. At this dose range, the bullet hit Joyce in his right thigh and
passed to his left. He fell crying in his confusion "my name is Fritz
Hanserr." Captah Z,ickorish went ta the wounded man searching for a
weapon, He found none, but did find two passports: one for '"VViXJnelm
Hmsenffand the other, a military pawp"tf"r "William Joyce.'"foyce was
taken to the nearest Danish fror~tierpost. hterestirg that JOYCC? was nat
thirtking of a gun. He thought that the British officers suspected that he
h d i t ~Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Rose 209
was about to use a poison vial. The story of the capturc, and woundjng, of
Lord Haw-Haw made its way quickly to the news.n
.h historical irony can be foulld in the Wiener Library, Lolldon. In the
archives held there, Mr. Simmon, horn the Jewish Chronicle, notes that
Lieutenant Geoffrey Perry was Jewish.7Wis original n a m was Pin-
sche\vcr, and he had lived in Berlin prior to his immigration to England in
1935. Al the tirne of the report, he was described as working for the
British Association af Publisherrs"i"4
The Trial
The next chapter inJoyce's life was his trmsfer to England, interrogation,
and trial. Along the way he was treated for his wounds. foyce was coop-
eratrive, and despite wamhgs, he "was a ccrmpdsive talker,"n I'he British
press easily defined Joyce's acti,vity in h d i o Hamburg as treason and
Lord Haw-Haw as a traitor.
210 h d i o Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Ruse
S e l w p points out that before Joycer was brought back to England, the
'Tieason Act (1945) was amended. 'The law of 3695 required two wit-
nesses to an act of treason ""or else two acts of treason each vouched for
by a separate witness. This safeguard. was now abolished, and in Joyce's
case the prosecution offered only one clear act of treason vouched for by
one witne~s,~'76
Joyce was charged with high treason for his transmissions and for be-
coming a German citizen in 1940.7'he issue of his original ci-t.izctnsl~ip was
a serirtus one. It was difficdt, if not impossible, for a Britisfn court to con-
vict an American citizen turned German citizen on a charge of treason to
Britain. Thus, the case is an empiricd illustratricm of the need to establish
that a traitor is a member of the group bejing betrayed. The prosecution
claixned that obtahing a British passport (under fahe claims) put Joyce
under British jurisdiction and made hirn a British citizen, requiring from
fiim t-he dut-y of h i t h f u h e s s , ~
Joyce ptcaded ""not guile*"As far as be was concerned, be did not be-
tray T o n e . He never hid his fascist views, a d when war broke out, he
did as his belief required. However, his defense was based on the claim
that the British court had no jurisdiction because he was a non-British cit-
izen, That did not work. Joyce was also bothered by the possibility that a
"pedominantly Jebvish juryf' would judge him.7"
The trial began in Septttmher 17,1945, and lasted three days. ' m e trial
of Cord Haw-Haw had caught the ima&ination of the world" pressef'79
Joyce codd answer afirxnatively to the charge that he had never been a
British citizen. However, he did feel himself to be British m d had lived in
Britah for tl-tirty years. Thus, it was possible that treason codd he in-
voked between 9ptember f 8,1939, and Septentber 26, 1940 when he be-
came a German citizen). As Slwyn pojnts out, "it was iar from clear that
erican suhject in Germany could be guilty of trmsm against E%-
land, a countr>iwhich he had left and to h i c h he had no intention of re-
tuming,"8(1However, it is equaIly true that "Wi1Iiam Joyce bad broadcast
~ p e a t e d l yand mregentantly m behaif of the Nazi regime, undermhhg
British morale by evwy means at his disposal."" Joyce's blatant and re-
peated radio messages threatening Britain with destruction and &feat,
accusing the second-front of being "Jewish inspired,qz and inciting citi-
zells with cdLs of "Lay down your arms! Resistance is uselessl"8"illus-
tsate this charge dramatically.
The jury found Joyce guilty on the charge of high treasm in twenty-
three nrrk3utes of deliberations. His case came before the Court of Crirni-
nal Appeals on October 30, 1945. The hearing lasted for three days, and
the problem of Joyce" nationality was a crucial me. On November 7 ,
1945, the appeal was rejected. The case was then appealed before the
House of Lords on December 10,1945. The discussions ended on Decem-
h d i t ~Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Rose 211
ber 13, and on Decermber 1%it was announced that the appeal was re-
jected fiere as well.84
'There were letters and appeals to the British authorities not to execute
William Joyce, Documents released in 1995 by the Public Record Office
""disclose a file of letters, telegrams, a d petitions 3 inches thick urging
George IV, Clement Attke, the prime minister, and Chute R. Ede, the
Home Secretary, to be lenient with a man who earned historical notoriety
as the broadcaster Lord Haw-Haw" The Duke of Bedford wrote to Attlee:
I gather he has nwer been charged with betraying military secrets. . . . I must
say that I feel his execution would be an act of quite unjustifiable vindictive
severity involving a not inconsiderable degree of hypocrisy as well. . . . Al-
though in his frequent use of the term "Jewish," he displayed the exagger-
ated bigotry characteristic of anti-Semites, Joyce, when telling the British
people in his broadcasts that their real enemies were the international fi-
nanciers, spoke no more than the truth.85
Thus, very clearly, until his very last moments foyce regretted nothing
and haci learned nothing. He remained loyal to his fallen idol, Adolf
Hitler, m d the abomhable National Socialism to the end.
Some Hz'sdorz'cnlIronies
History can play some sard.nni.c tricks. Rccall that Joyce was captured and
shot in the leg by a Jewish refugee from Germany. Another irony occurred
years after his execution. One of Joyce's daughters from his first mar-
riage-Heather Iandol+becanre a regular visitor to the Shiabbat morn-
ing service in tbr Ghatham Synagogue. According to the @wish C:hro~z%cle,
the last time si,x%-sjx-year-oldHeather saw her fatker was when her par-
ents were divorced (1936)." She was then seven years old, Mrs. farrdola
was repclrted as having a ""chc.rishrd and warm regard for Jews," unlike
her father: She visited Israel twice, and her daughter spent two years in
an Israeli kibbutz,
[The report] was based on interviews with a random sample of 3,000 people.
Of every six interview-ees,one was a regular listener to WilEiam Joyce and four
listened to him from time to time, The fipres were mexpededly high and not
made more palatable by the discovery that it was the politicaliy better-
informed and the yc3ung who Xistmed to Hamburg Radio regularly These were
also identified as people who did not easily believe in the myth of the Britik
Empire d t e d agaimt a CO cm enemy but, said the report, who h e w quite
welt that a g o d many of its people had no enthusiasm fox such a war.88
A quarter of the sample surveyed in December 1939 stated. that they had
listened to W i a m Joyce the day before; S8 percent stated that they found
foyce to be fantastically funny; 50 percent just listened so that they would
have something to talk about; 38 percent found Joyce amusing; 29 percmt
wmted to hear the German version of events; 26 percent kvanted Efie ncws
fiat the BBC did not give t h m ; 15 percent tfiought he was a good broad-
caster; 9 perilent found RBC boring; m d R percmt admired Joyce"s broad-
casthgs,. Most in the sample did not thkk it was mpatriotic to listen to
foyce. However, Selwyn also states that '"inthe BBC surveyF22 percent of
those questioned said that they never Listened to Raciic:,Hamburg or any of
the other German stations, because their wircless sets were sjmply not
powerful enough to pick t h m up,"m These numbers stand in cmtsast to
h d i t ~Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Rose 213
Other Bmadcasters
The impressive works by Edwards (1991) and Bergmeier and Lotz Rainer
(1997) document the extent to which the Nazis utilized radio transmis-
sions to non-Germans as a way to spread their version of rcality. Edwasds
discusses at length Arnerican broadcasters w orn he refers to as "raeiio
traitorsM")inthe service of the 'Third Reich, such as Jane Anderson, Max
Otto Koischwitz, Robert I-I. Best, Douglas Chandler, and DonaId Day
(and a few others)." Bergmeier and Lcrtz Rainer's 1997 work surveys the
more general radio propaganda trmsmissions of Nazi Germany. Ed-
wards concludes that, much like Joyce, most of the American broadcast-
ers lost their loyalty to the Llnited States yearsbefore World War I1 began.
The number of such people, t-hough not: large, was significant.
her and took her to k k y o , h a , barcly able to speak Japanese and fully
Americanized, fomd it difficult to adapt to Japanese life.
Moreover, material shortages were an integral part of life in Japan. Iva
clearly missed the United States and expressed, h r longixrg in letters and
talks with her family On Sptember 8,1941, she applled for an American
visa, So unhappy was Iva that in N8vembc.r 1941 she catled her fatha
and told him that she wanted to return to the United. States right away.
Her father cabled her a few days later, instructing her to board a Japan-
ese-owned passellger ship that was scheduled to leave Yokohama on De-
c e d e r 2. Tbe cable arrived one day before the departure oi the ship, but
Iva was unable to get: ail the documents necessary before departure.
However, it did not make much difference. The Japanese attacked Pearl
Harbor on December 7,m d the ship that she wouM have taken to the
U ~ ~ i t eStates
d was imtructed to r e t m to Japan. The declaraticm of war
meant that Iva was prevented b n ?goi.ng back to the Uni,ted States.
Like other Japanese Amdcan families, her family in the Urtited States
was interned in a camp @er sick mother died in the process). Iva's mmey
was running out, but her family in the United States codd nt:,longer help,
Despite all this, she did try to find ways to return, thhkixlg that an intern-
ment carnp was better than remaining in Japan. Unforbnately, she sirtlply
codd not afford a detoured sailing rnute to the Wnikcd States (she had to
first go to a third country, for example, Tndja, and f r m tkere to the United
States). For d l practicd purposes, Iva, without a U.S. passport and with
close family ties in Japan, was stuck in Japan. She had to deal with Chc au-
thorities to get ratianing cards, work, and other essentiafs for survival.
Obviously, the attention of the Japanese security service was focused on
her (as well as others in similar situations)"
:In desperate need of income, she joined in June 1942 the Japanese na-
~ o n anews
l agmry Her jot, was to m a ~ t oand
r tr;mscribe hglish-language
radio transmissions from such phces as Hawaii, Austraia, India, and
China. There she met Felipe dxquino, an English speaking-man, five
years younger than Iva, and the son of a Japanese mother and a For-
tuguese father. A pacifist, he offered her emotional. support and idel~tifica-
tion, Eventually the two were married. Despite her attempts to sumive,
her inclrme was barely sufficient, and she was deprived of a food ra-
tioning card. It did not take l o ~ ~forg her, on a starvation diet, to become
very sick, and she was consequently hospitalized for six weeks. fmnicalfy,
on October 22, 1942, Americm officials notified the Swiss consulate &at
Iva was entitled to a passport and that she could return to the United
States. No indication exists that the Swiss mission ever contacted Iva with
this news.
Lookis~gfor a jab, she responded to an advertiselnellt in the Nippon
Ti~~fes for employment as a part-tirne typist in English for Tokyo Radio,
21 6 h d i o Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Ruse
and she was accepted for the job, Sometlme during November 1943, she
was told that she was being cmsidered for a position as an amouncer for
a radio program put together by P m . Although she was reluctanl at:
firstt she was pressured, threatened, and eventually coerced into taking
the job. She later rnet Australian major Charies Hugh Cousms, Britih-
born and a graduate of Smdhurst, who was a radio personality hSydney
radio before the war and very well known.
Cousens had jofned the Australian a m y and had fou&t as a c
of an infantry battalion in Malaya, He became a POW alter the fall of
Singapore, Like Iva, he was sick with dysentery, Once the Japanese dis-
covered who he was, they begm a long process of p ~ s s u r i n ghim into
broadcastjng for them. He ~ s i s t e dat first but eventualjy a g ~ e d
to trans-
mit POW messages. That was only the beginning. Soon he was asked to
do more. In June 49-42, Cousens was flown to -li,kyu. b e ' s 1990 work
points out: that: Cwsens a p e d to transmit because he was planning to
sabotage the transmissions from the inside, He began trmsmitting, at first
irnitathg Japanese pronunciation. Eventually in August 3443, he chose
Iva to join him as an amamlcer*Howe, agaiin, pohts out that this choice
of an inexperienced announcer indicates the subversive intentions
Cousens may have had and that h a was party- to. hccoriling to Howe,
Cousens's choice of Xva meant that the trmsmissions were much less pro-
fessional, effective, inffuential, or useful, Under Cousens" gguidmce, Iva
begm transmitting on 'lbkyo Radio, and in March 1943, Tokyo Radio be-
g m its "Zero Hot~r,"in which Iva's voice became even more pronounced
as Tokyo Rose, It is important to emphasize that there were other POWs
who particjpafed in the transmissions. Howe's 1990 w r k makes it abun-
dantly clear trhat Xva Toguri and Major Cousens (and others) were coerced
into their roles.
Once the war was over and 'Japansurrendered, U.S. journalists went to
Japan searching br interesthg stories. Two of &em found Iva Tagufi and,
after talking with her, constructed her as the Tokyo Rose. This exposure
eventudly led to her arrest, trial, and impriso
Iva was found g d t y of trcason, sents~cedto ten years i,n priso~z,and
fhed $10,000. She was released after six years in prison, and onJanuaq 19,
1977, President Gerald Ford girnted her a pardon (on his last day in oflice).
Mether Iva Taguri was the one m d only Tokyo Rose is a secmdary is-
sue. Even if she was not the sole female transmitter, she did transmit pro-
pagmda fur the Japanese against the United States. However, Iva
Toguri" sadions are not equivalent to those of Willim Joyce. Whezl the
war began, she was trapped in Japan against her will.. She did nut identify
at afl with Japan, was coerced into broadcasting, and-if one is to trust
her (and Couf.;ensfs)account-the &erlion was to sabotage such trans-
missions by makhg them funny and discreditable.
h d i t ~Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Rose 217
The fact was that Iva, born American and feeling American, transmit-
ted propaganda with the purpose of demoratizitlg American soldiers.
Were her transmissions successful? 'This is a difficdt question. From Ihe
available anecdstes, it is possible to conclude that the transmissions did
not seem to affect soldiers in the battlefields. Did she have a choice? She
may have, to some extent, but one needs to remelnber the context in
which she operated; one of those choices was starvation. Howe (1.990) as-
serts that her behavior can be thwght of as ~semblingthe mentality in
nt.Bridge on the Rimr Kruai. The answer is not simple. One cannot state
that, like Williitm foyce, she willjngiy conspired against the United States.
Her actions were motivated Zly coercion, starvation, and fear. Does this
make her less of a traitor? That she was coerced into broadcasting cer-
tainly makes her offense liglnter. Did she violate trust and loyalty? As an
American citizen, a d furthermore, one who loved her life in the United
States, the answer is that she indeed violated the trust and loyalty ex-
pected of a citizen-tmst and loyalty that, by her own accounts, she felt
very strmgly about.
'The case involvi-ng Iva Toguri raises i s s ~ ~col~cemhg
es individuals who
are forced to collaborate with an opponent of their country. n r o u g h such
collaboration, thry may be able to minhnize damage or slrbvert the en-
emfxfforts. However, as we saw in the cases of cdaboration in Ewrope,
choosing this line of behavior is opting to walk a very narrow and slip-
pery tightrope. Some tangible gains may be made in the short run, but
such behavior rmains moralfy questionable afterward and is open to
contradictory interpretations. The basic reason is that such behavior al-
ways involves manipulation, deceit, concealment, and secrecy. Those
choosing collaboration must take into cansideration that such courses of
action have a very high probabjlily of being interpreted in a very unfa-
vorable light. Cases such as Sacha Anderson (see Chapter 3) and Harold
C& (see Chapter 5) illustrate how mmipulation, double meal7ings'
steallh, and dishonesty pervade the d.ouble g a m of collaboration and un-
derscore the difficulty of maintaining moral boundaries when such a
course is chosen.
Concluding Discussion
The two "radio traitors" we focused on in this chapter illustrate some
important points. 'lb begin with, they were both ~ g a r d e das traitors. It
is not too difficult to show that, structurally, in both cases violations of
both trust and loyalty led to that judgment. However, closer examina-
tion sf the moral content of the cases reveals that the reality was much
more complex. Iva Tuguri and William Joyce are twn very different
cases,
228 h d i o Traitors: Lord kinur-kinuralzd Tokyo Ruse
Ezra Paund
Ezra Pound, m e of the most distinguished Wentieth-century American
poets, played a morally questionable role before and during World War E.
His anti-Semitism and disenchantment:were an o(d story, long before the
war, Indeed Selwyn pojnts out that ""some of his most famous lines from
NZLgh Selzuyn Matihcrly had denounced the futility of figbting Germanyf"'
Pound was born inMaiZey, Idaho, on C)ctober 30,188,4, and raised inI"lyn-
cote (clme to Philadelphia). He graduated from Hamilton CoUege in 1905
md. f ~ s h e his
d M.A. degree at the University of sylvania in 19116. WUI-
nilng a fellowship inthe samcl yerar, he kfP the United Statc-.sto go to Europe
to study Romance lanf~uage. Howwer, his feilowrjhip was termhated after
only seven months, m d he had to return. l?e next took a teaching positinn at
Wabast-r P~sbyterianCo:[lcge in fndima (3903, but it did n d take stornny
Pound more than a few months to deride to leave again for a caeer as a
poet in Europe. h3 1908 he arrived. again in Europe, this tirng in Gibraltar,
and began to tmvd (coverimg large d.istmces by w a h g ) , sczttlh~geventw-
ally inVenice. It did not take Pound long to enter and become part of literary
circles in diBerclnt cities across Europe and in London, &rhg 1924, he m d
his wife f?(Dsra&y; whom he married in 1914) segled in RapaUo, Italy where
he was to stay for quite same t h e .
During these years, Pound" main activit-y was focused on promoting
several young titerary figures, but he was also producing bis mwork.2
h Rapallo, Pound focused on.
:111 April 3939, Pound visited the United States, hoping to meet Presi-
dent Roosevelt, He wanted to persuade him not to get the United States
involved in mother European war, but the president wouXd not see him.
The trip was a part of a significant personal effort by Pound tcr lobby h
m y way he could to prevent the United States from entering the war in
Europe. X n letters he wrote that the Jews were responsible fnr the war,
Pound" version was fiat the war benefited the Jews because it enabled
them to take cmtrol of the metals market.
Pound decided. to stay in IZapallo when the W t e d States joined the
war effort agaiz~stNazi G e r m y .
From the start of the war, when Italy still held "non-belligerent" "status,
Pound canvassed Italian radio officials to let him go on the air to address
the American people. Eventuallyl beginning on 23 January 1941, he was
given a ten-minute slot every three days in the ""American Hour." This
marked the beginning of an unprecedented one-man peace movement. To
r(r?cc>rdhis talks, Pound had to travel from RapalIo to the Italian capital. For
each broadcast he was paid the equivalent of fifteen dollars. In his broad-
casts, Pound blasted the "money hungry" Americans for sending aid to
Britain, warned against the cost of intervention in terms of lives and blood:
"For God's sake, don? send your boys over here to die h r the Shell oil com-
pany and the Jewish war profiteers," He blamed the Jews for most of the
wars in history; and held fc~rthon just about anything that popped into his
mind."
Pound did fiis hest to support fascist Italy's war effort, as he felt corn-
fortable with that fascism.' mough he did not give up his Americsln citi-
zmship, he nevertheless preachrd agair7st his country's policy siding with
i t s enemies, in the midst of a war. As Ihe wm progressed, he focused more
and more on wbat be saw as the ""communjst m.c.nace,"'h Although
Pound's actiwity was problematic before the Japanese attack on Pearl Har-
bor and the declarat.ion of war by the United States, i t s treasonable naturc
became obvious after that declaration of war. Had Pound g k m up his U,$,
cit.izenshlp, or kept quiet after Pearl Harbor, his activities might have been
overlooked. After all, the U.S. declaration of war (followed by Hitler's
declaration of war on the United States) drew very sharp m d clear moral
bmndaries between the tvvo sides, Pound made his choice, FXe preferred
to bust fascism and to be disloyai to the Idnited Stata and the Allies. Three
days after Pearl Harbor, Pound resumed the transmission of anti-U.S. and
anti-Semitic propaganda. In his transmissions, he continued to attack his
home country in a most vicious way.' For example, here is what he said on
Febnaary 14,1942: "That any Jew in the White Housc shodd sezzd Ameri-
can kids to die for the private h ~ t e ~ soft sthe scum of the English earth . . .
and the still bwer dregs of the Levanthe . . . '""
Moreover, Pound sought out. and corresponded with another f m o u s
""radio traitoru-Lord Maw-Haw. Although Wliarn Joyce" responses to
Poland were s o m e h a t reserved, Pound wrote Joyee long and detailed
letters. And although Pound continuously solicited Joyce's responses and
wrote to him frequently, Joyce-for all. practical purpose+politely ig-
nored this flood. However, neither forgot to sign their letters with the
"Heil Hitler" eerrdhg.9
On July 26, 1943, "'a federal grand jury in Washington FRdieted Ezra
Pound . . . on charges of wartime treason.'Tounnd's respmse to these
charges is instructive. Mc "received the news with disbelief, and sent a
letter to Washington arguing that the simple fact that someone expresses
his perstrnal views coutd not possibly be taken as evidence of treason.'""'"
Fobwing the Allied invasion of Italy and the surrmder of the Nazi
a m y in Italy on May 2, 1945, a few partisans located Pound, captured
him, and gave him to the U.S. counterintelligence unit in Genoa-1' Pound
was arrested azd held in a military prison near Pisa, He was the11 sixty
years old, His health, and perhaps his psychological well-being, was fail-
ing. The physical conditions of his imprisonment werc;, difficult. Flrr ex-
ample, he was kept in isolation; his belt and laces were taken away; there
were guards present around the clock; and the lights were never shut off.
After being exposed to these cmditims .for three weeks, Pomd began to
complai,n &out nightmares and hallucin&ion,seHe lost both hjs appetite
and some weight. A local psychiatrist who examined him did not h d
any cause to diagnose him as mtlntalv ill but ~commendedtransferring
the pro-Nazi poet to the sick bay. There, Pound continued his work m the
Canlos.12
h November 1945, Pound was put on an a*lane and sent to the United
States. Although he was charged with treason and the chances for a co~~vic-
tion wem hi.gh, a well-publidzed trial was considssed a problematic situa-
tion, A wetl-hown poet kvho bad idmtikd publicly with fascism a long
time befosc3 the war and who had broadcast propaganda from Itdy seerned
like a possibly exploshe mix. The day was saved by same mental heal&
proiessionals who suggested that Pound"s experience in prison may have
made him mentally mbalmced and &erefore unlit to stmd trial,
Julien Cornell, who was Found's lawyer, wrote a book (1966) &out Ihe
"trial." He admits that the charge of t ~ a s o nagainst Pound was made be-
cause of Bound's Italian radio tra~~smissisns, which aided m d comforted
the enemy at some very critical nrrome~~ts of the war for the Allies" Haw-
ever, he claims that Pound"s own response to the charge of treason was
that "the trt?ason was in the White House, not in Rapallo."JVRefore any
trial into the nature of the accusations could actually begin, Pound's
lawyer chose a drtfense that would rest in showing that Pound was men-
tally ill and, hence, unfit to stmd trial.
If Cornelf could get his client certified as "insane," the embarrassmnt
of trying the famous poet w u l d be avoided, as well as the danger of his
being declared a traitcrr m d possibly shot as such. Mtbougb the stigma of
nrrad~zessis perhaps not m y better thm that of badness, it would absolve
Pound of responsibility for his dubious wartime actions; but most irnpor-
tant of all, it would get Pound out of the cltanger zme of a potential death
sente~~ce. To accomplish this goal, Cornell demnnded that the issue of
Poundfs smiw be settled. The court agreed, Thus, four psychiatrists were
assiped to examine Pound. "Ilhree were appoifited by the government:
Dr. M a i m King (age fifty-six), Dr. Jaseph I,. Gilbert (age fifty-five), and
Dr. Winfred Overholster (age fifty-one); one was appointed by the de-
fense: Dr. Wendell Muncie (age forty-eight), Having examined Bound,
these four psychiatrists concluded that hc. was "insane and unfit to stand
trial." They submitted their report to the court on Clecenber 14,1945. In it
they wrote the following:
In our opinion, with advancing years his personality, for many years abnor-
mal, has undergone further distortion to the extent that he is now suffering
from a paranoid state which renders him mentally unfit, . . . He is. . . insane
and mentally udit for trial, and i s in need of care in a mental hurjpital.14
'This unanimorls report left very little choice for the jury and the judge,
The ""tia1" eended on February 13, 1946, when the federal jury accepted
the psychiatrists' judgment and concluded that Pound was "mentdy m-
sound" and "was mfit to stand trial-''IS
One must note that the onXy issue in this pmcedure, which Cornell
refers to as a "trial," was whether Ezra Pound was fit to stand trial, that is,
m issue of sanity This, amazingly does not prevel~tCome1I from giving
the impression that the= actually was a trial and from stating that Pound
was not found guilty because his crime was never proven, One needs to
read this outrageous statement a k w times to understmd this techical
hocus pocus, In any event, judge Law, who presided over the sanity pro-
cedure, sent Pound to St. Elizabeth's Hospital for the mentally ill. As
Cole's seviebv (1983)notes, Pownd
It thus seems fairly reasonable to assulne that had bumd been tried, he
would have been convicted of treason.
Structurally, there can be little doubt that Pound was a traitor. P o n d ,
a citizern of the Unitccf St.ates, chose to stay i.n Italy during the war be-
cause he sided with Italy against the United States, and he willingly
made radio transmissions for Italy sairrst his home country. He violated
the trust of his country and was most certabnly dissloyasl. However, from a
moral point of view, one must note that Pound" pro-fascist and. anti-
Semitic views had been established much earlier. He did not side with
.fascist Itdy out of convenience or some form of tangjt?le inducement or
pressure. Pound seems to have genuinely believed in the fascist and
Nazi ideology In this sense, he resembles the ""patriotictraitors" &-
scribed by Littlejoh (1972).
Those interested in how the psychiatric evaluation was made and
what Pound did at St. Elizabeth" s i l l find the answers in Torrey's in-
structive (1984) work. A. psychiatrist at St. Elizabeth's Hospital, Torrey
was in. a strategic position to evaluate the situation, He states, very
clearly, that Pound was never mentally ill m d that he continued to work
durilng all of his stay at the hnsgitaL Torrey documents, in detail, the
collaboration between Pound and the psychiatrists and how they cre-
ated the deception that P o d war; crazy. Having examined Pound's
wartime activities, Torrey believes that these activities should be seen as
treason.lWhat Cornell refers to as the "trial," Torrey refers to as the
"non-trial.""" Torrey states that the psychiatrists who examined Pound
felt that thcy saved thc great poet frm sncial degradation and possihly
a very harsh sentence. Furthermore, according to Torrey, Pound cooper-
ated fully in this charade and did his best ta give a ""show" that would
persuade the psychiatrists that he was insane.18 Torrey confirms that
Cornell" skategy was very successful. Pound was not branded as a trai-
tor, he was able to continue his work, and those who knew him did not
think for a minute he was crazy. Torrey found Pound to be ecwntric,
Pound gives ti~efnscisfs a l ~ t eOM a v i v ~ in
l NtzpEes on ftrly 9, 3958, after being
relmsedfrom flze mental Fsospital.
SOUEKE: E. Fufkr.Torrey, The Roots of Treaso)n: Ezra Pound and the
Sc?cret of St. Elizabeth (Mew York:McGraw-Hill, 49841. Photogmyh
nttribtrted to Wide World Photos.
racially bigoted, and rather oblivious to social norms, but he felt that
Pound was defhnitely not crazy During Pound" stay at St. Elizabeth",
he expressed consistent fascist tendencies, praised Mussolini,lp and con-
tinued with his extreme mti-Semitism.ao
Found was visited daily by his wife, Dorothy- Many literary fsjcnds
visited. him as well, and he managed to conduct an extensive corre-
spondence. 7"he lobby for Pound's release was meanwhfte g a h h g mo-
mentum. Ernest Herningwmy's ccrommexrt after receiving the 1954 Nobel
Prize for literature that indeed it was Ezra Pound who deserved the
prize helped, too. The pressure achicved its desired result, and at the
age of seventy-two, in April 1958, Pound was released, having never
been put on trial for trcason, X n June of the same year, he and his wife
left tl-re W t e d States for Brunnertburg in South Tyrol. Pound died on
Pllovemher lit 11972, at the age of eighty-severn in Venice, fourteen years
after his release f mm. St. Elizabeth" Hospital.21
It is noteworthyf and sjgnificant, that the winner of the Nobel Prize for fit-
erature in 1920, the Norwegian author Knut Hamsun (described by many
as a literary giant), was also a Nazi sympathizer.
Mamsun was born on August 4,1859. He had had a harsh childhood
and was employed as an occasional worker. He traveled throughout the
Wllited States, t a h g on several diBerent jobs. In 1890 his novel Hu~zgtrap-
peared (translded into German in 1891) and was followed by more stories,
H e won the 1920 Nobel Prize fur liLerature for his masterpiece, The Cmztillz
q f tlzr Soil (published in 1917and trmslated into German ir7 1918).Between
1927 m d 1933, H m s u n produced the Vagabo~~d Trilogy Hamsm's work
displays some unmistakable characteristics: an appreciation of the simple
l&, a closeness to nabre, and a strong tone of anti-hericm and mtitech-
nological civilization. Hmsun's expressed positims were consistently
hostile to both Britain and the United States. He didiked parliamntav
mefiods of government and what he defhed as "a lack of cult-ure" irr the
United States. Also, the process of jndustrializ&ion was not to Hantsw~'s
likhg, and he was all hfavor of a rural way of life.
These themes made Hamsun's work quite popular among Hitler's
youth movement. Hamsun was not indifferent to Ger~nanNational So-
cialism and did not hide his view that he saw in Nazism an antidote to
Angldmerican materialism. 'l-his, naturally and inevitably, led hirn to
Qui,sling and his fascist party.22 Me jOined Quisling's politicd cause,
gave him a solid endorsement (October 17,1936), and was thus the most
distinguished individual to suyport that Ntrrwegian Nazi. In endorsing
Quisling, Hamsun exclaimed, "If I had ten votes, he [Quisting] would
receive them."'"?.Although Hamsun joined Quisljng rather early, he re-
mained committed to Quisling even during some difficult times artd re-
lused to break away from him, despite requests to do so." bllowing
the German invasion and occupation of Norway (l940), Hamsun had. no
ksitation in calfhg upon Norwegians to teminate resistance because,
like Q~zisling,he believed that Norway had an advantaged position in a
Nazi-ruled Europe,
Hamsun was accepted for an i~~terview by Hitler (in Vienna in 1943)
and expressed open s~tpporf.for him, He urged Hitler to rclmove the Nazi
commissioner of Norway-Terboven-but Hitler was not moved by his
appeal. Terboven serwed his purposes, ir-t spirit and in practice, much bet-
ter than either Halns~tnor atisling ever could.2Wespit.e his d,isappoi.nt-
ment in the meeting with the fGhrer, his public suppwt for Hitler did not
waver.26
Mareover, Hamsun was hosted by B. Goebbels-the mird Reich mas-
ter pmpagandist-in his Berlin home on Map 13, 1943. Hamsun and
Goebbels seemed to adrnire each other and apparently enjoyed each
other's company. After Hitler% suicide, Harnsun c ~ a t r t dan emotional
eulogy irt his me1~0ry.27
Halmsun, clearly, went hrther in suppwthg Nazism than Pound. Both
men, however, felt committed to an ideology that, to them, made sense,
descrjbed the kind of world they wanled to live in, and set acceptable
moral and political boundaries
:It is interesting to note that Hamsun, like E m P a d , was subected to
p9Y"biatric examin,at.ions after the war. Professor Gabriel Langfeldt, a
leading Norwegian psychiatrist, diagnosed him as not responsibje
enough to stand trial on charges of tmascm, Based on this diagnosis, t-he
Pllorwegian authorities "concluded that H m s u n was not mentally com-
petent to be prosecuted. Tbe outcome of this case, however, was that the
novetist at the age of ninety mustert-d his 'pemanently impaked mental
faez~lties'to write his final mast.erpiece, part fiction and part autobiogra-
phy, in whirh he attacked 131: Langfeldt."= Hamsun, it must be noted, re-
b e d to be declared mentally ill and was fully p p a r e d to pay for his
wartime activities,2i"
Nevertheless, Hamsun was denomced and fined after the war for his
fi.iendliness toward Germany. He had publiciy suppclrted t-he Nazis, had
written articles for them,and had helped recruit Norwegians for their
cause. His version of his trial, On O~er~~ucrzrtnPaths, was published in 1949
(and translated h t o Germm in 1950)." This was his last book. It is inter-
estkg to note that durhg his trial, Hamsun tried as best he cot~1dto mhi-
mize bls connections with Nazi Germany and his support for Quisling
and denied that he caused any real damage." lamsrtn died m Febntary
19, 1952"
:It is worth noting that although Hamsun was the most pmmjnent Nor-
wegian to publicly support t-he Nazi cause and Quisling, he was not the
d y one. %c7 individmls as Kirsten Flagstad, hvodd-famous Wag~~erian
soprano, and Christim Sindig, an eminent composer, were involved in
similar activities-32
Concluding Discussion
mere are several issues that require our attention at this point: The first is
a puzzle; the second is the naturcl of the betrayal here, and the third is the
processing of deviance in the cases of Pound arzd Hamsun.
'There is a puzzle behind the ""inte:Llectualbetrayal""of Ezra Pound and
h u t Hamsun, B& Pound and Hamsun were famous and gifted literary
men, a d so one wonders how these hcredibly fertile a d creative minds,
so smsitive to h u m nuances and with such a powmfral control of lan-
guage, c d d lend such s k m g support to totalitarian ideologies founded
on the opprclssion of the human spirit and the hatred of large collectives
of humans. (r>f course, poets and authors are not i m u n e to overinflated
egos or idiosyncratic or eccelztnic behavior. However, one asset they must
possess is a sensitivity to the '"urnan condition," a mature perspective of
the complexity of hulnan culture. It is difficult to understand how the
works of Pomd and Hams~tncould have been created without this semi-
tkity, sympathy, and compassion. ?i, illustrate just a l h i t e d sense of that
power, I v o t e one oE Poland's short poems:
:In this poem m e can see animosities oi the past, ambivalence, reconcil-
iation, remorse, and hope for a "otter future.. Pound's alignment with fas-
crisln and Nazisxn does not fit with, the sensitivity rcveded here. Coles's
4983 review csxpressts a similar amazement at this migma.
Pound's and Hamsun's affinity f o r fascism and Nazism is part of a
larger puzzle. Many intellectraals have aligned themselves with question-
able characters and oppressive ideologies. At issue is whether an intellec-
tual% ppoliticd ideology shodd play a part in our attihtk t o w 4 his or
her work, and il so, how. The deba.t-e =quires a morall judgment, but it
need not detract from the admiration, or criticism, of the works of the per-
son in question.
7'he failure to cletect the evil nat-ure of fascism and Nazisxn by two such
gifted individuals is an enigma, but it also reqrrires a moral judlgment of
these two intcflech;lals who are viewed by many as I;iants of the human
spirit-bound, perhaps, more so than Hamsun.3-e must co~zcedethat
these two great men made a choice. No one fnrced their hand. They frtzely
elected to side with fascism and Nazism a long time before. the war be-
gan. Regardless of the quality of their work, this was-first and fore-
most-a moral choice.
?'he debate of L\rhe&er Pound's work should be separated from his po-
liticai and moral views was rcignited in t 999. A repctrt by Dinitia SmiCh in
the New York Times (October 23) informed readers that the dean of the
Cathedral of St. John the D i v i n e t h e Very Reverend Harry S. Pritchett
fr.--overruled a decision by a group of promii~entAmerican writers to
honor Ezra Pound wiCh a place h the Poets' Corner of the eathedtd. Me
justified. his decision by stating that Pound" destructke anti-Semitic
writings and broadcasts from fascist Italy duriw World War II caused too
much pain, Reverend Pritchett's decision was clearly a moral judgment.
Structmrally, the nature of treason in Pound.'s and Hamsuds acts is
clear. They violated the trust invested in them by free democratically
elected governments and violated thcir loyalty to these regin?es. In, other
wmds, Pound and Hamsun stood up against the sovereigty and inter-
ests of their countries, as d e h e d by drrmocratically elected gove
However, one must co11cede that their own views were not brery sympa-
thetic to democracyf and they were drawn to the totalitarian and repres-
sive ideolngies represented by Hitler and Mussofini. 11% this sense, they re-
m i n e d faithful to their views, much Eke other European collaborators
mentioned eadier, such as Quisling, Mussert, and Joyce. Once again we
see how the stmcture of betrayal materializes, and how its moraf cmtent
and context can be interpreted differe~~tly.
Finaily! the way in, which social control agencies processed the de-
viance presented by Pound and Hamsun is similar. Both were discredited
as mentally ill- Thus, one codd infer that they w r e not respmsible for
their wartime activities, which, through this r a t i d e , become invali-
dated-a rather ad hominem escape route. ObviousT~the cmstmdion of
Pound and Mamsun as irrespmsibly '"il'bmakes one qztestior?the validity
of this judgnent. fudging by Fuller Torrey's 1984 work, the validity of
Pound's "illness"' is rather questionable.
An added note here must be focused on the advantages m d disadvm-
tages of viewjng both Pound and FXamsun through a medlcaj prism
rather than through a moral one. I must confess that, for rt;asons stated in
Chapter 1,I believe that the moral prism is mare valid in these cases. The
political choices of Pound and Hamsun must be judged for what they
were-as moral decisions. 'That choice, during MiiJrld War E, irnplied an
aff311ity with fascism andim Nazism. That mord preference needs to be
assessed from a moral point of view, C)ne can and should expect such
gifted individuals to he more cornpassimate than to identify with world-
views that are extreme, racist, full of hatrd, shplistic, and militaristic.
The impjication oi this stand to their works is a different, but related, is-
sue. Would it be easier to evaluate P o n d " s d Hamsun" works if we
werc to assume that they were mcntally ill rat,her than morally wrong, or
vice versa?
Edward VIII:
A Traitor Monarch?
The Riddle
The popular image of King Edtvard VIfl is primarily a romantic one.1 :It is
of a popular king who p ~ f e r r e dlove to pctkver, MIho leit his role as the
king of England in December 11936 in favor of livhg with the woman he
fell in love with-Mrs. Walfis Warfield Shpson.
Edward VlfX's story is m hstructive historical tale because of the cru-
cial question of whetl-ter he was a traitor. :It has been virtually impossible
to find direct and 'bfficial'\evidence of betrayal by Edward VIXf in the
writtetn literature, Hourever, some of the most import& aspects of the
case have been concealed. Une needs to read the literature very careiully
to h d those telltale bits and pieces of information about a possibte trea-
son. Hakvever, a London Channel 4 television program transmitted in
1995 and litled Secret. Lge: Edrvarit Wl-The Traitor Kirfg made it very clear
that, in fact, Edward V111 was a traitor.2
'The Channel 4 program indicated that new information supported
their view that Edward V111 was a traitor and that his affair with Mrs.
Simpson was used by politicians as a face-saving justification for yartking
him out of his throne. The progran? impljed that this new i n f m t i o n
was concealed by botk the British governmnt and the royal family in or-
der to prevent a ccllossal embarrassment. Winston Churchiff,M;hc, appar-
ently h e w about Edward VflZ's treacherous actions, preferred not to dis-
close the facts to the public for the same reason, and because he was
deepfy cmvinced of the vitality and necessity of the mmarchy. Brown
notes that: Churchill was determi,ned to ""clip the tongue and hobble Ihe
feet of . . . the Duke of Windsor."""
Thus, we are dealing with two stories here. The first has to do with the
factual basis for the claim that Edward V111 was a traitor. The secmd has
to do with the possibfe cover-up of m y traces of treason on part of Ed-
ward Wlff. In the following narrative, I have tried to integrate several
sources to examine the pcwsible betmyal by Kirng Edward W.
It is importanl to note that Ch-44 was not the first to question the
behavior of Edward VIII (later Duke of Windsor). Quite a lfew authors
and researchers have examined, in more or less direct w a p , the same is-
sue.%at the Channel 4 program did was to clarify and focus many of
the questions in such a m er that the viewer was left gasping at the old
and new rt?velatic,ns. And yet confirming the informatim provided by
Charnel. 4 in other sources is difficult and makes the claim that Edward
VXIl was a traitor problematic. fndeed, sources confjrrn that Edward VIE
behaved erratically and childishly, was irresponsible, c d d not be tnrsted
with classified military information, and leaned rather strongly toward
filscism and Hitlcr. These are troublesome qualities, but did that make
hhn a traitor?
The Beginning
Edward VZTI (Duke of Wir-rdsor, among other titles) was born Jzxlne 23,
1894, the eldest son (out of four) of George, Duke of York (who later be-
came King George V) and Princess Mary of Teck (later Queen Mary). He
b e c m e heir to the t h o n e in May 1930. He was tri\ined for the Royal
Navy (3907-3911) and was commissioned in the army" G~renadier
Guards after the beginning of World War I (August 6,3914). Edtvard had
much df-ection and naturd sympa.t.hy fos Germany His molf.ler's family
had deep roots h Germany, m d he spent much time there. Germm was
also a language he liked and felt comfortable with.
'The outbreak of World War I h 1914 meant that Edward had to make
some tau@ decisions. Although he was prevented from being placed in
an actual combat role, it seems that whatever duties he was assifled to
he performed in an acceptable manner. After the war ended, he to;red ex-
tensively the areas controlled by the British Empire, He was a hmdsome
and popular king in the making. FatioLving the iline?js of his fatber fn
1928, his interest h national i s s ~ ~ grew.
es In the early 1930s' his interest
and hvoZvement htrying to find solutions for the memployed increased
significantly :His influence was beneficial, and his popularity in the e d y
1930s soared. h 1930 Edcvard was given Fort Belvedere by f i g George
V, There he dcveloped, the art of gardenkg m d harbored a social circle of
friends. Althoug the American ambassador told Roosevelt that Edward
was "surrounded by a pro-German caba1,'"iegler claims that there is
scant evidence for this,"
&ring this time, Edward developed a distaste fnr royal rituais and had
several affairs with married women."hese indiscretions were never
publicized, but his assistant private secretary-Sir Man Lascdes, ap-
pointed at the end of 1920-was distuhed by what he considered to be
his hnmoral behavior (and wrote about it to his wife). Edward" conth-
ued irresponsible behavior caused their relationship to deteriorate, and in
19127 Lascelles asked for an interview with Stanley BaIdwin, then the
prime mhister, ~ g a r d h the
~ g issue. )?e told Baldwin about the deteriorat-
ing morality of Edward and added that "the Heir Apparent, in his unbri-
dled pursrait of wine and women, and whatever setfish whim occupied
hhn at tbe mommt, was rapidly going to the devil, and untess he meneied
his ways, would s o m become no fit wearer of the British Crown." Bald-
win agreed with hirn.7
In 1930 the futum king met the ambitious and outspoken Mrs. 5imp-
son, an acquaintance that would prove fateful. Wallis TNasfield Simpsm
was divorced from a U.S. Navy lieutenant in 1927 and married Ernest
Simpson in 1928. The couple were part of the prince's social circle of
hierzds. It so happened that by 7,934 the prince was maclify in Love with
Mrs. Simpson. However, King Georfye V died. (January 20,1936) beiore
the prince could discuss the matter with him.
By I933 Wil.ler had risen to power inQrmany Edward felt that Hitler's
performance with the German economy was outstanding; it appeared
that he had Led Germany out of economic d e p ~ s s i o nand pmvided em-
ployment to the German masses. Edward became convinced that Eng-
land should support Hitler byf among otlner things, g i v h ~ ghim a friendly
and congratulatory hand. Also, the memories of the horrors of World War
I werc stit very fresh, and the desire to avoid a replay of such a calamity
must have played a, strung role h Edward"s conciliatory mood toward
Hitler. He chose to ignortr the potential meaning of t-iitler's massive pro-
g r m of rearming Germany and its obvious implications..In fact, hJune
1935, in a speech to the RoyaX British Legion, the prince advocated an al-
liance betwen Germany and Britain. The speech was very well received
in Germany.8 Edward's father, King George V: was furious. He accused
his son of behaving in an unconstitutional way because he was involving
hhnself in foreign affairs and making pro-German statements. More than
one source states that shortly before his death, the ailing king nokd that
once he was dead, his successor son would ruin himself with;isl. a year.'
Actually, it took Edward much less than a year to fulfil1 his fatherfs
prophecy
It should. be noted that British appeasement toward Germany in the
1930s had deep roots.10 Moreover, facism did win some genuine con-
verts.. For example, a rdhcr famotls wrnber of the Kritisb aistcxsacy-
Unity Mitford-was an admirer of Hitler and Nazism.ll Britaisl also had a
fascist movement, Mxhicf"lried to win conver-ts.72
Edward's reaction to his father 'S iihess and death Xed to the fhal break
with Lascelles. The news of King George W's grave condition reached his
son while he was on a safasi trip in Soutfi. Africa. His reaction was disbe-
lief, and he viewed thc. news as an ""electiondodge of old R a l d ~ i n " ~
(Rradfnrd 1989:167).Accordjng to LascelSes:
Then for the first and only time in our association, I last my temper with
him. "SSir," "aid, "the king of England is dying; and i f that means no>thing
to you, it means a great deal to us." He looked at me;?,went out without a
tzrord, and spent the remainder of the evening in the successful seduction af
a Mrs. Barnes, wife of the lojcal Commissioner=He told me so himself next
morning.
Sir Orme Sargent of the Foreign Office at the end of 1936 recorded a conver-
satiron in which he was told of Ribbentrap's belief that the real reason far the
abdicatic~nwas neither maral nor ccjnstitutional but political: "Mr. Baldwin's
real motive was . . . to defeat those Germanophile Ecx-ces which had been
working through Mrs, Simpsrrm and the late King with the object of reversing
the present British palicy and bringing about an Angla-German dktente.""
Hitler also was said to be very distressed by the abdication, ""since he had
looked upon the late King as a man after his own heart and one who under-
stood the FGhrer-prinzip and was ready I-0 introduce it into his coun-
try."".. . In December 1936 the German Ambassador was personally in-
structed by Hitler to do all he could to prevent the abdication.2'
Ziegler is quick to pojnt out that the G e r m n Foreign Office was corn-
pletely misguided about hterpreting Edward VlX3" views and intentions.
t?r>wever,even f r m this report it is clear that at the very least Mrs. Simp-
son was a Nazi sympathizer, as her frequent visits to the German ern-
bassy indicate. It may be that the Nazis we= misguided about the magni-
htete and cltepth of EdLvard Vfll's sympathies, but not about their naturo
or direction. Xn fact, Ziegler notes that German mbassadors to Britain in
the early 1930s we= instructed to "cultivate him" and that the future lcing
(then the Prince of Wales) clearly expressed p r o - G e r m views.23 More-
over, German reactions to the October 1937 visit of King Edward Vllf to
Germany were very positive, and &ss, Goering, and Ribbentrop very
much hoped ""t see Edward VXIX remain cm the throne.""24
In March 1936, Hitler took quite a risk when he decided to occupy the
dedlitarized mineland.2i This occupation was a blatant violation of
pacts Germany signed. What was Edward VI1l"s reaction to Hit:ter%entry
into the m h e l m d ? He gwe clear and urnpivocal support for a ""120 re-
action" response and to appeasement.
AIbert Speer recatls that m March 7, 1936-the day German troops
marched into the demilitarized mineland-Hitler rode a special evening
train to Munich, anxiously awaiting reports of other countries9eactions
to his iwasion, "At one station a message was handed into the car. Hitler
sighed with relief: 'At last! The King of England will not intervet~e,He is
keeping his promise. That means that it can all go well."Qb One is feft
wmderitlg, What promise was Hitler referring to? When was it made?
Regardfess of the king's actual ability to hffucnce the governmetnt, there
is little doubt that his voice carried. at least sople weight. Speer is quick to
poirrt out that any "military intervention would have probably required
the King's approval," and howing that the kjng of England was, at the
minimal level, an appeaser wantirrg a "peaceful s o l u t i d b o s t certahly
lifted Hitler 's mood.27
Brown is much blunter. He quotes Ambassador 1,eapold von Hoesch's
telegram to Ribbentrap of March 11,15336, in which the ambassador wrote
that he found much understmtjing for the Nazi point of view from the
court m d that the cot~rtinstructed the gover ent that "no matter how
the details of the affair are dealt with, cmplicatiom of a serious nature
are. in no circ.umstances to be allo~vedto develop."% This message obvi-
ously hclped to calm the highest Nazi officials. 'Their peace of mind fol-
lowing Hitler" aggression ""was attributable to the influence of the King
of E~~gland."'zWradford corroborates this prJint: "There is evidence . . .
from captured G e r m docments that the King put presswe m the gov-
ernment against gohg to war over Germanfs take-over of the Rfiinelmd
in March 1936."30
nounas asserts that Edward VfXI told German ambassador Leopold
von Haesch directly that there would be no war as a result of the German
agg~ssion.31'The act of passing ""highly sensitive military information,
obtaked by virtue of [the King's] privileged position, to a foreign pokver
was nothixlg less than high treason.'"Z However, it must be remembered
that the Britisboovernrnent at that time was not eager to go to war.
Churchill, who advocated armed opposi,tion to the German move, m d
his supporters were iabeled '"warmongers" by Chamberlain and Bald-
win." However, even the pro-Edward VIZ1 bisrapher Ziegler pail"tts out
of the %ineland, Edward VllE
that folf0kvin.g the illegal ren^ritit.arizationtriton
called von Hoesch m d told him: "bent for the P r h e Minister and Gave
him a piece of my mind. 1 told the old so-and-so that :I would, abdicate if
he made war. There was a frightful scene. E;ut you needn't worry. There
wonftbe a waref"4
:It becanne obviws that Edward. VIll wanted to express himself politi-
cally and was determined to do so. The king's political activity-in both
content and structure-caused much cmcern. He was clearly out of line
constitutionallyflintervening in matttlrs he should not bave; and he was
sympathetic to Nazi Germany. As Braciford points out, the main issue
was not whether the king was pro-German-many people in Britain were
pro-German-but that he was acting in m uncmstituSional manner.
On August 11,1936, Joachirn von Ribbclmtrop became the Geman am-
bassador to Great Britah.35 Evidently, Ribbentrap and Mrs. Shpson were
close fricnds and spent a great deal of time togcrther." :It seems obvious
now that Mrs. 5impmn was tellhg Ebbentmp what she must have heard
from Edward Vlll (before and &er hc. became the Iking) about: his brief-
ings from British prirne minister B a l h i n . Thus, Rtlbbentrog must have
h o r n the content of the discussions in the British cabhet. As it became
e-vide~~t that both Mrs. Simpson m d Edward VllX were leaning strongly
toward N a z i Germany, Edward VIE was perceked more and more as a
security risk, and the British f ~ r e i office
p was withhdding certah dwu-
ments from hh-37
As i w a s reveakd much later, during the spring and mmmer of 1936 a
group of powerful and influential British dficials were unithg against Ed-
ward VliJ, because they felt that he was unfit to rule, The D&ion na-
tions were consulted on whether they would accept Mrs. Sirmpson as
queen, and the answer ~ c e i v e dwas a clear "no.'%liaecorclhg to Ch
if was becoming obvious that the antipat-hy toward Mrs. Simpson eould be
used to get rid of a very problematic king. By September 1936 Neville
a m b e r l a i n agreed to the plan. Bradforcl points out that the anti-Bdtvard
V111 conspiracy had also gahed some support the United States,3%nd
the Whdsors themselves may have begun to lean toward, it, too.
The oppmhnity was fast approaching. In October 193%Mrs. Sixnpson
began formd divorce proceedings. So desperate were the eonspiraiors
against E h & VfEIthat a m m r about a secret file ("the China dossier")
was fabricated and circulated." The rumor implied that Mrs. Simpson
had enjoyed an exotic sex life in the 19nls in connection with ltlxwious
brothels in the East.4"
Baldwin told EdLvard W11 that Mrs. Simpsm was unacceptable as
queen to him, his governme~~t, the Dornhion nations, m d the British Em-
pire. Edward VfIlseal-ched in vain for ways to bypass this problem.41
Since no solutim could be found to this romantic quagmfre, Edward
made a choice: He gave up his position as king in order to remain wi&
:Wlrs. Simpson, :Me submitted.his abdication on December 10,1936, Parlia-
mmt endorsed the ;instmment of abdication on December 11, and in a ra-
dio broadcast that evening, Edtvard explained that he fomd it fmporisible
to act as king wiChout the szlpport of the woman he loved. He thercirfore
chose love over power. His brother George V1 was appointed king. Ed-
ward VIZ1 reiped as king between January 20 and December 10,1936, a
short period of eleven months. Edward left England that night for Aus-
tria, where he waited for Mrs. Simpson" divorce to become final. C)n June
3, 1937, Eclward and Mrs. Simpson were married at Cand4, France. No
reprtlsentatives of the royal h i l y were present. George ZiI made Edward
VIII the Duke of Whdsor and his wife the Duchess of Wiyrdsor, but he re-
fused to allow her to use the title Her Royal Highness. Edward became
very mgry and upset about this.
:It is interesting to note Thornas% 1995 hypothetical scenario. What
might have happened if Edward VIII had been king when Nazi G e m a n y
in\Paded Poland in Spten-7ber 1939? It is possibl,e that such an opinion-
ated king would have intervened in Britain" foreign pdicy and rehsed
to go akng with the ultimatum given to Nazi Germany following that in-
vasio~~, or refused ta later declare war on Nazi Germany That could have
created a major constihntional crisis in Britairz: a cab-3net that was deter-
mined to go to war, and a king who refused to sanctim that move. Such a
crisis, however, was averted when Edward abdicated the throne,
A major tenet in Thornas" wmk is that Athough Edward, left England,
he most certainly expected to re- to the throne.lWoreover, the Nazis
not only were interested in getting a pro-Nai.,i king hack cm the throne but
were probably involved in plots to facilitate that event,
Although Edward was happy with WaLiis, abdication created three cen-
tral problems that were to haunt him for years ta c m e . First, his fi~zancial
resources after abdkation were-in his own mhd-unsatisfactory. Sec-
ond, he very desperately wmted Wallis Simgsm to be recognized as Her
Royal Highnest;, in other wctsds, to receive the honor that he felt she de-
served, but that honor had been rehsed. n i r d , he wmted to be involved
in matters of state and may have expected to play an active part irr British
diplomacy He was placed, however, in a very minor positim, and he fell
that his wishes to be involved were, fur afl practical purposest ignored.43
Post-Abdication
The whereabouts of the Duke of Whdsor during the period of World War
12 is an interesthg, importme and thorny issue. Between 1936 and 1938
the couple lived mostly in France and visited several European countries.
One of the individuals with whom the Duke of Wh~dsorassociated was
Charles Bedaux, a French millionaire with worldwide industrial interests,
including some strmg connectiosls in Nazi Genxany, Bczdaux was an ad-
visor to Hitler in the Vichy government and was probably involved in
Nazi Germanvs war effort. He was later imprisoned by the Allies in
Pllorth Africa m d e r eharges of treason and of trading with Nazi Ger-
many4 Bloch points m t that Bc_.dauxcommitted suicide in an American
prison in 1944, but that in 1961 the French government 'Vormally ab-
solved [ h i d ol any treasonable wartime conduct."4"?Kcaux played a
crucial role in arrangiq the Duke of Windsor % trip to Nazi Gcrmany and
his pcrlrsonal meeting with Adolf Hitler. He was also involved in arrang-
ing the duke's visit to Che United States. Although perhaps at the begin-
ning the duke was not awam of Redaux's comections in Nazi Germmyt4b
he could not have possibly missed it later. It is clear that Bedaux tried to
move the duke further toward the direction of Nazi Germany
Bedaux recruited another millionaire into the duke" social circlethe
Swedish Axel Wemer-Gren. 'This man was an arms dealer close to Reichs-
marschall Hermann Gwring and a Nazi sym,pathizec" Although the offi-
cial version downplays, and pehaps even yuestions, the fact that the
Duke met Wenner-Grm before 1940," the Charnel 4 documentary stated
that evidence indicates that Ihe two had already met in 1937 in Paris, Ac-
coding to this version, it was Wenner-Gren who gave, in person, to the
Duke of Winstsor a personal invitation from Adolf Hitler to visit him in
Germany And Ziegler concedes that the Paris meeting was docume~~ted
in Wenner-Gren" diary49 However, in an interestingly dlscrclditing fash-
icrn, Ziegler characterizes the meeting as "brief" and states that in that
"brief" meeting the two "'presmabJy '"iscm,ssed the idea of supporting
an international organizatim that would c o d j n a t e "all the various
peace movements." It must be said that discussing ""peace"' with Hitler at
this point in time could onIy mem s ~ ~ p p ofor r t Hitler's expansionist in-
tentions, Furthermore, when Wenner-Gren later met the duke in Nassau,
he noted in his diary that the duke ""rmembers very well our conversa-
tion in Paris,"m which tends to co~~tradict the notion that it was a "brief"
and supposedly insignificant metirtg,
?"he Duke of Windsor began to plan his trip to Germany. The news
about this plmned visit was most unpleasant to the British government.
:It crclatcd, questions about the Duke of Windsor" possible ambitions to
return to the political arc.na and most certainly constikted an interven-
tion in British foreign policy at a very djfficult moment. Indeed, Bloch
notes that both Churchill and Beaverbrook tried hpersuade the duke not
to visit Germany, but their efforts faited. 0 1 1 Octtder 3,1937, the duke re-
leased a press statement, which om~cedthat the Whdsors were going
to visit both Germany and the United States ""for the purpose of stu.dyi3ng
housing and working conditions."~~
'The Nazis did not fait to gsasp the meaning of such a trip and pre-
sented it as m unoffjcial state visit aimed at promoting an agreement be-
The Windsors mcet Hiftel; 1937.
SQUItCE: Ma'ariv, December 5,Ei; 1996. Pf1?.utnfrom
Associatlld Press arc/zives.
tween Germany m d Great Britah. It is certah that the duke hated World
Miar I, and it is possible that the ex-king felt that he could persuade FIitller
to prevmt another war. Also, it was obvious that the Nazis wercJ. goir~gto
give him the red carpet treatment, and he m y have misscd that kind of
pubfic respect. The Nazis, evibently, had other ideas. They had llmg be-
lieved that thr ex-king and Mrs. Simpson were sympathizers m d thougbt
that Chey could usc? the d d e in promoting a peace accord to t h i s advm-
tage, m d not just in Europe.
[The duke] dedared that the most important thing now to be done was to
end the war before thumands more were killed or maimed to save the faces
of a few politicians, . . . These rtbservatiom have their value, if arty, as doubt-
less reBect-ing the views of an element in England, possibly a growing one,
who find in Windsor and his circle a group who are realists in world politics
and who hope to came into their own in event of peace,%
Although the duke wanted to visit the United States and meet with
President Rassevelt, Britain was-obviously-not too thrilled about this
prospect.'" However, the duke did meet with Roosevelt in Miami hoard.
the "lirsclzloosu cm December 1.3, 1940. Ziegler notes that Roosevelt was
""dismayedby the g l o m which [the duke] radiated and his obvious belief
that the United St.ates would, shelter in isolationism." Ziegler notes that a
second meeting with Roosevelt (October 4,1941) was marked Zly a more
positive spirit.'" 'The Windsors sailed back on We~~ner-Gren's yacht, the
Sozdfher~Cross,
Une must remember that durirrg this period, Nazi Gcrmany was involved
in a vicious battle against Britah~in both air and sea.
'Thus, while h the Bahamas, the duke was maintaining cmtacts with
people who were under very strung inteuigence suspicions of being Nazi
sympathizers. Among these associates t-he duke could freely ventifate his
political and moral views, and thmugh them fie codd selnd the Nazis sig-
nals that they should not forget bim.It was a way of keephg his options
open. 'I'he verbal context for such discussicrns was that the duke was in-
tercsted in pursuing a ""peaceful"solution to the conflict hEumpe. Mow-
ever, given the n a t u r ~of Hitler" regime, ""pace" could only be inter-
preted as concession tcr a racist, ruthless, and declzptive tyrant who could
not be appeased. Moreover, for a formr British king to have held such
vicws in late 1940 was ethically very questionable,
One reason that fie British were not too keen about the Duke of Wind-
sor making visits to the United States and meethg with high-rmking U.S.
officials m s t have been that they felt he could not be trusted to represent
their interests in a forceful, loyal, and meaningful way. Developmentri in
the imer political arella of the United States in 1940-1941 heightelzed that
mistrust. At issue was the pending legislation for the Lend-Lease Act,
whereby the United States would provide aid to nations fighting Ger-
many and Italy (and later lapan). Durhg Decemher 19120, P ~ s i d e nXZoo-
t
sevelt was lobbying for passage of the bill., against the prcssure of Ameri-
c m isolationists. A lorrt; and bitter debate raged about t k type and
degree of U.S. hvolvement in the war. Afier much debate, the hill was
submitted to Congress in January 1948, Roosevelt received solid support
from the Democrats, and it passed fie House on Xjebruary 8, 3941 (260
votes to 165) m d the Sellate on March 8,19441 (vote was sixty to thirteerz).
Thus, the months of February-March 1941 were crucial for decisions
made ~garciingthe nature of U.S. involvement in Miorld War E. The duke
was not ulzaware of this debate. An hcident much like the duke's Verdun
radio I-rmsmission in the spring of 1939 was about to unfold..
111 either December 1940 or Febmary of 1941,139 fie Duke of Windsor
gav" m interview to Fulton azrsler, a jonmalist for the American maga-
zine Liberty and a fricnd of President Roosevelt. The interview was pub-
lished first hLiberty cm March 32 and later in the Lcmdon Su~rltlyDispatch
March 16,1911-1).Rractford's vcrsion is that the duke gave his inksview to
Ourslcr on February 6, 1942, only two days before the bill passed the
House. The timing of the interview could not have been worse from a
British poinl of view. What did the Duke tell Oursler? Bradford states that
in the interview the duke appeared to "advocate a negotiated peace and
aei\iised America under no circumstances to enter the war.'"m Ziegler ex-
pands a bit on the imp~ssionIhat emerged from the interview:
The Duke . . . satzr na hope af a British victory. Ncrr was there hope of a
change of heart in Germany " k u cannot kill 8Qm Germans and since they
want Hitler, haw can you farce them into a revofutian they don't want?"TThe
only hope tzras for a Pax Americana: a peace imposed upon a discredited Eu-
rope by the New World, which would restore a measure of sanity to interna-
tional relations. "The Duke of Windsor has given an intesview to a magazine
in the U.S,A, in tzrhich he pretty frankly dixlaims all chance af an English
?~ictuq,"Goebbets is supposed to have commented, adding that they would
not use it in their propaganda for fear of discrediting the speaker.141
Zkgler adds that the duke ""claimed to have had many words put into
his mouth." Churchill was not the type to watch this twacherous inter-
view and keep quiet. Indeecf, he was furious. Ziegler notes, "Whatever
was meant, . . . Churchill . . . said the Duke" words would certajnlly be in-
tcrpreted as 'defeatist and pro-Nazi, a d by impiicatim, approving of the
isolatinnist aim to keep America out of the war,'"l" Churchill "advised"
the duke to seek advice before making pubhc statements m d used the op-
portunity to demand that thr duke sever his cmtacts with Wenner-Gren
as well.143 The duke ;.was a bit belligerent m d exchanged some telegrams
about these issues with Churchill. The Nazi attack on Russia on June 22,
1941, but much more so, the December 7, 1941, Japanme surprise attack
on Pearl Harbor, shattered completely any hope the duke might have h-
dled of keephg the United States out of the war.
By the time the Ch e14 dcxlumentary program was taped, Oufsler
had died. The prodtlcers Chus interviewed his son. H@ told the British
television crew that the hterview with the duke had been conducted on
December 19, 1940. In that interview, the duke stated that the United
States should not enter the war, that it would be a tragic event if "Hitler
w d d be overthrown," that "Hitkr was the right and logiral leader of the
German people," a d that it was "unfortunate"' that he had never met
Hitler (an obvious lie; the duke met Hitler in e t o b e r 19371, who, in his
view, was "a great man." Accordjng to Ourslefs son, the duke told his fa-
ther that if fCoosevclt would make a move t o w 4 peace, the duke would
support that move immediately. Such a move, the duke is reputed to have
said, would start a revdution in England and would force peace.
Oursler's son states that his an-tazed father returned to the hotel, finding
it difficzrlt to bclieve Ml)nat he has just heard. He thought that the du,ke
wanted his t~acheroussentiments to be passed on to Roosevelt, Accord-
ing to Oursler" son, his father saw Roosevelt and told him about the in-
terview. Oursler9s son states that Roosevelt told his father that nothing
was surpris-ing in t h s e days and that some upper-dass people in Britajn
wanted to appease Hitler and stop thr war. The hterwiew was wentuaily
published i,n March 1941, havirtg been heavily censored. In this respect,
the duke's c l a h that the articIe had not quoted him correctly was correct.
Brown, author of the biography of the chief of Rritish intelljgence dur-
ing the war, rcil~forcesOurster's revdations. According to Brown, the
duke "made little secret of his sympathies" and told "a pro&ent Ameri-
can visitorfr that it was ""toolate for America to save Democracy in Eu-
r o p e ' b d that it was better for America to ""save it in America for itself""
Moreover, Brown adds:
Folfawlng the end of the war, the Windsors lived mostly in Paris, wi&
the duke occasionally visiting BriLain, There are reports that he was in-
volved in some rather questit,na:ble dealings in currency durhg and after
the war.
The Covemp
Une last episode involves an attempt to cover up the treacherous nature
of the Duke of Windsor% activities during the war, Accordix~gto the
Channel 4 program, the British royal fmily asked art historian Anthony
Blunt (at that t i m , working for British intelligence) to help them hide the
duke's pro-Nazi wartime activities.
In. 'July 2945, Bli~~nt
traveled to Germmy; suppo~"dlyto retrieve some
innocent letters. But according to the Chiannel 4 documentary, this was a
cover-up. Blunt's mai mission was to mtrieve (and destmy) documents
pertainhg to the Duke of Windsor, for example, the transcripts of his con-
versation with Hitler in October 1937. Bradford refers to the so-called
Marburg File, which is the record of Hit:ter%conversations with f a ~ i p
statesmen, slating that no record exists of Hitler's conversation with the
Duke of Wi.ndsor.1" Moreover, the contents of the file that relates to the
duke" activities in Lisbon in July 1940, c l e m a damaging file, were
taken and classified as ""serret" by the Allies. Bradford adds that the
Americans werc persuaded to keep these documents secret.146
According to the Channel 4 program, Blunt was highly successful in his
xnission. The documnts that he bmught back with hixn are locked up in
Windsor Castle for 100 years, Mraller confirms that documents relatirrg to
the Windsors are sealed in British top secrt-lt files until the twenty-first
century.'" M~oreover,the Channel 4 documentmy, relying on John
Costello, claims that M16's (external British intelligence) archives have
m m information about the duke's treacherous behavior during ttiorld
War XI. Zkgler cmcedes that Blm~tand Owen Morshead (fie Windsor li-
brarian) went to Europe and visited both Germany and Holland in a non-
secret mission to retrieve some Letters and rt;lics.""siegler denies categor-
i c d y the existence of a cover.-up.
It is perhaps no cojncidence that Anthony Bhnt himself was a traitor
and one of Britain's most famous spies of t-he twentie& century A book
about his treachery has becn written by John Coste1lo.l" Other sources
tend to support, some very strmgly, the coverup version. Brown, for ex-
am*, is cmvinced that the "lost" documents, which s h w e d "evilience
of treasonable commm~ication.between Windsor and Hitler . . . and the
ex-kaiser, . . . almost certainly existed."l~(~
The coverup story ubviously,
supports the idea that the royal family had somethi~~g very serious to
hi& regarding the behavior of the duke dwing World War XI.
Those familiar with the Wndsorsbtory were not surprised at the Chan-
nel 4 documentary* mat this program did was tcr assemble, irr a focused
short presentation, the facts supporlling the idea that the h k e of Wndsor
was a traitor, Clearly, W l e r is grossly understating the tmtt-r when he
says that, at the very least, "'the Duke of Wihdsor was frankly an en-tbar-
rassment to the Brit.ish g o ~ ~ e r n m e ~ ~ t . " ~ ~ l
It is obvious that much of the Duke of Windsor" behavior c m be ecasi3-y
interpreted as tmachery, There is no doubt fiat he sympathized with t-he
Pllazis, associated wilh Nazi sympathizers, m d was quite idisereet inair-
ing his views and in guafding secret intelligence information that rcached
him. Prominent resemhers of World War I1 confim this. Wehbeq has no
dollbt that the Duke of Whdsor "and even rnorc his wik, had displayed
strong pro-German sentiments."l~~ Costeitlo confims thisls and adds that
the duke "admired Hitler's Ieadership.'"~Weirrberg adds that "the evi-
dence is clear that he seriously considered working with the Germans
and, in fact, remained in cmtact with them for s o m t i m after going to
the B&amas."fi3
Concluding Discussion
This case is hteresting and instructive in terms of treason. To begh wi&,
it involves the well-known sympathy of the Duke of Windsor (and his
wife) for t-he Nazis, as well as his public statements (for example, his visit
with Hitler, the Verdu~~ radio trmsmission, the cable to his brofier, the in-
tewiew with Uursler), which clearly reBicct his consistent advocating of
an ""appeaxmntf' soiution to the conflict. AIthough unpleasant and
morally wrong, this se~~timent, h the co~~text of the early to mid-193Qs,
could not possibly be considered. t ~ a s o nh. this respect, the duke was no
different than many others in the early 1930s who were faced with the
choices of fascism, Nazisnt, dennncracy and c o m m i s m , not to mention
monarchy. However, as the outcomes of these choices became clearer,
particularly with the evident military expansionist policy of Nazi Ger-
many and its blatmt m d hateful racism, and as it became clear that a sec-
ond world war was FR the making the moral, meaning of these choices
could no longer be ipored.
Hitler's invasion of 13nland in Septefinber 1939, and the bllowing ulti-
matum and dedaration of war by Britain, settled the questions of trust
and loyalty fn a swift and liecisive way- Either one was with England or
against England. The Windsors' overt behavior prior to August 1, 1940,
was certainly not one of solid support for Britain. Even after August 1
(whm t-he Windsors departed for the Bahamas), the duke continued to
maintain his contacts with the Nazis and made statemelnts aimed at pre-
ventirrg the United States from enter& the war.
One can concede that the Duke of Whdsor was interltskd in prevent-
ing the war. However, to achieve this goal he was ready to appease Hitler
(although he must have known that HitZer"s appetite was insatia:ble).
Thus, under the rhetoric of ""pace," he provided support for m e of the
most brut.& m d wretchcd regim,es in the history of this planet. Moreover,
when one examines those aspects of his behavior that wese nut overt, but
apparently quite welt known to Allied ir^ltt.fligmce, the aikgations of dis-
trust and &sloyali,tybecome m c h moro serious.
The Duke of Wbdsor" continued unhappiness with the royal family
who rehsed to grant HE23 status to the woman he married, and his clear
sympathy for Hitler combined to create an explosive concoction. It is
clear that ChurchiI1, a firm believer in the mnarchy, spent a great deal of
t h e and energy keeping the Duke of Whdsor in check. Zn the midde of a
war, he sent letters and friends, conducted surveillmce, and exiled the
duke to the Bahamas to contain his questionable loyalty and untmstwor-
thiness.
It is, perhaps, appropriate to end this part by reviewing the summary
of the Channel 4 documentary. It argued that the W e of Windsor ac-
cepted the Nazis"roposal to head Britain under German t-utelage, a kind
of a Vichy government, Doing that simply meant klping the Nazis and
"workhg with the enemy." "The program implied that he &o helped Ges-
man eslpionage efforts and that on the diplomatic level he tried to cm-
vince President Roosevelf to press a "peace" aagreelnelnt between Nazi
Germany and England. fn reality, suggestilrg "peace" at that point in time
could o d y mean a British capihalatio~~ m d a collapse of Churtlhill"s pol-
icy It was also suggested that at one time Roosevelf:proposed assasshat-
ing the duke, but the British wodd not allow that. The royal family must
have felt that to divulge hfs actkity to the public would hurt the monar-
chy. Some friends of the Dulte of"Windsor ~ u e that d he was convinced
that Britain was close to losing the war and that a worldwide Nazi regime
w d d be established. If such a scenario was about to happen, the duke
was convinced that he was going to ""svef?he re ants-a ratianaliza-
rim of several collaborators durhg the war years (for example, X"6tain).
Although the Rrit.ish people and the Duke of Windsor denied the t ~ a c h -
erous nabre of his beplavior, there are some very serious doubts regard-
ing his loydty to and trust in Britain at its most difficult mrnents. The
Channel 4 documentary implies that, perhaps, be should have been
charged with treason.
Clearly; there are compelling reasons to s~~spect that the duke violated
loyalv to his government and the trust invested in him by his govern-
ment (not to m m t i ~ nhis people). His activities certainly bring him very
close to the deHniti011 of traitor. The fact that m n y of his activities were
conducted in s e c ~further
t supports the cbarge.
However, an important ingredient in betrayal, -coating, did not take
place here. C)f the three elernents necessary to define the duke as a traitor
(violatirrg trust, violatjlrg loyalty and turncoating), only two seem to have
been present in his behawior, tRus making fie charges made by the Cl~an-
nel4 documentary at least partially substmtive. The duke most certainly
violated both trust and loyalty on more than one occasion. FXe is situated.
rather well within the boundaries of being a traitor. However, his behav-
iar did not illustrate the full cxtent of t ~ a s o nm
. e major elernmt, Chat is,
siding unequivocalfy and openly with the Nazis is missing. The lack of
such a move makes labeling the Duke of Windsor a traitor more difficult.
This case alerts us to the fact that sometimes the potential traitor walks a
very thin line, just on the verge of treason.
This case certainly adds to our understanding of treason by illustrating
that treason is not a discrete variable but a conthuous one, The depth and
intensity of treason varies. Gathering adequate information is crucial, too,
especialiy in cases where cmcealment took place. For example, the un-
Itnow implications of the duke's meeting with Hitler and the secreting
of the records of that meeting leave too much important information out
of the picture. If and when this fnformation becomes available, more light
will pour on. this puzzlb~gcase.
The Duke of FNindsor died. in 1972, H e never faced djrectly, or provided
persuasive accounts for, the nature of his questionable behavior befow,
during, or after World War XL mere are many uncertahties in regard to
the facts of this case. Because no explicit and open records exist, one must
read the ~ l e v a ntexts
t very carefully to reach a cmclusion. The important
lessm from this is that one can be a ""taitor" and, at the same time, carn-
ouflage it quite effectively n e r e are several contributing factors to this
situation: politics, leadership, identity, and loyalty.
'The first is politics. There were powerful actors who bad an hterest in
concealing the Duke of Windsor" true support for Nazi Germany. The
German cause was better served by havhg the duke appear to be a loyal
and trustful British ciltizen. This mask aided them in gaining access to &:he
higher echelons of the British poliEical system, and kept a potential
P4tain-like collaborator in stock, without discrediting him. The British po-
litical system had no interest in ercposkg the duke's red preferences and
sppathies because that- would only have caused divisiveness in their ef-
forts to deal with the conflict, Fimallyras the war progressed and G e m m y
was losing, t-he duke himself had no reason to clear the fog surrounding
his unethical behavior, What some journalists, inklligence oMicers, and
politicians knew was squelched, quite effectively after the war, Blunt's
posmar mission to Germany to retrieve the potentially incriminating
trmscripts clf the Hitler-Duke conversat-ionsassured secrecy The i n t e ~ s t s
of various political actors thus coincided in this case and helped to obhs-
cate the reality of trmsm with a mask of loyalty and trust, seasoned with
the duke's resentment that he was not being given the respect he de-
served, Such a deceptive political game, particularly FR the context of
W r l d War D, was not unique to the case of Edward VIII. This type of
g m e is typical of politics, Mlhere interests create a game of masks for
public consumption, camnuflaging a reality of immorality and, in this
case, of treasonable behavior,
.h related topic is the nature of leadership. Clearly leadcrs from all
sides faced the dilemma posed by the duke" questionable behavior and
participated in this game of masks versus reality. For the reasons stated
above, none of the major political or mifitary leaders came out i,n the pub-
lic arena and. exposed the duke's behavior for what it was. The Nazis
ing to coerce the duke into liekction, but when this secret plan
collapsed, they did not expose it in public. Sirn,ilarly, Churchill;,who had
to allocate pltecious time from his busy schedule to deal with the duke,
kept quiet about t-he problem. However, this did not prevent hinl from h-
tervening forcefully and decisively by telling the duke what was appro-
priate and what was not. mere is no doubt that dcspitc the secl.ecy and
potential embarrassment posed by the duke's behavictr, Churchill pro-
jected reliablef credible, and solid leadership in this case. n e lesson here
is clear, Once Churchill and the Nazis clearly defined their interests,
based on a specified moral symboiic universe, appro@atc leadership
styles m d decisions followed.
The last two topics are those of identiCy and loyajty. The most impor-
tant issue is t-he way in which &e Duke of Wh~dsorsaw his identity-po-
liticalfy; socially m d culhrally As we saliv, from very early on, the duke
felt a kinsltip with Nazi Germany and was probably willing to cooperate
and collaborate with the regime. In this respect, he was probably closer to
iJavalfi"r P4tain, rather than Quisling, Degretle, or Antmesczl.
Had the Nazis successfully hvaded Britah, the duke would have been
useful to the Gemans as the new king. This type of a split identity was
characteristic of not only the duke. In Europe, one leader after anotkr
whose countries were occupied by the Nazis faced a similar dUemma,
tlcrwever, the Duke of Windsor had shown clear signs of his political pref-
erences by the early 11930s. M a t was he to do? His British government
was pursuislg a policy that he did not like, and Nazi Germany" victory
was not guarmteed. 'f'hus, while expressing dissatisfaction and expound-
ing pro-German sympathies k~private, he mmaged to maiintah a public
facade of loyal@ to the Crown, with no small help from ChurchiH and
others in fie government. The loyaity issue was a by-product of the con-
flict that the duke helped into being. Was he contpleteiy loyal to
Churchill" Britajnl Not quite. Did he make a full switch of loyal@ to Ger-
many? Not quite. In other words, the duke never crossed, unambigu-
ously moral boumdasies. When such a crossing seems to have occz~rred,
its true llaturc was denied, or it was interpreted, in morally mutral terms,
or the crossing itself was dfuscated. In several instances, understanding
the nat-ure of the duke's violations of trust and loyalty repired that we
present the Lalternatives he faced. fn other &stances, the nature of the act
was evident in itself.
Overall, this case provides a portrait of a m m in a high political pasi-
tion who was apparently torn among his desire for peace at almost m y
cost, his loyalty to Britain, and his love and appreciation of Germany. Sit-
uations of conAict m typical m n a s for antagox-tisticlloyalties, indecisive-
ness, playing one game in public and another in private, and thus keep-
ing as many options open as posible (for ertample, see Admiral Uarlan's
behavhr). This type of behavior may actuafly be nnore pronounced in in-
dkiduals in hi@ positions because there is more at stake. Thus, walking
the tightrope of conflicting loyalties, not fulIy comrrtitting oneself to any
one side, constructing various masks of behavior in pllhlic a l ~ dconccating
others is often typical of such situations.
Finally, one must add that this morally dubious behavior involves an
intricate play of fabrication, concealment, and ambiguity. Conseque~~tly,
separathg fact from. fiction, the real from the Mse, creates prob.X.ems not
just for contemporaries, but for later generations a d searchers as well.
Because the Duke of Windsor appeared to have honorcd his byalty to the
Crown, deconstructing his betrayal requires delving into the details of his
actions. Not only was the Duke of Windsor prcrscmting a public ilnage of
loydty and tmst in Britain, while engaging jn activities that were cleasfy
damaging the British cause, but he was also enrneshed in indecisiveness
itself,
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The Case of Ma
The Background
In f 511 Hernjm, Cort4s and Diego Ve1Bzquez sailed from Spain to conqua
Cuba. Following that endeavor, Cort4s was chosen to lead an expedition
to the Vucatliin peninsula in early 1519; he was thirty-three years old. After
a delay to adequately supply his forces, he left Cuba on February 18, His
military strength at the time of departure included. the followirrg: eleven
264 The Case of Mall'fzat i T e ~ z c p ~ l - M l i ~ z c f ~
Montezunzn X 1 meets Hemrl'n Corkis. lLlalilzclze is standislizzg behiitzd Cortks. Recorded l'fi
C l l ~L i e n z ~
de Tlaxcala.
WURCE: Nigel Davks,The Aztecs: A History (New E?rk: G. l? PudtzamS Surzs, 1973).
ships (25 according to some sources), about 550 ddiers,z and 150 sailors."
He had ten heavy guns, .four lig-hter pieces called fdcmets, a fair an?ount:
of mmunition, m d sixten horses. Mt a very impressive force inWstem
military terms.
In March 1,519, the s~nallsquadso11 arrived at m island off the coast of
Yucath called CazumeZ. There, Cartks tried to find and rescue two sur-
vivors oE a Sp""ish shipwreck in 3513, who were being held by the local
peapk. .hlLL-\oughhis attempts failed, he nevertheless used his stay in
Cozu~lelto resupply his ships.
ing of March, the ships left Cozumel. They did not travel
far. A leak in one of the boats forced them to return to tbe same port.
Upon returnjng, they met one of the Spanish captives, Gertjnim de
Aguilar, During the time Aguilar had been stranded on Cozumel, he be-
c m e famiiiar with the M y a n dialects of Ytlcatbn, which m d c him an
ideal candidate for interpreter, Another major advantage, perhaps more
The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~ 265
important, was that he had not really integrated into the local culture. Fle
wanted to rejoin his origi11a1 Spanish culture. CorMs prcrvided Xguilar
with exactly the opportwity he wanted. This is an important point, be-
cause another Spanish sailor who survived t:he shipwreck, Gonzalo de
Guerrero, had become completely naturaiized and a2ssorbed into the local
d t - u r e and showed no interest: i,n rejoining C o r t 4 s . a c e the repairs of
the ship were completed, Cort4s and his Beet sailed again on Maxh 4,
The next goirrt of landing was near a coastal area h w n as Tabasco (on
about March 22). The town that was to become the focus of battle was Po-
tonchan, From now on, a clash of It-miocultures was to unfold.
The Aztec empire, which domilnated Mexico, was then d e d by Mon-
tezuma (sometimes called Moctezuzna) 11. The Aztecs based their rule on
a taxatiun system that was highly coercive and on a blood-thirsty reli-
gious belief system. Their lust for human sacrifices is well documented.
Some reports (probably exaggerated) state that the Aztecs once made
80,000 human sacrifices in four days. The amount of coercion and pres-
sure rczquired to supply the Aztec priclsts with the hurnans needed for the
ritual sacrifices must have been e~~ormous.
Moreover, at the tjme of the conquest, the Aztec system was character-
ized by a high degree of connict. Mmtezurna II was both an admirer of
power and a firm religious heljever*He also expected the return of a leg-
m d a q gad-Quetzalcaatl, the Plumed Serpent-whose comeback was
based. on both prophecies and omens. There arc. irrdicatrions that when the
nekvs of Cort4s's landing =ached Mofiezuma H, he believed these white
Spaniards to be the gods he was waithg for.5 This belief was a fateful mis-
take. It was going to cost him his empire and his life.
In military terlns, Cort4s had about 550 soldiers, some horses, and
some technologically advanced weapons (armor and fireams). This rcla-
tively modest force was about to bring down a migMy empire. Militarily,
it is cmceivable that had Mmtezuzna II been mare determhed, assured,
and not so hesitant, his vast superiority in manpower, howledge of the
terrain, and better intelligence could have translated into a defeat of
Cortdis At lea&, he could have m d e the price of conquest so high that it
w d d have become impractical for CorMs to continue. But Montezuma
was not blessed with these attributes. His opponent, Cartes, was a deter-
mined, decisive, cunning, m d ruthless c m a n d e r . He hccv hukv to cre-
ate opportunities and took advantage of them when they were present. En
this clash, the fate of the Aztecs was sealed. Hassig discusses a number of
explanations for how and why it was possible for so few Spaniards to de-
feat so many Aztecs,We also adds that Cort4s did not land into a vac-
uum. He found himself in the midst of military and political conflicts
among the various groups that formed the Aztec empire. Some of these
groups m s t certainjy used Cortks and his fosces for a e i r own purposes.7
266 The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~
Enter Marina
h o t h e r important event took place in Potonchan. Before the Spaniards
left, they acquired twenty (nineteen, acceding to some versions) women
slaves. One of these women-Malinche-is the focus of this narrative.11
Cortks next fanded near what we now h o w as Vera Cruz, on April 21,
1519, Cort4s realized that Aguilar could not provide interpretative assis-
tance because he was ignorant of the spoken language.12 Unlike the
Maym dialect used in Tabasco, the area where Cost4s lmded was under
Aztec inftuence, and the spoken language was Nahuatl. At that point,
Cortks was informed that one of the female slaves was a native Mexican
and understood the language. The name given to that female slave was
Marina. IR Vaillantfs 1962 book on the Conquest of Mexico, figure 28
shows the Spaniards landing at Vera Cruz, and at the right side of the
drawing one can see Marina "exercising her diplomacy m a native."l3
Mihen Marina was brought to Cortks she was between fourteen and
nineteerz years old." b a s e Marina never left mything h writhg about
her life, her persmal history prior to her life with the Spaniards is nut en-
tirely ctear, but what fotlows is based on existing evidence. It is beliczved
that her orighal name was Malinali Tenepal. Her first n m e is like the
twdfih day of the twenty-day Aztec month. 1Phe second. m m possibly
hints at a person who talks a lot, and with animats.
MalinaXi was said to have been born in I'ainda in the province of
Coatzacualco, on the southeastern borders of the Mexican eznpire.15Mali-
nali was a native speaker trE Nahuatl. Although details about the social
status of her family of origin are unclear, it is claimed that she was the
daughter of a local chief (cncir;i~lc.)who died while she was stifl young.1"
Her mother, Cimatl, soon remarried another mciqz-le.A son was born of
this new marriage. Cirnatl feared that Malinali might stmd in the way of
her half-brother inheriting the position of chief. Accoding to this version,
she sold Maiinali seeretly to some t r a d i n g traders of Xicatlanco, rTi, con-
ceal. this, she pretended that Malinali died. In fact, she used the dead
body of a child of one of her slaves to show that Malinali was dead.17 The
traders sold Malinali, again, to the cuciqrre of 'TBbasco, who gave her to the
Spaniards. Johson suggests that the name the Spmiards gave her-Ma-
rina-was a Spanish approximation of MalinaIi. The locals, however,
The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~ 267
might have found the Malinali-Marina names too difficult, and they
cafled her Malinche (the suffix "&em hdicated rc.spect).l"mus, when Ma-
linali was givcn to Cortci?~, she was t? "slave in Polonckan in the Chontal
Maya-speaking area of Ymucatan."~~
Marina was fluent fn Nahuatl, her mother% tongue, and her stay in
Tabasco gabre her a goad h~owledgeof Mayan, too. The use of Marha
and Aguilar as intevreters worked this way: Marina talked bhraatl with
the Aztecs. She then trrmslated it to Mayan for Aguilar, and be translated
it into Spanish. Eventually Maria h e w ellough Spmish so that this cum-
bersorne translation was no longer necessary. Clearly, the Aguilar-Marina
colnbination was a phcrnomenal advantage for Cnrt4s.z"
Various sotlrces state that Marina looked differe~~tthm the o ~ efemale
r
slaves; she was more distinguished and. beautiful," as well as "intelli-
gent."zz She is described as ""clever a ~ seemed
d somethnes humme. Tradi-
tion says Chat she w s "beautiful as a goddessef""e';n the female slaves
we= given to CorMs, he first gave Marina to one of his good friends,
Alonso Hern6ndez de I"uertacarrera.zil However, as Markla settled into
her new role as interpreter, Cort4s waked that she was one of his major
assets, Marina ""culd not only tell Cort4s what the words meant, but
could also explain fndian attitudes, expressions, gesbres, acts, m d reac-
tions, She was sensitive to everything that went on, an acute obser~er.~~Zs
Puertacarrero was soon sent to Spain on Cmtesfsflagship, heading a mis-
sion to give the Spanish king his share of the accrtmulated treasures.26 Ma-
rina "rode behind Cort4s on his horse, stood beside him in the field,
shared his bed at night and later bore him a son.""" Marisra, thus, was not
just a technical linguist ad\risor to Ccrrtks. She was the cultural expert
whose advice to him was tlte tool that made a cnlcial differellee in Cort6sfs
ability to conquer Mexico. :lnthis respect, Marjna shifted her trust and loy-
alty from her local cuitural matrix to the Spanish conquistadors.
At Vera Cruz, Cort4s destroyed his ships, so that his men would not
consider retreating to Cuba on the masch inland to the Aztec capital.
Many sources note how indispensable Malinche's advice and assistmce
we= on the march. Along the way, Cort4s learned about the cruelty of the
Aztecs, their demands for taxes, and their capture of prisoners to be sacri-
ficed to the Aztec gods inTenochtitlh. Many Indian t r h s were unhappy
with Aztec rule and were waiting for an opportunity to h e themselves
from the Aztec yoke, Marina stepped way beyond the technical rofe of a
translator as she assumed the role of cultural intergreter and advisor. Her
cultural h~okvledgeenabled Cort4s to take advantage of opportwnities
about which he would not have known without Marina" guidarrce. This
ahantage was mapified by the er divisions and conflicts m o n g the
different Indian groups and by Nontezumn's apparent ambivalence
about how to deal with Cartes,
268 The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~
[Marina] had been approached by a Chalultan woman who admired her and
tzranted her to remain in Chcjlula and marry cjne af her sons. She was urged to
accept in order to save her <>W-nlife, because the Spaniards were soon to be at-
tacked. The Cholulan woman knew because her hwbmd, a chief, had been
given a golden drum by the Aztecs as an inducement to take part in the as-
sault. Marina pretended to agree and begged for time, saying she would have
to find someone to carry her personal gmds, her clothes and the jewelry, and
she persuaded the cjlder woman to wait in her quarters while she did so.
When Cort4s heard Marina" story, he seized a priest and, thrc3ugh Ma-
rina's interpretation, forced a canfessiun out of him that confirmed the
story,""
The rest of the historical narrative is well known, Cartes continued his
conquest of Mexico. He reached Tencrchtitlhn in November 1519. Later,
Montezuma was killed, TenochtitlBn destroyed, and the conquest ex-
panded. to Honduras and Guatemala. When Vaillant shows the conquest
of Tenochtitlhn, he prociuces a drawing in Mthi& ""Cuauht&moc, who con-
ducted the defense of Tenochtitltiin, is received wi& all the horrors a%war
by Cortks and his consort, Mar;ina. . . . With this event, the Mexicans were
finishedaU36
Militarily and politically, the Conquest af Mexico is most certainly one
of the most fantastic and extraordinary tales inhistosy In it, a rather small
rnilitary force, fighthg its way in an u n h o w n territory, c m q u e ~ dand,
in fact, elimhated the entire Aztec empire,
The role of Marina in t h i s conquest is porh-ayed, repeatedly, as crucial.
W ~ e nMontezuma met Cortkr;, Marina (and Aguilar) translated. Critical
conversatio~~s between the two were translated by Marina, too.37 Indeed,
plate 62 in billant's 1962 book shows the meeting of Mmtezuma and
Cortcis with Marina standing right behind Cortcis. Vaillant states that
"Marina's value to Corttits camat be underestimated.~
Cortks" official wi Catalina-ventually arrived in Mexico. Within
three rnonlths of her arrival, she was dead, officially from astl~ma.How-
ever, Catalina's mothcr accused Cort4s of participating in her daugMerfs
murdcr by stranglkg her." Although Cortks had several women (includ-
ing one daughter of Montezuma), Nfarina bore him a son-Martin. hl-
though historically and biologically inaccur&e, this s n n is credited as the
first mestizo. Thus the Sgmish Conquest of Mexico not only was a military-
political conquest, but it ""was fullowed by a biological conquest that
would create a mestizo society."@
270 The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~
During her bst service to Cortks-an interpreter during the March to Hon-
dura-Marina had a reunion with her mather, who had sald her to slave
traders years earlier: The mother, by nc>w Christened Marta, and her son
LBzaro were brought to the Spaniardskamp at Coatzacoalcos, The older
tzroman and the young man tzrere trembling with fear. But Marina fc3rgave
her mother, treated both of them with kindness, and lctaded them with
gift5.46
It appears that in her later years Marina enjoyed a high income from the
estates given to her by Cort4s. She had. townhouses in Mexico City, a
country house in Chapultepac, and a garden in Coyuacen." However, lit-
tle else is b o w n of her Zife.
Beyond the fact that she bore a daughter to Juan de jaramillcl, little more is
know-n of Marina, except that her death occurred around 1540. In 1605 Don
Fernando Cortks, son of the illegitimate Don Martin Cortbs, addressed a
memarial tcr the Spanish court detailing the services his grandmather had
performed during the Conquest. With that the record, official and othe~wise,
of Malinali, Marina or Malinche ends, The name Malinche, however, unhap-
The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~ 274
pily lives on in Mexican slang as a pejorative term far persons who betray
their nation and heritage.@
n e r e is little doubt that although Malilrche was a herolne for the con-
quistadors, she was considered an archetypicai traitor by many Mexicans.
The popular narrative of the cmquest leaves very little doubt as to Ma-
linche's cmcial role in that conquest. Even FXassig admits that the Marina
is "widely regarded. . . to have played a vital role in the canvest of Mex-
ico land] I.,a Mafhche has become a major motif in Mexican literaturc."l"
It is easy to understand why Malinche is considered a traitor, Although
she most definitely seems to have had some very good Rasons for violat-
ing trust in, and loyalty to, her native c u l t w , that dues not: seem to
change the image, Thus, we have a woman who was considered a hero
CJwil7g the cotonial period, but following the War of Independence (1821),
"she was increasingly regardcd as a trai,mr, a whore?,m d a racial turncoat
who collaborated with the Spanish invaders,"'""
Hassig's Challenge
In a powerfully argued and persuasive 1996 paper, Hassig attacks the ac-
cepted popular narrative about Malhche. Hassig is no amateur. He has
published, two major books focusing on the Aztecs and the Conquest of
:Mcxico."l In his 1994 short history of the Spmish Clmvest, Hassig, can-
trary to otbcr researchers, plays down Malinche's role. For example, fiis
description of the events in ChoXollan does not even mention MasinaS5z
tlassig does not fail to notice that (a) the history of thr Spanish Conquest
is typically knokvn. from Spa"i& sot~rces,and fb) very little factual infor-
mation is known with any dcgree of certainty about Malinche. He points
out, for example, how even infarmaticm &out her background is rwager.
Hassig summarizes the ilnpllrtance of Matinche in Mexican history in
three areas: (1)she is considered to be the mother of the mestizo race; (2)
she acted as a cdtural intevreter for Cortgs and thus facilitated the Con-
quest of Mexico; and (3) she is " c ~ d i t e dwith saving the Spaniards by
learning of the ChoIoltec plans to massacre them, warning Cort4s" (p.2).
tlassig then takes these three popular beliefs, one by one, and shatters
their ~ralidity.
:In brief, the first claim, says Hassig, cannot be hctually true. '*The
Spmiards wem givm numerous Indian women before the prtrpancy of
blarina.. . . Thus Marha was not the molf.ter of the first recopbed mes-
tizo" "(PP.2-3). As to hes d e as culbal: interpreter, Hassig admits that h-
deed she must have acted as a banslator, but the hnpclrtance of her role-
he claims-is greatly exaggerated. Hassig claims that "the pivotal
translator in the early days of the Conquest was not she but Aguifar" (p. 4).
272 The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~
Also, he challenges the accepted version that she quickly learned Spanish
m d thus the need for another trmslator was sipificantty diminished (p. 4).
Moreover, Hassig pohts out that Malhche" social positio~~ was such that:
her abilit)l to act as a cultural interpreter was probably very lowI or none at
all (p. 5). In other wods, her knowledge about, and abiliv to comprehend,
the geopolitiral intricaciss ol' the culktrr;.was very minimal, to say the least.
The Chdollm massacre, according to Hassig, is the most significant in-
tervention by Malinche. Hassig easily discounts her role there. He points
out that there is no tangible evidence that the Cholollans were indeed
preparing any ambush for CorMs. Hassig points out that once Cort4sfs
forces began the conquest, he became entangled in local politics am-
various Indian groups*The massaese at Cholollan can, and should, be un-
derstood within this context. Basically, Hassig argues that the Tlaxcdtecs
ant( Corth conspircrd together to massacre those Chololtecs who were sid-
ing with the Aztecs against the I;taxcalt.ecsand Cortks. Corti.s, in this eon-
text, is viewed as having been manipulated by the Zaxcaltecs to help them
as their ally, against part of the Chdoltecs. "In a single stroke, Cartes killed
the b ~ gmu& , OS the political leadership, and the cream of the ct'f7ololtec
amy. After the massacre, Cortks appointed a new king m d forced m al-
liance between t-he Tlaxcaltecs and the Chcrlolte~s.""~3 Hassig also discards
Malinche's story about behg asked to rnarry a local as highly improbable.
Moreover, klassig argues that althoutgh the Chololtecs posed no threat
for Cortes, they did pose a political challmge to t-he Tlaxcaltecs. Thus t-he
massacre in Chololl,a,n must be hierprekd as an hner confict within its
palitieal cmtext in central America. "hshort, the Tlaxcaltecs had the
most to gain by defeakg Choloilan, since they we^ the mmt sipificant
military threat. the Chololtecs faced. . . . [AI massacre of thc Chololtec
leadership would serve Tlaxcallm's interests, removing those who be-
trayed them while strengthening those out of power who were sympa-
thetic to the Tla x ~ a l t e c s . ' ~ ~
Hassig is convinced that "the Tlaxcaltecs were almost certainly the
masterminds of this event,""" and "Cort6s's o m massacre was both pre-
medjtated and coordinn.t.ed with the Tlaxcaltecs."" He thus completely
discards Marina's role as the "discoverer" of the supposed CholoUan
""plot'" s a i n s t Cortcits.'7 However, it is clear that placing Marina in the
certtral role of betraying the Choldan plot to ambush Cort4s-thus leav-
ing CorMs little choice but to launch a preemptive strik+removes the re-
sponsibility for the massacre from Cnrt4s and casts Marks into the un-
comfortable heroine/ traitor role.
About Marina, Hassig concludes: "Her role as a translator was real, but
she was neither unique nor irreplaceable. But what of her role in warning
Cort4s of the plmned ambush in CholoXlan? Except for C0rti.s" sword,
these is no evidence of such a plot.""We also pohts out that whereas the
The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~ 273
"eadiest chronicles pay [Marina] the Icast attention, over time her role be-
c m m r e certain, defined, and ixnportant. . . . From brief references to
her in the earliest accounts, she grows and is fler;hed, out (hvented?),both
as a persm and as a participant.'J~~
'The question of betrayal is also addressed by Hassig:
The ultimate betrayal in the Conquest does not belong to Marina and what
she may or may not have done but, rather; to those who accept the ""facts" "of
the Conquest, and Marina" role in it, front a Spanish perspective. . . . The
facts af Marina's life are not what is impadant here; it is how her life was
used in support of a gart..icularview of history . . . Thus, the post-colonial re-
assessment that dismissed Marina as a heroine and reconceived her as traitor
was not the daring revisionism ioseems. It did nat reassess the role of Ma-
rina, but merely shifted her position within the Spanish-authored history
that this reinterpretation accepts unquestioningly. Marina as traitor did not
break free af the conqueror "s vision; it mere1y shifted its emphasis and con-
tinued the coXIaboration.a
Concluding Discussion
We currently have two very different accounts about Malinche, One, the
popular and accepted view, tells her story from the Spanish point of view.
h1 it, she is portrayed as a heroine by the Spmiard conquistadors. Follow-
ing the colonial period, she was rclgarded as a traitor. The essence of tfiis
contradictory perileption is a matter of who views her. The acts attributed
to her by the Spaniards constructed her as a herohe. The very same acts,
vicwed by the Mexicans, made her a racial,and cultural traitor, violator of
the trust and lyaity of her people. Malhche is an exceflent example of
how the very s m e actims, exarnined Trom different points of view, give
rise to the hemineltraitor dichotomy. This is a prime illustration of how
the intevretation of the moral content of treason is t o t a y dependent m
poliLical context and on the stntcfzkrr. of betrayal.
Then along comes Hassig, who chafleng@sall that. :Inhis interpretation,
the role of Malinche was ertlremely exaggerated. "rbe real treason, accord-
ing to hint, is to trust the historical narrative of the conquest, as given by
the victors,
274 The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~
The ixnportant point for our purposes is not whether Hassig is right or
wrow. The sociological and historical fact is that Malhche was irrdeed
socially constructed as both a heroine and a traitor. Whetha that con-
struction is historicatly accurate does not concern us here. Much like
other national myths, such as Israeli myths," the myth of the :!litz,h3 and
the Masada myth8&the narra.t.iveof Malkche gained a life of its own as a
national symbol. Malilrche is a classic case of the social constmctim of na-
tional consciousness.
'The case involvhg Malhche fits our theoretical approach very nicely
Cort4s and Malinali were from entirely different symbolic moral uni-
verses. VVhen t-hey met, Malinali must have been quick to apprtrciate t-he
power 01 Cort&s,as w e l as the opportunities presented bp this f&eful
meeting. Cost4s was quick to capitalize on Malinali"s evident lingual tal-
ents and prclbably her natural intelligence and quick grasp of the local
geopolitical situation. For Cort4s and his Spaniards, there could only be
app-rcciation for her. Ixrdetld, from their perspective, she was a heroine.
She made a complete move to tbrir si$e-psychologically, politically, and
physically. It was a genuine case of turncoalng. For postcolonial Mexico,
Malkali was viewed with scorn as a traitor, as the woman who enabled
Cort6s to cmyuer and alter Mexic olitically, socially, culturatly, and
physically. The power to dccide the n a t m of the symbolic rneanjng of
Malinali" actions is obvious here, too,
Was the moral constmction of Malhali as a traitor by postcolonial Mex-
ico justific.d? They certainly had the power to constmct her as a traitor,
but the moral basis of their judgment is rather shaky The peopte whose
trust and loyalty Malinche violated and suppose* betrayed had en-
slaved h r . The question of whether a slave can "betrw those who en-
slaved her remains a rather thorny issue when viewed horn a Western
spbotic moral unfverse.
Mareo~rer,Malinali was not the only one to collaborate with the cm-
quistadors. Hassig points out that the Totonacs, Tetzcocas, Chalcas, and,
of course, the 'Tiaxcaltecs all took the side of the Spaniards." If Ifmt6s and
his liznited rnilitary power could overcome Montezurna, it was in no
small measure because of the local help he received.. For exarrrple, the
Tlaticaitecs werl, mfghty allies. And it is not too difficult to reatize that t-he
motivation of a slave to help people who, to a large extent, freed her and
offered her a lifestyle sfne could not possibly have had as a slave, was
strong and probably even justsed. The social construction of Malhali as
first a hero m d later a traitor rclAect changes in the complex skucture and
mord content of Mexican society, as well as the change"^ power config-
urations in that society The acts Malinali supposedly committed were
not, in themselves, ~ e r e n t l treacherous.
y h decidhg whether she was a
The Case of Mall'fzat i Te~zcp~l-Mlitzcf~ 27.5
traitor, one must first answer the questions, who trusted her? Who was
expected to trust her and why? Who was she supposed tcr be loyal to and
why"?ven if the popular ~Tersion.of the evezzts leadkg to the massacre at
Cholollan (contested by Hassig) is valid,to conclude that she '"betrayed""
any Indian in Ch~1oIl;mmust be viewed as a ccmtroversial statement.
Cleariy, Matinali cmssed clnlttrrat bolmdaries. She moved from being
loyal to her own cultural heritage to a hostile culture whose rclpresenta-
tives came to Mexico on a voyage of conpest and exploitation. Can a
slave be defined as a traitor if that slave goes against her captors? Al-
though Mafinali sided with the victors, when she joined them, it was not
clear that they would hdeed win. Moreover, it is possible that her joining
Cortks provided the Spaniards with an hdispensable assistmce, which
increased their chmces of W
Politically, Malinali, the onverted from the Aztec-dominated
cnnlture to a Merent cdture. Her identity must have been transformed as
well, as she adopted and @&raced the ways of life of the conqueriq
Spmiards. These transformatims obviously culmhated in a chmged di-
rection of trust and loyalty for her, As we have seen in previous chapters,
Malinali" account is not atypical. Vlasov is a comparable example,
The generalization from this case is as follows. W had one culture,
dominated by a powerful, abusive, and divisive regime rted
disunity rivalry, and conflict. Many individuals were quit md
wanted to get the oppressive yoke off their backs. Then a foreip power
invaded the territory, threatened the powerful hegemony of the 10ct.d
regime, and searched for local support. This situation is analogous to
many other similar invasions firoughout history.
Such evezzts may ellcourage individuals to redefine the boundaries of
their symbolic moral universes; trust and lctyalty may shift, and conver-
sion and turncoating from one culture to another may take place.. Very
much in C. Wighi: Mills's spirit, the poliitieal, social, and cultural up-
heaval may trmslate to the personal level with the forming of new idmti-
ties, and those new identities support the upheaval. This case ftlustrates
that hdividuals who experience such transfsmtatiorzs of Chejir idmtities
risk being socially constructed as "'traitors." Furthermore, as Ducharme
and Flne showed in their 3995 study of Renedict Amold, and Hassig in
this case, as I-he concepts of loyalty and trust change their meaning, and
different groups of people construct different meanings for national con-
scicrusness, the images of betrayal and heroism also change. We can cer-
tainly expect that when similar cmflict sitt~ationsarise, hdividuals like
MaIhali m d Vlasov, who straddle the line between hero m d traitor, will
emerge. The non-European case of Malinali supports the power of the
generalizations of the analytical cmceptualization created here.
This page intentionally left blank
Treason in daism and Israe
JosephusFlavius and
Yachanan Ben-Zakkai
During A.D. 66-73 the Jews rwolted against the Roman conquest of Israel
(referrcld to at that time as the R m a n provirtce oE Judeaj.2 The hit-ialivc of
a small number of people, the Jewish revolt against the Roman Empirtli
was doomed to fail, What has become h o w n as the Great Revolt was in
fact a majestic military, sociai, and political hilure of the Jews. The last ef-
fort by Che Roman imperial army against the Jcwish rebels of the Great-
Revolt was the destruction of Masada in A.D. 73.Ulthough Jewish resis-
tance agafnst Rome etid not end in this revolt (the Bar Kokhba revolt
erupted again about sixty years later), the Roman victory against the
rebels was decisive, and the second Jewish tmple was destroyed and.re-
duced to ashes. However, out of this destmc.tion arose a new form of Ju-
daism, not nationalistic but rather spiritual. In many sig~~ificant aspects,
this was the birth of @tlrrodox Judaism.
That period gave rise to two very famous figures who defected to fie
Romans. Che is a person who became, perhaps, the best-hown traitor h
Jewish history-Josephus Flavius; the other was Rabbi Yochanan Ben-
Zakkai who is credited with establishing Orthodox Judaism, a form of Ju-
&ism that prtlvailed until 1948, when a new Jewish state, and hence a re-
newed Jewish national culture, was esthlished by secular Jews.
Joseph Ben-Matityahu, later known as Josephus Flavius, was born in
Jerusalem in A.D. 37 to a priestly family. He was not an e~~thusiastic sup-
porter of the Great Revolt. However, when the Great &volt began, at
around A.D. 66, he became the gwernor of fie Galilee and was charged
with the important responsibility of defendislg it. In AD. 67, the major
fortress in the Galileelbdfat (Jotapataj-feu. The last few survivors, in-
cluding Josephus, decided to commit suicide. Josephus managed to trick
the others, and he and anol.her person remained as the last ones dive. At
that point, Josephus persuaded the other man that they should both sur-
rt.nder to the Romans. Josephrts was apparently a skillful man, and he
struck a relationship with the c o r n a n d e r of the Romm f m e s , &S-
pasian, Among other thixrgs, Josephus s u p p o s e q t d d him that he would
become emperor, Vespasian indeed later became the Roman emperor.
Regardiess of how hislorically accwate this story is up to this pobt, it
is clear that Josephus then went to Rome where he became a Roman citi-
zen and an officiai historian. He married four times and proloably died
smetime around A.D. l(ltf.4 As a resulrt of Joseph Ben-Matityahu's be-
trayal hYodfat and his defection to the Romans, he has been viewed by
many as one of the most prcmounced traitors in Jewish history W ~ aist re-
garded as his act of betsayal is accentuated even further because of his in-
effectfie defense of the GaXilee. However, this man wrote the only book
available about the period- Xt is a strange situation indeed &at we have to
form an opinion about the behavim of Jews during those fateful years,
based on information provided by a Jew who i s viewed by many as a trai-
tor to his ovvn culturt?and people.
In 1998 there was m interesting twist related to Jssephus Flavius and
treason. The head of Israeli premier Binyarnin Netanyahu's chambers in
1998 was a m m named Uri Elitzur, Elitzur has been identified with the Is-
raeli ~ l i g i o u right,
s liv* in and supporting Israeli settlemnts in thr oc-
cnnpied West Bank He has k e n politically involved and even edjted the
settlers' extreme right weekly magazine Nekuda, In 1998 Netmyahu's
g o v e m e n t was involwed with the Palestinian Authority in negotiations
that were aimed at giving &em more territory for continuation of the
Middle East peace process,
For many settlers, t;i\ling any of the territories to the Palestinians is con-
sidered a "no-no.'TElzuur seelned to support Netmyahu's position that
some territoriat concessions were unavoidable. Consequently some set-
tlers distributed pamphlets in which Elitzur was renamed ""fsephus
1F"lavius"-h other words, stating that he was a traitoz Sure enough, Ne-
tanyafnu, as well as other settlers, denounced, these pamphlets. Since the
Rabin assassi~~ation, Israel has indeed become very sensitive to name-
callhg.3
Josephs FIavius was not the only one p i l t y of betrayal in that era. An-
other rather farnous man dekcted from the JeLvish camp to the Romans
and is generally not v i w e d as a traitor at all. That m m W= Rabbi
Yochman Bcn-Zakkai who, like fosephus Flavius, lived and died during
this cataclysmic period for the Jewish people. Ben-Zakkai escaped from
fcrusdem, prdably in A.D. 69, in the middle of"kspasiads spring offe17-
sive in the north, and found refuge with the Romms.h
Like many other contemporary Jews, bchanan Ben-Zakkai kept a
healthy and sober degree of skepticism in the face of" increasing levels of
military-political activism, zealot fervor, and Mse messianism. Cfeasiy, he
was not a fan of either the Zealots or the Sicarii7 and questioned t-he wis-
dom of ChaHtnging the might of the Roman Empire. The case of
Yochanan Ben-Zakkai not only raises the issue of possible alternatives to
the Great Revolt but also provides a comparison to Joseph Ben-Matityahu
Uosephus Fla~ius)~
Like Josephus FLavius, Ben-Zakkai disagreed with many of the stated
goals of the Jewish Great Revolt.WReing in his sixties when he dekcted,
he qpa~t""7ly found common ground with Vespasian (who was morc3 or
less his age), chief commander of the Roman militaq- mashhe that was
crushing the Jewish rebellion ( a d on his way to becoming emperor of the
Roman Empire). kspasian granted Ben-Zakkai his wish to establish a
smdl center, with a few Jewish scholars, to study and contjnue develup-
ing spiritual Judaism. The place Ben-Zakkai was sent to was Uavneh.
'There Ynchanan Bcn-Zakkai was slrccessftd in esthtishing a renewed
branch of spiritual Judaism. As so many have poixrted out, despite his dc-
fection, Ben-Zakkai is definitely ~zotconsidered a traitor. His way led to a
renekved type of Jewish life, and his challenge of the rebels' decision to
confront the Roman Empire is frequently presented as an alternative to
the rebellion. Apparently, both Ben-Zakkai and Josephus Flavius cibjected
to the rebellion against the Romans. M~ereasJosephus prohably left ]U-
daisrn altogether, went. to Rome, and adopted a Roman lifestfle, Ren-
Zakkai did not leave and remained Jewish to his last day
Many individuals take Ben-Zakkai as an illustratiox~of what could
have been the alternative to the rebellio~~ agaiinst the Romans, that is, in-
stead of decimation and destruction on a mass scale, a renewed and
meaningfd Jewish life that enabled Jews to fulfifl their religious and cul-
rural aspirations without e~~dangering what was mast cherished to themWg
The bsephus-Ben-Zakkai contrast is used continuously in potitical and
mord debates in modern Israel. For example, Israel Eichler, editor of the
Hart.di1" weekly The Naredi Canrp, kvrote in his magazine that one needs to
remember the hoodlums who, during the days of the second temple,
brought destmctim to tbe land (despite their good inf;entions). He cm-
trasted them with Yachmm Ben-ZaUai, whom he called a Jewish holy
scholar and righteow m n who surrendered to the Romans and went to
Galut in Yavneh. Eirhler was quick to paint out that Ben-Zakkai was the
one to be credited with the survival of the people of Israel since then (A.D.
69-70) '1'
?"here are many interesting paraflels between Ben-Zakkai and Jose-
phus. Both werc front the in-group; both i v e d in the s m e period and UII-
der similar circumstances; both left their people in a most difficult time.
tlcrwever, Ben-Zakkai is portrayed as continuing to be part oE his people
and helping in its revival. Josephus left his people connpletely to become
something else. The violation of trust and loyalty by Josephus, as well as
his turncoaitimg, thus holds an altogether different meaning than that of
Ben-Zakkai. It is thus Josephus who is remembered as a dcfector and trai-
tor. fndetld, Ladoucew notes that Josephus is "usudly r e g d t d as an op-
portmistie traitor."l2
The Jzldenr~f
C)uf ncxt case took place about 1,870 years after the Great &volt, Jlulen-
rats were the councils of Jews set up as the governing bodies of the vari-
ous ghettos cms.tructed by the Nazis throughout Germany and occupied
Europe during World W r 11. These cotrncils =presented the Jcws in the
:Nazi regime, and the Nazi orders concerning Jews were funneled through
these councils. 'f'he Nazis certainly used these councifs to help them con-
trol the Jewish population. Many Jews view these coulncils with scorn and
disgust because, to them, they =presented, a form. of collaboration with
the Nazis and in fact the councils helped the Nazis exterminate Jews. ]U-
dcnrats, for many Jews, have becorn synonpous with betrayal and col-
laboration with the enemy. Thus, the judenrat suggests the existence of an
~r~qanization that, by nature, is regarded as tseachmus, as opposed to the
individual traitor.
'Those Jews who were acfive in the J~rdenrafsfaced an impossible situa-
tion. It is inconceivable that t h y zmnted to help the Nazis exterminate the
Jews, and many of them prohably thought that by participating in these
councils they codd mitigate Che evil wrath of the Nazis and perhaps even
save lllfe (including, of course, their own and their famjfics). Uniortu-
nately, the nature of the Nazi occupation and exterminatirrn plan was
such that these Jewish councits could not really do much to allevi,ate the
situation in a significant way.1"
The "Tuialef' On :Monday June 30,1948, Bekery sent one of his oificers to
arrest Wianski, vvho was in Tel h i v , Tubianski came wilhgly and tvith-
out rcsistanee. They left Tel Aviv at around 15:C)O.At around 16:llt)Tubim-
ski ffaced the charge of treason in frmt of a "xnilitary court" h the de-
serted Arah willage of Beit Giz (on the road from Tel Aviv to Jemsalem).
Three judges were appointed to hear the triai.2Tubians:tci was not al-
lowed to prepare a defense or to consult with a lawyer. He was shown a
list of the arms m d ammuniticln shops/factaries in fc.rusa1t.m of which he
supposedly had given the addresses to his British superiors in the
Jemsalem Electric Cmpany.
?i> understand the specific charge we need some &tails. At that time
Jerusaiem had two different nctworks of eiectriciq, m e of which servked
the military and both of which were serviced by the Jerusalem Electric
Company. 7'he B r i t i s h a n a g e r of the Jerusalem Electric Company-
Michael Bryant-may have h o w n about the two electrical networks, It
was claimed that during a conversathn on June 16,1948, Tubianski gave
Bryant the information. This conversation was open and was prohably
overheard by other Jewish workws. Because it was suspected that
Tubianski was givhg vital and secret information to a hostile British citi-
zen, this informatim was passed on to the Hagana's intdigcncer unit. It
needs to be noted that despite the insinuaticzns, the information pmvieied
by Ebianski could, havc been obtained in other ways. Tubianski was also
accused on charges that the information given on June I6 to Bryant was
passed m to tbr ford;mian artiltery.
When Tubianski heard the charges, he supposedly admitted giving
Bryant the hformation, thereby in.directly admitting guilt. Although
there is a version that he supposedly may have wen said that he de-
served a cleath sentence, a more refiable version is that he probably ad-
mitted givjng the list of places that needed dectricity on both networks in
fewsalem, but maintained that the infornation was given tltzly so that
these places could be connected to the network and receive electricity and
not for reasons of sabotage. :Nevertheless, the judges found lirbianski
guilty of eripionage and trr-?asonand sentenced hirn to cieath. Ch-t the same
day he was arsested, at m u n d t,9:l)ll, a firing squad shot Tubjanski to
death. The whole "trial," "conviction, and execution took about three
hours.
The Aftermath. TubiansE's wife, Chaya (Lena), was not told what had
happened, but Mthrn she found out, she wrote to Uavid Ben-Gurion (No-
vember 1948), demanding an expanation. Ren-Gurion instructed the
army chief of staff to investigate. Consequently, Ben-Gurion wrote
Tubianski's wife in December 1948 that "I checked fie p m c e d u ~of his
trial and X fomd out that it was not in ordcr, perhaps because the under-
ground laws were still dornhant in the arrny.''Ze
On July 1,1949, kn-Gurion wrote agaill to Mrs. Tubianski that
It was found that Meir Tubianski was innocent (and his execution) was a
tragic mistake. . . . Attempting to reetiQ the tragedyf the chief of staff de-
dcied: l. to give Meir Tubianski a rank of a captain; 2. to give him a full mili-
tary burial; 3. to pay you and your son compensation. . . . Your husband
made a mistake and perhaps a serious one, giving his British superior a List
and did not think it would fall into the wrong hands. He admitted the mis-
take and regretted it, but he had no bad intentions and without i n t a t there is
na treason.27
Concluding Discussion
In some respets, the inspiration 'or writing this chapter cane from such
previous works as tl-tose by Archer (197f), O'TooXe (NB), and Weyl
(19511). The idea of looking at one culture, historicallyf and examining
cases of betrayal and treason these is interczsting and suggestive. It allows
an in-depth view of the different cases and, perhaps, opens an opportu-
nity for making some cultwal generajizatims.
The first observation that needs to be made is that, like other cultures,
both f u d a i m and. Israel have their share of traitors. In this respect, Ju-
daism does not prt-sent a differmt case than other culturlts. It is certa;nly
not free of traitors. This observation, coupled with the diseussian about
infideliq, rchforces the conclusion that betrayal is not a drmatirally rase
event. Ch tl-te cmtrary, it is nearly an everyday, almost routine event.
Second, h all the cases we examined, the issue of crossing the bom~d-
aries of synnbolic moral universes on issues of trust and loyalty was the
core stmchral issue fiat determined the constmction of the relevant indi-
viduals as traitors. That was clear, case by case,
mird, e x m i n i n g the casa revealed the diereace b e h e m the h a g e of
m individual as a traitor and the reality behind it. h each af these cases, the
politics of i d e ~ ~ tm
i qd the co~~text played a major mle- The cases of Jose-
phus FXavius and Vochanan Ben-Zakkai show how two conteznporanes
coped with a shF1ar context, and with similar choices; one kept his Jewish
identit)s wheseas the otber chose to transform. OIe has bee11 cmstnlcted
m d commemorated as a hero, the other as a traitor. h a shilar way, h o s
Levinberg and Uri IUm both faced a difficult tortuous capevity Mereas
IXlm chose not to reveal kvhat- be knew, Levinherg revealed eveqthing he
knew Again, fllan is construct& as heroicr,kvinberg as a traieor. The mur-
ders of De Hahn and Levi p v i d e us with an excellent illustration for the
cnnlt-ural antagonism of c d i c t i n ; identities. De Mahn represe~~tedevery-.
f i h g the Hagana was against. Levi represented indeyendence and the free-
dom to embrace a new idmtiv that was supposed to emerge with the c=-
ation of a new Jewish state. Lehi's leaders cauld not accept it. The Judenrat
is remembered. as a treackrous organization, However, examinjng fie con-
text fn which it functioned softens this image. 'l'here we= several cases of
asassination that resulted from the co~~struction of the vicths as traitors.
Israel De H h ,Yehuda Levi Israel Kasztneq m d Ktzhak b b h were all
kifled because individlaals and groupmere convinced that they violated
their loyalty and trust insuch a profound mmner &at the only remcdy was
to kill fieme&However, in each of these cases, a close examhation reveals
that the assassins we= insensitive to complex sit-uations and iporant of
the facts, not In mention lacking incompassio~nand m a y . h no case is this
as clear as inthe case of the tmnecessaq unjustifid, and hurried execution
of CaptL3in Meir 'Tubianski.
Fo~~rth, in this chapter we examined some orgmizations that were de-
fined as treacherous-the Jtkl;kTnmdand Dereeh HaniCzolz. One can add to
this the small gmups of activists that were behirtd the treachery of Udi
Adiv and Dan Vered, as well as the ones behind the assassinations of
Kasztner and Rabin. This is an interesting p h e n m n m because it hplies
that cultures may have mganizations whose goal is to violate the trust
m d loyalty of the mainstream morality of these cultures, by presenting
and reinforcing a different morality. There is one major difference be-
tween the Judenrat and the other organizations, and it has to do with con-
text and choices. U'aljke memtoersbip in the other organizations, the
membership of the Judenrat was under conditions of extreme stress and
thrlrat, and joining the organization was not made f m a stand of full free
will and choice. Moreover, the choice and conse~~t of many individuals
who served in the Judenrats were not fully informed regardhg th real
intentions of the Nazis. However, the co on denominator of these or-
gmizatio~~s is that their actions were defhed as treacherous. m e needs to
remember though that in all these cases, the construction of these orgmi-
zations as inseminators of betrayal is not miversally shared.
'The more general cmcllusjio~~ is that it may not be uncommon to f h d an
ideological group behind the traitors. T0 counterbalance the possible exis-
tence of a fifth colurnn, a cold war, or espionage, nations have created
state-sponsored orgmizations that recruit operate, and support traitors.
The case of th Israeli-operated spy (traitor to the United States) fonathan
Pollard is a good example.
Fifth, examhing the personal motivati.011 of trajtors has provided some
interestirtg clues. The historical cmkxt played a major part in the traitors'
choice of actions and their diwction (for ertample, Levinherg, I)e;trovsky).
Traitors d s o used hjstorical context: to jwtify their acts.
Finally, Lalthough application of the universal structure of betrayal-
that is,the violation of trust and Ioyalty-enabled us to explain the differ-
ent cases presented in this chapter, it: was morality that was crucial in con-
structing the cases as betrayals. Without morality as a criterion, no
meaningm interpretation could have been accomplished.
Was Delilah a traitor? Can such figures as Quisling, Vlasov, Benedict
Amold, Judas, Malhche, ZJord Haw-HawFEzra Potmd, Stauffenberg, Ed-
ward VIXZ, Josephus, Pollard, and Kasztner be Lal lumped together in one
category as traitors? If so, in what sense?
'This book was never intended to be a comprehensive encyclopedia of
betrayal. Its major purpose was to develop a conceptudizing apparatus
that would help us better understmd the naturt. of betrayal. HopefullyI
this goal has been achieved. Elowe~rer,writing or reading a dry docu-
ment, hi&ly abstracted, about betrayal is a punishment undeserved, by
anyone. Thus, firoughout the book, we examined numerous cases, some
very detded, of betrayai. All these individual red-life stories helped us
to weave our more general sociological treatise on betrayal.
mrtlughout this book we examined a great number of cases invoking
various forms and ~nanifestationsof betrayal. We saw that it is possiblt to
classify many of the cases into analytical categories. Examining all these
cases, one needs to ask,When is the likelihood of invoking the label "trai-
tor" inineased?Althou$h this label is context and si:uatim depcnde116 it
also has a social structure, This structure emeqes when we exmine care-
fully the type of vicrlations that invoke this term. 'This exami~~ation reveals
that the prhdbility of jnvctking this term, is increased sii;lnificantly w k n -
ever specific boundaries of symbolic moral universes arc crossed.
7'he method we used cmsiskd of examining diverse behaviors, fn dif-
ferent time periods and cultures, trying to crystallize the contmon analyt-
ical core behind the different empirical manifestati~nsof betrayal without
losing the cdtural mosaic itself. This metl-rod inwlves two interesting
and contradictory processes. On the one hand, it decontextualizes the
cases by lumping so many cases and contexts togethes. Oxl the other
hand, it enhances the importance of context by exami~~ing the specific
content that elicits the societal response of "traitar'kr the more specific
form referred to as "treason.'f
Our examhation of the behaviors of a considerable number of individ-
uals and groups, in different time pericrds m d c u l t u ~ sreveals
, that the
varieties of the behaviors that are viewed as betrayal provide a fasdnat--
ing, rich, and stimulating mosaic, This variety has a cornmm core that, at
the mfnimal l e d , can be characterized as foflows. Betrayal is a behavior
that, first of all, involves a social interaction, presurned or directly ob-
served, of individuals who are perceived to share the same cultural her-
itage m d similar cultural goals.
In addition, there are some main elelxents that must be prese~~t to in-
voke the term '"traitor." Ta begin with, attribution of betrayal occurs when
two major violations of expectations occur: violation of tmst and viofa-
tion of loyalty- These violations by an in-gmup melxber typically invoke
the accusation of the deviant violator as a traitor. The more serious and
thrtratening these violations are perceived to be, the higher the liketihood
of invoki.ng the label. When no such violations exist, the charge of be-
trayal is weakened considerably, For example, a spy who pretends to be
s o m e w he c ~ she
r is not can hardfy be accused of '%etrayingfhcollective
he never belmged to, mird, betrayal means that a person from the in.-
group defaults on his or her moral &Xigations and commit.rnents to the
group a d crosses the boundaries of the group or dyad. In other words,
some actual turncoating must take place in addition to the aforemen-
tioned violations, This added element inwitably increases the probability
of finding the person to be a traitor. Finally, when viotations of trust and
loyalty occur, accompanied by turnmathg and committed h stealth or
secrecy, the label of ""traitor" is practically unavoidable. X
n such cases, the
tern "traitorf"s used ~ g w d l eof s the power configuration. intert-stingly
enough, these cases are nnostly concentra.t.ed in the interpersonal level.
Such actions as those commigted by strike violators and police informers
also tend to fall in this category*
Chzr examhation of the different forms of betrayal makes one conclu-
sion very clear. Betrayal is not a rare occurrence. It takes pIace in numer-
ous awas of our life, alrnmt on a daily basis. Betrayal, in other words, is
quite prevalent; most of us have experienced at )east one .form of it, m s t
likely mort. than once,
Analyticatly speaking, dthough betray& is a mdtidimensiclnal phe-
nomenon, the two most crucial varihlcs that distinguish betrayal from
other foms of human behavim are vidations of trust and loyalty. How-
ever, these twlr variables are not discrete but continuous. Betrayal h-
valves behaviors that are spread on a qualitative spectrum, varying in
terns of perceived severity,
Che of the important distinctions is whether the betrayat is personal or
collective. Withh these two types, we have even fher distinctions. Far ex-
ample, people seem to differentiate between a "one-ni#t stand" and a
long-lasting affair. Moreover, a further distinction within a "one-night
stand" concerns the motivation and cmtext of the art, for exampl",
wkther money was used to obtain sex. If we are examhing betrayal on
the collective fevel, then questions of motkation, context (for example, in-
dustriaf espionage in peacetime versus military espionage in wartime),
m d inflicted damage become crucial.
For both types of betrayal-personal and collective-the issue of
stealth or open belxavior is another sipificant variable. C)ne reason why
this distinction is so important is that violating trust and loyalty in se-
crecy typically hvolves deceit. Thus, issues of dishonesty, pretenser lying,
and making other people believe in a Mse reality come into play*
h o t h e r dimension invdves threat potential.. When a large organiza-
tion such as a state is being threatened by a structural violation of trust
and loyatty (for example, treason), especially during periods of c d i c t ,
its reaction will be severc. Betrayal orz the interpersonal level (for exam-
ple, inf delity) also typically yjclds strong emotional reactions, as identi-
ties are being scrricausly chailenged and threatened.
To st~mmarize,""eraitor" i s a ggezzeral name referrbg to an. individual
who violates trust and loyalty in a variety of circumstances and contexts.
Traitors can be found in interpersonal, group, mganizational, or national
crntext.~.. The term "traitor" ~ f e r to
s a person who is perceived to be a
bona fide member of the s a m collective, or group, as those whose trust
and loyalty the traitor comprt,mfses. 'fhat is, a strung assrtmpticm about a
common and shared czlltural heritage (pasl., present, future, common
gods, language, values, norms, worldviews) exists between the traitor
and the betrayed. Added to this basic structure of violation are issues that
can solidify, or weaken, the appljcation of the term "'traitorf?in specific
cases, n e s e issues include the ioilowing: M r e the violations committed
in secret? W r e the victims of thr violationti specific indiviciuals, groups,
organizations, or countries? Did the violations involve deception? Was
the threat potent-ial of the violation large or small? Moreover, the nature
and circumstances of betrayals have been used to determine the pmper
societal, reactions to such actions.
Followkg the tradition of contextual constructionism, we first estab-
lished the facts and the characterization oE betrayal. Once we exposed the
universal structure underlying betrayal, we could move on to the con-
stmction. It became clear that although the universal stmcture of viola-
tions could be rather easify identified in each case we discussed, there
were several other important related issues. mese issues are relevmt to
the constructjon of the tern "traitor" and its application in different con-
texts. First and foremost is the issue of moraliw.
Basic questions of boundaries and power lie at the heart of betrayal.
When the term ""betrayal" is invoked, the issue of moral bomdaries is not
far behind. The main reason is that issues of loyalty and trust are funda-
mental moral issues. Facit~gthese issues =quires making decisions m-
garding loyalty and solving similar questions regarding trust. In each
case discussed in this book, issues of morality determine the ethical judg-
ment of the case in question.
Mora:ljty, however, like deviance, is highly infiuenced by power. Spe-
cific moral claims, and the conseqtlent social reactions to those claims, dc-
pmd on power and its usage. Invoking the possibiljty of betrayal thus al-
ways involves examining chalienges to both moraiity and power.
Moreover, when secrecy is involved in the betrayal, an element of deceit
is added to the mix, and thus an additional mclrai issue clrmpomds an al-
ready complex situation. Power relatio~~s are also mag~~ifiecfhere, as the
issue of who has the power to deceive who and why is at the fnrefront as
well. Obviously one result of his is that. invoking and validatiw the exis-
tence of betrayd h o s t gmrantees a harsh societaii response,
A distinction beheen the universal social stmcturc of betrayal and its
specific moral content was made throughout the book. Discusshg morai
issues requires paying some attention to those making the moraf, diag-
noses, including the author of this book. Mareover, these mord stands
gain importance because labeling any specific persun as a traitor is-like
it or not-passhg a moral,judgment, Of course, it is irresponsible to make
overgeneralizing statemnts, For example, although it is easy to deter-
rnine t v h e ~ e an
r act of betrayat was co itted on the personal level c ~ r
on the collective level, punishment- is typically much moro severe for be-
trayal on the collective, or national, level. I f we confine ourselves just to
the issue of treason, and we remind ourselves of such individuals as
Qx~isling,Lord Haw-Haw, Ezra Pound, and Malinche, it may become
quite difficult to decide who was a bona fide traitor and who or what they
betrayed. h gemon with a Nazi worldview would definitely not view
m i s l h g or Lord Haw-Haw as traitors. lis my mhd, the issue of morality
and power is indeed crucial.
Black" theory of srrcial control is appropriate here, at least fmm the
point of"view of t h s e la,helcd '"raitors.'" Black;bases his approach on the
concept of ""self-help criminal justice," He argues that the main reason
that offenders involve fiemselves in devimt a d crimh~albehavior is not
that they want to violate norms or iaws. Rathes, these offenders feel that
they achieve justlice by b ~ a k i n gsome rules, According to Black, these de-
viants are involved in a process oE exercising social control either by forc-
ing the culture in which they live to =cognize their claims or by getting
justice for what they defne as their own cause. From, this intriguing per-
spective, traitors can indeed be viewed as being involved in the pursuit of
"justjce"; however, it is "'justice" accordi.ng to their own criteria.
There is another major issue hvolved here, and that is the issue of the
type of identities that emerge from betryal. C. Wright Mills alerts us to
the fact that personal biograghies, and consequently ide~~tities, are linlced
intirnatefy to social and historical processes. Nowhere is this process
clearer than in the cases of treason. Traiton; facing competing symbolic
moral universes have to make a choice. Such a choice can make them he-
roes for m e universe but despised and detested traibrs for another. Con-
sider intfividuais such as Mdinche, John An&&,Nathan Hale, and a large
number of others" Moreover, the very selection of specified cases as trai-
tors reacts a moral choice that accqts the construction of particuiar indi-
viduals as traitors as opposed to heroes. We live within cultures, and as
Might Mills points out, we cannot escape the cultural context..However,
we need to be aware of this, so that we can develop a better understand-
ing of betrayal. The iejentities that various traitors embraced, and those
given them after the fact, were all embedded in specific pofitical and,
even much more so, moral contexts.
This observation necessarily brings me to the next point, which in-
volves masks and reality In an interesthg fashion, this also comects us to
contextual constmctiosrism, Once we have ascertaisred the basic facts of
the case, we c m unfold the social ( m d moral) constmction of betrayal.
Then we can contrast the reality with the construction. In fact, we re-
peated this exercise numerous tirnes throughout our analysis. Although it
is m almost classical exercise in contextual constructionism, it is also an
exercise in debm:kjng and tends to color research with a subversive hue,
which it should.
The identities of traitors are thus a reflection of the political and social
contexts in which they live and fu~~ction. In this sense, m e can ask, To
what degree are these identities genuine? Are they part of the empirical
and factual substratlrm c ~ are
r they sociatly and moratly cmstruckd? In
the context of World War 11, these questions help us draw a line between
genuine colllaborators and true believers (for example, I(auiding, Seyss-.
Inquart, Degrelk, VIasov, and Joyce) and opp0rtu"i"ic collaborators,
fafcing loyalty and trust. 'The issue of fact versus construction, truth ver-
sus falsehood, and empirical versus mythical is thus cutting across not
only the macro social and culturat level but also fie l e d of indivibal
identities. This conclusion sterns not only fsom C. Wright Mills's formu-
lations but also from syrnbolic inkraction. That, perhaps, should not re-
ally surprise us. Contextual constmcticmism is grounded rather strongly
in symbolic interaction.
Deviance (and crime), as argued elsewhere, needs to be understood
within central cultural cmtertCs.2 Indeed, betrayal, as a form of deviance,
is intimately connected to both loyalty and trust m d to membership in
groups. This means that issues of betrayal always involve central
processes of change and stabilit-y in the moral and social boundaries of
collectives of people and hence irr their smse of belonging and identity, It
is no wmdcr then that issues involving betmyal are often emotionally ex-
plosive and typicallly give rise to moralistic discourses.
Treason, perhaps not surprishgly, is the most complex betrayd. When
all rhe major elments that define betrayal exist (violat-ions of trust and
loyal.t>iby a member of the in-grou~7,secrecy, and turncoating), the likeli-
hood for a consmsrtal etefh~itionof betrayal is rather high. When the ele-
xnmt of: stealt;h disappears, and individuals who are britnded as traitors
are simpty those with different political views, the p w e r configurations
play a major part, and the nature of "tr.easonffbecomes prciblematic and
debataible (for example, Quisling, Lord Haw-Hakv, Pktain, Vlasov, Pound,
and Malinche). If and when such ""lraitors" are b r o u e t to trial., one can
expect a harsh sentence, but one can also expect that the accused will not
accept the verdict as valid. Moreover, the issue of treason will. always
elicit a debate mgarding the proper dividing line between legitimate dis-
sent and violation of trust and loyalty or even giving aid and comfort to
the enemy. Mr'hat exacerbates this probleln these days is that the bomd-
aries between "friend'hnd "enemyff may be bfurring, as even "the other"
may be difficult to discern. I'crstmodernit;m, by nature, blurs the bound-
aries between diverse symbolic moral u~~iverses, m d heszce sharp disthc-
tions may become difficult to mahtah.
?he various definitional elements presented here can be used to delin-
eate the moral boundaries between different forms and manifestations of
betrayal. The term. "betrayal" rdcrs to a farge nrarnber of types and cate-
gories representing a wide spectrum. Although there. is a universal social
structure behind these diiferent: manifestations, the specific content of
different types of betrayal needs to be assessed in different ways. I hope
that we now powes the analytical tools for cmceptualizing this fasci-
nating form of h u m n behavior in a way that is true to its rich and com-
plex nature.
Notes
Chapter 1
1. See short report in Newsweek, December 29, 1996, p, 22, and a mview of the case
by Ronen Bergman in I-I~krefs's supplement, December 11, 199& pp. 59-62. The
charge Cif faced in eau& was espionage related and dealt with individuals who
give infornation that is meant to harm and damage the state" scurity. On the ver-
dict, see Mn'cariv; March 25,1999, pp. 12-43; and Yediclt Rluzro~zot,same datef p. 19.
2. See Bbck and Morris 1991:4 09; Cufman 1995; Rachum 19%; and Raviv
and Melman 1930:27Zt--38Q.
3. See Ben-Yehuda 1985; and Zerubavel1992.
4. See Ben-Yehuda 3985,1989.
5. Landa 4994; Fukuyarna 4995; Eisenstadt and Roniger 1984; and Seligman
1997 examine these issues.
6. See Goc~deand Ben-Uehuda 4994 on moral panics. In a wa)?r,this interpreta-
tian can also help us understand the modern quest for reltigim and the revival of
interest in religionsf new and old, as well as in magical and fantasy scjlutions, The
major failure here is the liberals' failure to educate people to cope and Xive with
empirical and spiritual uncert.ajnties.
7, See Fletcher's intriguing 1993work,
8. See Poimar and AXlen 199"7357>5;74; Gilfing and McKnjght 2995; and 'Tc>scano
1990. See also Yediot Alrarurzot, March IS, p. 5, A group of British and ather peapfe
created a support group for him, demanding, among other things, that he be
treated as any atker prisoner; see Hg%retz, April 10,1998, p. 133; and Tel Avilt, Sep-
tember 27, 1996, pp, 53-58, In 1998, this group (the Israeli committee h r
Mordechai trapanmuand fcrr a Middle East free from atomic, bicjlogical, and
chemical weapons) published a book expressing its views, Vaklanttnu alrd trlte Bomb
(in FTc-;brew).
9. See Hra'nretz, April 17,1998, p. A8.
10. "I"edi(~t
Ahnrc;tnol,July 17; 1998, p. 2. See also Maron 1998a. For more details,
see &diot Rhnro~zol,November 24, 4999, pp. 4-44.
11. Mnklarl'v, July 17, 1998, p. 3. Manbar" aacounts received wide pulaliciq in
October 4998, when Illana DayanpsTV Channel 2 program "FACT" pprc~videda
forty-eight minute docurnrtntary on this affair. It i s worth noting that another Is-
raeli-Hertzel Kad-bvas found guilty and cmvicted in 1995 on charges of espi-
onage for Iran, too. He was sentenced to six years in prison, half of which were
conditional. He was released frc>mprison in Maxh 1997.
12. See Amit 1992:372409.
13. Judges, chapters 13-46. See also Bower 1W0:2-3; and %th, 1972:150-153,
14. Judges, chapters 4-5; see also Heaps 2 969:39-42,
15. See report in Nculsrveclk, vol. 128, no. 12,(Sczptember 16,1996), pp. 36-37.
16. Far example, see Eoenirzg St n ~ d a r dSeptember
, 17,2996, front page.
17. For exampte, Cardinat Winning, leader of the Roman Catholic Church in
Scotland,
18. See Eaenizzg S t a n d ~ r dSeptember
, 20,1996, pp. 1,s..
19. The newspaper paid the ctluple E15,000 (equivalent, at that time, to about
US $23,000). The interview was quoted widely by the BBC, tm.
20, For short summaries we the Sptember 30,1996, issues of Erne, p. 24, and
Nczostucek, p. 6.
21. See Ezleni~zgStandard, Octojber 8,1996, and the BBC3 18:00 news on that day,
and The Tinzes, October 9, 2 996, p. 90,
22, Ezrenir-zg Shndard, July 2,19917, p. 4. See also Ku 1998.
Chapter 2
1. Granting an illegal pass to a ship-the CFznrming Natzcy.
2. Brandt 3994:188-189.
3. See Pofrnar and ALlen 1W732.
4, Lentz 1988:xvii; and Polmar and Allen 1997:24.
5. There are numerclus tzrrrrks about Benedict Amold. %e Arnold 1979; Bakeless
2 "398; Boy fan 1973; Decker 2 932; Flexner 2 "391; OToole 2 992 :55-59; Polnnar and
Alfen 19"3:32; Randafl 1990; Sellers 3930; Seth 1972:28-32; WaIXace 1954,1978; and
Weyl 1950:44-59, My favorite two items are Brandt" (1994) excellent and very
well-written account and Ducharme and Fine's (1995) critically penetrating analy-
sis of the images of Benedict Amold,
6.Lentz 1988:xvii; B'Tc>c>ol1993:22-24; PoEmar and AIlen 1997:258; and Seth
1972:285-282. Frrr a critical evaluaticrn of Hale's mission, see Bakeless 1998:440-422,
Chapter 3
1. See the Newsweek issue of Spternber 30,1996, which was devoted to the gen-
eral issue of infidelity. On adultery in China, see Ncrusaueek, August 24,1998, p. 24.
Malaysia's punishment consists of six fioggings, three years in prison, or a fine of
around $1,190. Malaysia utilizes ""Modesty Guards," whose job is to find pclopte
who are involved in illegal sex in hatets and public parks. See Yediot Alznm~of, "24
Hours," "supplement, August 23,1998, p. 6.
2. For example?see tawson 1988.
3. See Norton and Hastings 1997.
4. Newswcek, Sptember 30,1996, p. 40.
5. This case is described in Chapter 1.
6. See Ncwszoeek, spternber 30,1996, p. 38*
7. Ibid., p. 40,
Motes
8. Ibid.
9. Chapter 10, pp. 287-307.
10. See also Ofir-Sl~acham1998.
11. i\a'c>rtc>n
and Hastings 1997.
12, Shenhar 1998. See also Muhlbauer and Zernach 1991:438-444; Nardi
1996:42-45; and Sherner 1992:26&267,
13. Hc~rowitzand Ben-Arie 1998:14; and Weitz 4998. See also contemporary
newspaper coverage, Ear example, Yedl'ot. Ah~mnot,January 15 and 17, 1993; in
both cases coverage begins on front page.
14. See Yedr'otAfiarclnot, "2% Hours," supplemenl; August 23,1998, p. 6.
15. For a short review of an internaticynal list of infidelities and adulteries by
celebrities, see Kobi 1998.
16, See The Ernes, October 9,1996, fmnt page.
17, See Nezusaueek, December 8,1997 p. 22.
18. Horow-itz and Ben-Arie 1998:14,
19. See h'arr'z~,October 11, 1996, magazine Weekct:.~zd, pp. 30-31; and Horc~witz
and Ben-Arie 1998.
20, See Nezusaueek, August 20,1998, pp. 12-21.25-39,
21.. July 3,2997, p. 8.
22. "0peratic)n Drumbeat-," which began in January 1942; see Blair 1996:50%526;
Gannon 19% and Hickam 1989,
23. See Blajr 1996:559.
24, See Villkman 1994:5&80,
25. Dc,bson and Payne 1986:288-289; and Polmar and Alfen 1997:158,3";7$, 508.
26. Atdrich tzrorked in CIA headquar2ers. In mare than a decade of twacheraus
activity, he betrayed at least eleven CIA agents to the Soviets, of which at least
fcxtr were executed (Richelson 4995:422),
27, 1301marand Alien 1997:22-22,443-4M.
28. Alias Walter G. Krivitsky, born 1898. See Deacon 3982202-203; Dc,bson and
Payne 1986:175-176; and Potrnar and Allm 1997:318.
B.Vol krnan 19"3:77.
30. Lentz 1988:79; and Polmar and Allen 4992319.
33. Polrnar and AIlen 199"7101;7.
32, Volkman 1994:77.
33. See also Bower 1990:60-67; Friedrich 1972:100-103; and Richelson 1995:
94-96,
34. For example, see Richetson 1995:95; Smith 1976; Weinstein 1978; and Wein-
stein and Vassiliev 1999,
35, See Polmar and Allen 1997:263; and Scott 1996,
36. Scott 1996:33.
37. Ibid.
38. I""olrnarand AlIen 3992263,575578; and Richetson 1995:224225. For more
on Venana, see Haynes and Klehr 4999,
39, 1301marand Allen 1997:263.
40, Scott 1996:31.
41, See also Friedrich 1972:10%104; and Weyl 1950:424441 for shorter rwiews.
42. In its most intense fc>rm,this war lasted from the early 1950s to the late
1980s, a period of about forty years. See Whitcomb 1998, See also Weinstein and
Vassiliev 1999; and Friedman 2Q00.
43, See Beacon 1982301-302; and Polmar and Allcsn 1997:239.
44. Pen kojvsky 1965; Polmar and Atlen 199E-429431;Richetson 1995:2'74-282;
and Volkman 1994:2%30.
45. I""c>lmarand Allen 199'7:239.
46. The Report u f t h Royal Commission, 4946:ll.
47. See Sawatsky 1984 (who conveys how difficult it was to cope with Gouzenkai);
and S t h 19";"2:27&278.
48. See Deacon 1982316-317; 130fmarand Allen 1997:270-272; and Wise 1988,
49. See Bower 1990:141-151; King 1989; liichelson 19(35:91-94; and Sinclair
1986 for the political and academic (as well as sexual) cantextualization of cam-
puwcultures in which this ring developed. See also Winks's 198'7 mc)re general
approach,
50. Deacon 1987:334-336; Dobson and I""a~me 1986:205-208; and Polmar and
Allen lli3923-47-349.
51. Bobson and Payne 1986:41-44; and Polmar and Allcsn 1997:90-92.
52, Costello 19138; Penrose and Freeman 1986; Polmar and Alien 1997:77-78; and
Votkman 1994:17-22.
53. Also knc>wn as the ""tird man," see Page, Leitch, and Knlghtley 1969;
Philtby 1969; and Volkrnan 1994:8-16.
54. %metimes referred to as the ""fifth manm";~bson and Payne 1986:46-47;
Polrnar and ALlen 1997:97; and Richelson 1*5:95--94,436,485,
55. Dctbson and Payne 2 986:217-228; Polmar and Atlen 1997:358-359; and Seth
19;;'2:388-391.
56. Bobson and Payne 1986:19>194; and Polmar and Allcsn 1997:342.
57. He also had an affair tzrith Maclean's wMrifeMelinda-which began in 1964,
58. Polmar and Allen 1997:433436.
59. Newsweek, September 8,199'7, p. 42.
60. See also Bullocl-r 1%6:158-168; and 13incher 1987:19?-224,
61 . Dear and Ftx~t1995:297.
62. There are several bmks and studies written about this affair. Frrr concise ac-
counts, see Gutman 1995:265-278; Melman and Raviv 1"389:611-.;7Q; and %hiM and
H aber 1976:400-402,
63. For example, see Bearse and Read 1991; Pofmar and Allen 1997:309-310;
VoLkman 4994:77; and %LW yn 4987:115-449.
64, Palmar and Allen 1997:65-66, as well as Seth 1972:317--319,provide good
summaries. There are several spying epix~desin the Bible, One is about J o ~ p h ' s
brclthers, who say that they came to Egypt to search for food, but Joseph accuses
thern of being spies. A second epimde involves a command by the Almighty to
Moses to send spies into Canaan, Moses sends twelve spies and when they return
after spending forty days on their mission, their reports are mixed and even con-
tradictory Only two of the spies recommend an invasion; the rest warn of big
troubles ahead. The Israelites panic, but the Almighty, who feels that this panic re-
action indicates little faith in Him, punishes thern by keeping them from the
13romisedLand far farty years, A third episode involves Joshua sending two spies
to Jericho. There, the spies, who practice the world's second-oldest profession,
meet Rahab, a practitioner of the world's oldest profession. She manages to save
the spies from an infcjrmer working for the king of Jericho. During the Israelites"
successful attack and conquest of Jericho, Rahab's househclld is spared. Surely
these stories have some interesting lessons for today
65. For example, Bower 4990:282-298; P-ic~we4486; and two Bctional movies
about her called Mata Hari, one made in 1932 (starring Greta Carbo in the title
rc~le)and one in 1985 (with Sylvia Kristel in the title mle).
66, ""Cicero," was the code name for Elyeza Bazna, who spied for the Nazis in
the British embassy in Turkey in World War II; far short descriptions, see Deacon
1982170; 130fmarand Allen 1997:121; and Seth 1972:126-129,
67. For example, see Vijlkman 1994:260---280.
68. See Deacon 198"i79&97; Palmar and Allen 1W7464; and %th 1972:443-449.
69. See Johnston 1998.
70. See Pctlrnar and Allen 199"3":442443,for a short description of the case, and
Vinitzky-Serouss 1999 and ZeIizer 1999 for an analysis of the public debate that
folioweb and its implications. Hillel Cohen (1998) confronted Pollard's 1lawycl.l;
tary Dav, with parts of the events described here. Dav's r e s p o n ~was that Pollard
never contacted the South African embassy and never received large sums of
money. Dav's srersim is that Pollard received a Xow salary, which, at its peak,
reached no more than $1,500 a month and that his motivation was ideological.
Dav also stated that he had heard about a secret Swiss bank account Pollard sup-
powdly had, but neither he nor Pc~llardhad ever seen it. Qbviousty, Dav's interest
is in representing his client in the most pcjsitive light possible. For example, ideo-
logical motivatian appears better than hancial geed. h o t h e r spy for Israel, Ice-
brand6 Smith (renamed Avmr Shamir in Israel), who operated in Holland, tvas
also caught, but unlike Pollard, he was allawed to leave the country and chase to
move to Israel; see Melrnan 1998.
71. See Black and Morris 1992:22&229; Deacon 1977:79-91; Ei~nberg,Dan, and
tandau 19i78:65-133; MeXman and Raviv 1989:165160; Polmar and Allen 1992128;
Raviv and Melman 1990:443-146; S g e v 1986; and Steven 1980:199-206. Many
sources couple the description of Eli "Cc>hen% activities with those of another Israeli
implanted s p the ~ German-born Israeli Wc~lfgangtotz, who operated in E a p t m-
der an assumed identity, Again, Lotz cannot be referred to as a traitor.
72, Black and Morris 1994:164. For mare on Beer, see Beer 1956-1957, 4966
Qwrittm in prison and brought to press by Amikam Gurevitz); Black and Morris
1991:158-166; Hart31 1987:93-168; Melrnan and Raviv 1989:122-125; Polmar and
Allen 1"37:54-55; and Raviv and ;Velman 1990:98-108. On the inRuence of the
Beer case on an inner cultural dispute within Israel, see "Crc3rner 1985.
73. See Raviv and Melrnan 4990:102-403.
N.Prange 1984; and Whyrnant 1996.
75. For example, see Codevilla 1992; Deacon 1987 Dabson and Payne 4986;
Mnightley 1986; Laqueur 1985; Polmar and Alien 1997; Richefson 1995; Sarbin,
Camey, and Eoyang 1994; Seth 4972; Volkman 194; and W s t 1993,
76. For example, see Srohl 1989,
1717. Abwellr was the German military intelligence organization headed by Ad-
miral Canaris from 1935; see Zmtner and Bedurftig 2997:2-3. On the double-cross
system, see Masterman 1972; and Polmar and Allen 199'7:17%1;7$.
78, X am deeply grateful to Jaama Michlic-Coren, who not only suggested this
type of betrayal but read this section very carefully and made some very useful
and construdive comments and suggestic~ns,
179..See Noakes and Pridharn 1988, vot. 3:6617-1705.. On the Pact of Steel, see
Toxano 1967.
80, See Laqueur 1976:135-139.
81. Heim-Dietrich Lowe in Dear and I-arrot 1995:250. It is estimated that there
were about 7,800,000 Soviet IX,OWs,about 2,800,000 of wham died while in Nazi
captivity; see Baudot et at. 1989:395-396.
82, Far example, see Bethef 1995; and T'olstoy 1979.
83. See Kersten 1991;and Steinlauf 199'7, ch. 3.
84, See report in Ha%refz, June 3,1998, p. B5, based on a repark in the Gzrardiatz
Ercm May 25.
85. Robinson 1996:288-284.
86. For more on whistle-blowing, see Akerstrorn 1991:43-51; Bok 1993; Be-
Maria 1992; Glazer and Glazer 1989; Greenbere and Baron 1997; Near and Miceli
1985, 2992, 1997; "Nice Guys Finish Last," a 1994,55 minute television documen.-
tary produced and directed by N-icholas Adter and Gasoline Sherwood, Aus-
tralian Film Corporation and Titus Films; Miethe 1998; Robimrrm 2 996~273-288.
817. Glazer and Glazer 1989:252-255.
88. Far example, see H~'nre.trtz,January 23,1996, p. At;,
89. Flklrat.elz, November 11,1995.
90. Some examples of the consequences af whistle-blowing in Israel include the
follavcring: (1) A tester in the ministry of transportation who warned that road
tests af matorcyclists tzrere faulty was fired (Hafare"idfZ,
June 30,198); (2)An adviser
to fire depa&ments was fired after warning that many hospitals were dangerous
firetraps (L)nvnrt %ptember 38,1995); (3)A securiq officer who complained about
fiscal mismanagement in the municipality of Loci was transferred to an inferior
job (hf;nfareti;,August 22, 1997); (4)A woman who expc~sedin public that vegeta-
bles were being falsely marketed as "organic" and that the marketing organiza-
tion was deceiving the pubtic was isolated and persecuted, along with members
af her family (varic~usreports in the press in the summer of 1997). The Qgen Assa-
ciatbn was established in Israel to help whistle-blowers. It was established by a
woman who had exposed mismanagement and was then committed, wrc~ngly~ tc)
a mental hospital, following a complaint by the organization that her behavior
was erratic. Her suffering was so great that it prcrpefted her into public effc~rtson
behalf of whistle-blowers, For more on whistle-blowing in Israel, see Bar-Ufpan
1997; and Verner 1992..
91, Robinsan 1996:274-275.
92. See Leach I W5:I.
93. Ibid.,2.
94. See Rofef 1988:130-131.
95,July 26,4997, p, 4.
5%. From the Canadian The Globe alzd ILlar'l, August 15,1997, p,A13.
Motes 319
97. Nettler (1982:50) is one of the few who include a dixussion of cornersion
within the context of an interpretatim of treaso)n.
98, The (London) Tinzes, July S, 1396, pp. 1-2,
99. Abu-Tuema 1995:18.
100. Pincher 4987:427.
101. Gray 1994:147. Gray refers to Casement:as a jftrajtc>r."
102. For short descriptions of the case, see Elzqclopedlr;I Britnnnica, 1980, Mi-
cmpnedl'n, vol. 2, p. 608; Pincher 1987:xvi, 4, 108, 127; and 1301mar and Allen
1997:103. For a longer account, see Cwynn 1931. Ingliss 1973 and Wharam
2995:156-165 focus on the trial. Allegations of homosexual behavior were in-
volved in this case, too, and some accounts state that this may have created a grej-
udiced atmosphere against Casement.
103. Polmar and Alten 1997:103,
104. Ceva" military and pcllitical superic~rsincluded the chief of staEfl, Rafilel
"RaEuX" Etan, Minister of Defense Ariel Shamn, and Prime Minister Menachern
Begin.
105. khiff and Ua%ri 19%:264-266.
106. The dean of faculty was Professctr Gershon Ben-Shachar (from the depart-
ment of psychfogy). Departmental chief administrator was Mrs. Osnat (""Ossie"")
bn-Shachar:
107. The p ~ s i d e n at
t that time was Profesmr Hanoch Gutlreund (from the de-
partment: of physics).
108. Quoted in Archer lli3"i7:1;2,See also Rasenbloclm" 4998 work, which exam-
ines, among other issues, the effectiveness of strikebreakers. Rosenbloom%study
is bcused an the recruitment of strikebreaking labor from outside the striking
group. His conclusion is that recruitment and usage of strikebreakers significantly
impacted strike effc~rtsin such sectors as the cotton textile industry, mining; iron
and steel production, the cigar industry, and in the railroad industry.
109. This part- is based on my 2993 book, hlitical Assrlssinntions by Jemus: A
Rhetorical Device for Justice (Albany: State University of New York 13ress), pp.
2639. Used with permission from SUNY Press.
110. See Rapopclrt 1979:%4.
111. See Rapoport 1984; and Hum-oad 3 970:1>1 6.
112. For example, see Ben-Vehuda 4993:102-106; see Ben-Uehuda 4995 for sum-
maries on the Siicarii and Masada.
113. For example, see Hodgsan 1955; and Lewis 1967.
114. Lewis 196220.
115. For example, see t w i s 196212; Rapoport 1984; and Ford 1985:3Q8-1Q4.
116. Rapoport 3.984.
117. For more on the Assassins, see Ford 19&5:9&104; Franzius 1969; Hammer
1835; Hodgsctn 1955; Hu~wood1978:543; Lerner 4930; Lewis 1947; and Wilson
1975:15--301.
118. Rapclpart 1971,
119, Or like fifh column saboteurs (discussed in Chapter 5).
120. Lentz 1988:78--79.
121. Ben.-Uehuda1993,
122. Published originally in 1903and made into a movie in 1984.
123. lE~ntz1988:48; and Polmar and Alfen 199Z110.
124, Callins was mudered because some r&ellious farces thought that he pre-
sented a political threat for the Irish Rebetlic~n(Lentcz 1988:4748), An impressive
1996 movie titled Ml'clzael Callins was made on the controversy.
125. See Seth 1972150-1 53 on Delilah. See Bower 1990; and Polmar and AlIen
1997:2%, an ""hney traps" or sex traps.
126. The ca.= is described in fiifuller detail in Chapter 1. For the specifk subplot
involving ""Cindy," from Va'anunu's point of viewt see %d-Eot Afznronot, January 24,
1997, Saturday Supplement, pp. 16-22. This story had an interestkg twist in April
1996, Uzi Mahaneimi-a journalist tzrorking for the Sunday Ti~ncs-managed to fo-
cate and expose the real 'Yindy." He found out that her real name was Sheryf
Ben-Tov, where she lived, and talked with her. Besauw of this exgo>sure,the head
of Israel's sailitary intelligence (AMAN), Shlamo Cazit, told journalists that the
state of Israel should consider charging Ma haneirnj with treason, or something
sirnilar; see 1Vlafariz~,
April 44, 4997, p. 6.
127. %e Colton and Vanstone 199'7,alas methodofogicalfy.weak.
128. For example, see Ben-Yehuda 1985,1986; Kohn 19%; and Pallane and Hen-
nessy 1995.
129. The dexriptian is based on my 1993busk, Potiticnf Assassine;ri'iotzs by IIP'ZUS:
A
Rlzetnrictll Devicefar Justice, pp. 201-202,208,283.
130. Sefer Toldok H @ H ~ p n nvol.
, 3, part 1:562-563.
131. See Braham 2981; Hilberg 3.9235, vol. 23796868; and Laqueur 1980.
132. See Bauer 1982348-191; and Wyman 19%:2.44,
133. Bowyer Bell 4987:95; Katz 1966:185; Bauer 1982:14%191; and Hadar 1974.
134. Brand 195'7:355. See also Brand 1960:49-79; N i v 1965-1980, vol. 4:8&81;
Ayalan 1980; Rosenfeld 1955; Bauer 1982: 448-494; and P-iadar 49711,
135. Far sample, see Hadar 1972; and Bauer 1982:134-191.
136. Brand 1957,1966,4974,
137. See Wyman 198cZ:24%245,
138. Ibid.
139. See Marx and Fijnaut 1995.
140. For examples, see Mam and Fijnaut 1995; and Staples 1997.
141, See Black and Morris 1994:15&167; Harel1982 MNman 1998; and Melman
and Raviv 1989:122-129,236243.
142. See Black and Morris 1991:14%149; and Melman and Raviv 4989:12&128.
143. Black and Morris 1991:149.
144, Ibid., 442-443; and MeIslman and Raviv 1989:243. See alw Yediot Rlmrotzut,
Spternher 4,2 W8, p. 4, and Illn'nriv, same date, p. 7,
145. Black and Morris 1991:443; see also Melman and Raviv 198"3:241-2431.
Kalmanovifch was later dg>orted to Russia.
146. N;rrkrefs,December 12,1997, g. 1.
147'. See HafaretzZ,June 4, 4993, pp. AI-3; Kol kinir, June 4,1993, pp. 46-51; Yediot
Altnmnot, June 4,1996, pp. 2-3; Yedz'at Ahmnot, Supplement, Octcyber 22,1993, pp.
14-45,17.
148. And a hefty fine of $250,000. See Blum 2 987; Earley 1988; and Polmar and
Allen 1992585-588.
149. Polmar and All- 199221-22; and Weiner, Johnstm, and Lewis 1995.
Notes 321
150. See Beacon 198E263-265; Bobson and Payne 2986:4-5; 1301marand Allen
1997:H, 447; and Seth 19?2:9-15. On Gar)r Francis Powers and the U-2 incident,
see Beschloss 19%; Polmar and All- 1997:448,562-563; Richelson 1995:264-2ti8,
293-294; and Seth 1972:465489.
Chapter 4
1. Oxford E~.zgtz"sh Dictionary, 2nd ed., vol. 8 (OxEord: Ctarendc~nPress), pp. 458--.459.
2. Etzcyel'op~rdr'aHebraica, vol. 7 Uerusaiern: Encyclopedia Publishing), pp.
603407 (Hebrew).
3. Encyclopaedr'n Britnnnica, vol. 22 (London: Encyclvaedia Britannica, 1956),
pp. 435-438.
4, Mkrok~aedia,vol. 10 (London: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1974), p. 2 03.
5. Plsscoe 193493. It is interesting that the 1968 edition does not have treason
listed in it.
6. And possibly a few ~3thers;see Stc~ne1988.
7. Jiordano Brmo died for chatlmging the Ptolernaic tzrorldview and the moral-
ity that s u g p o ~ e dit; Galilm also suffered because of this woridview. Freud's psy-
choanalytic theories, tzrhich revolutionized psyehobgy and psychiatry and en-
riched other disciplines, were originally criticized heavily on moral grounds, For
mare on these issues, see Ben-Uehuda 1985,
8. Encyelo;~aediaBI-r'ta~lzica,vol. 22, p. 435.
9. Ploscoe 1934:93.
10. Nettler 1982:35; and Hurst 1983:1559.
11. Enqclopaedk Brifasilnl;ca,1701.22, p. 436.
12. For example, Andreyev 1987 Cc3ntzray 1993; Hoidal 1989; Johnson 1990;
1,ottxnan 1985; Randalf 1990; and Selwyn 1987.
13. For example, Pincher 198'7; Weyl1950; and West 1995,
14, For example, Boveri 2956; Bullock 1966; Klement 1984; Littlejohn 1972;
DToole 4991; Weale 1994; and West 1964,
15, For example, Archer 1971:3; Hagan 2989,1997; Pincher 2 %7; and West 1995,
16. Archer 1971.
17, The case is that of William John Vassall-a British Admiralv clerk whose
espionage caused much da rnage. For details, see Bulloch 1966:152-153; see also
West 1995:65-69,
18. See Bergmeier and tcjtz Rainer 199R and Weale 1994.
19. See PoZmar and Allen 1997:451452; Klnightley and Kennedy 1987.
20, West 1985:361-370,
21. See Kooistra" 44989 work on criminals as heroes. On a related case, see
Campbell 1977.
22, See A kerstrorn 1991:52; and Hagan 1989,1997.
23, 13incher1 9 8 7 : ~ ~
24. Ibid., 1-14,22.
25. Ibid., 22-23.
26. Friedrich 1"32:83,93.
27. Ibid., 91-92.
28. ibid., 223.
29, Ibid., 89,
30. Ibid., 188.
31, Nettler 1982:35,
32. ibid., 42,
33. As do Hurst" 11983and Ploscc>e%almost legal-technical 4934 presentations,
34. Archer 1971:10-11; and Weyt 1956:22.
35. Archer 197'4:16.
36. Ibid., 22-23.
37. Weyl4950:464. See alw Archer 1974:34-37; and Weyl 1950: 140-162.
38. Archer 1971~38-47;and Weyl1950:164&231.
39. Archer 1971:48-51; and Weyl 1950:212-237.
40, Archer 1971~51-54;and Weyl1950:23&261.
41. Archer 1971:48-62; and WeyX 1950:262-302.
42. Detailed in Klement 1984, eh, "i"187-247.
43. ibid., 217.
44, Archer 197l:Q-63.
45. Ibid., 6348.
46. Quoted in ibid., 70.
47. Ibid., 72.
48. Weyt 1950:304. See also Archer 1971:69-75; Weyt 1950:303--336; White 1957;
and ffvitcover 1989.
49. Archer 1972:116. On Kuhn and the Bund, see Higham 1985; Parrish and
Marshall 4978:221,%9; and Weinstein and 'Wassiliev 1999,
50. Archer 1971:'E-118; Higham 1985; and WeyX 1950:317--341. See also the rele-
vant parts in Weinstein and Vassiliev%fascinating 1999 botjk.
52. Archer 1971~12 C;,
52, I bid ., 7&77.
53. See also Wey l 1950~317-341,
54. Archer 1971:115--116; Blair 19"3:6Q3405; Hickarn 1989:238-252; and WeyX
1950:347-356,
55. Archer 19"7:10&118.
56. Ibid., 117,
57. ibid ., 143-154. See also Weinstein and Vassiliev 1999.
58. Archer 197"1:155166.
59, On the historical inaccuracies of the 1966 movie' see Marjus 1995370-73. See
also Ackroyd" 19915 superb and vivid biography,
60. On the movie's historical inaccuracies, see Fraser 2 995,
61. See Ash 1990; and Mackay 1995.
62, Far a short review, see Weyl 1950313-20.
63.For more on traitors and their executions in EngXand in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, see Gatref l 4996:298-321.
64.See, for examplef Hagan 1989,1997.
65. For example, the cases of the German White Rose and of Captain Meir
Tubianski .
66. Far example, see Besgesen 197'7.
Motes 323
67, See Ben-Yehuda 1985:23-173; Briggs 1996; Klaits 1985; Levack 1987; and
Quaife 19817.
68, See Ploscoe 1934; and H-furst 1983,
69. Hurst 1983:156.
70. Ernes Literary Szrpplemenk, February 16,1996, p. 36.
71. This connects this work more explicitly to works by such scholars as Erving
Coffman, Anselm Strauss, and Gustav Iclrkzeiser (19m).
Chapter 5
1. For reviews, see Bear and Foot 19995;Parrish and Marshall 1978; Weinberg
1994; Wheal, Pope, and Taylor 4995; and Yormg 1981. Baudot et al." 1989 TIze kirk-
tor.ical Erzcyelapedia of World War I1 even devotes some decent space to treason
within the context of World War TT (p. 457). Tt points out that the sharp clash be-
Ween such extreme ideol%ies as fascism and communism created clear bound-
aries and made usage of the term "treason" meaningi-ul.
2. For Cole" story see Murphy 1987. Fc~rSuzanne Warren's side, see Young
1959.
3. Pctlrnar and ALlen 4992209. Frrr an interesting discussion of saboteurs in the
U ~ t e States
d during World War X, see Witcaver 1989.
4, See Baudot et al. 1989:432-434; and Fcmt 1984.
5. Kessler 1991:144,
6. See Pryce-Jones 1976; Shermer 1971; and Weyl1950:317-341.
7. The Office of Strate@c Srvices-a U.S. intelligence and sabotage organiza-
tion-was created by President Rm)sevelt on June 13,1942,and abolished by Pres-
ident Truman an January 12,1946, In July 194Xrurnan established the Central In-
telligence Agency (CIA), which in many respects continued the work of the QSS.
For a short review, see Polmar and ALlen 199?:40&41Q.
8. Polmar and Allten 1992209-210.
9, White" svork (1957) ccjntinues this argument into the 1950s. His work is fo-
cused on sabotage by the communists during the cold war, but the cases exam-
ined in the book are instructive because they shcm how difficult it is to discern
whether certain incidences were actually the result of saboteurs+vvork. Among
them he notes the burning of the ReicX-rstagon the night of Februa~y27, 1933, for
which the Dutch Van der tubbe was blamed and cmdemned to death. It is adu-
ally quite reasonable to assume that the Nazis themsetves were behind that fire,
which was used to cmsctlidate Hitler" grip on Germany (for a short descripticrn,
see Snyder 1976:28&289), In addition, M i t e mentions the "mysterious" mid-air
explosions af the British-designed and manufactured Comet jet, We now know
that these accidents were due to a fatal design flaw and metal fatigue and did not
result from sabcytage. See also M. R. D. Fcx.t In Baudot et al. 19&9:423-424.
10, See also Archer 1971:81-93; Breuer 1989; and Weyl1950:317-341.
11. See PoXmar and AIlen 3992395-396, and the discussion in Chapter 6.
12. Far example, see Hc>ettl1953.
13. See De Jong 1950,1956. For a general review, see Baudot et al. 1989:16&164.
14. See Snyder 19'76:141-142; and Zentner and Bedurftig 199'7:396. See also
Smelser'S 1975study of the Sudeten problem,
15. See H a ' a ~ l z ,July 7, 1997, g. A2, and a penetrating documentary by Gil
Sedan from Israeli TV's Channel 1 on this topic on July 6,1997, titled "The Stmy
of Three Ex-coXIaborators," produced by h r i n Kirnox:
16, See Citbert 1963; and Zentner and Bedurftig 1497:34-35.
1'7. Warmbruun 1963:272-2"7.
18. Typically called lude~zmts.See Trunk 1972 [49"3"];and Zentner and Bedurftig
199243.
19, From touise De Jnng's intmduction to Warmbrurm%1193bonc~k,p. v.
20, See Baudot et al. 1985):102-109; and Zentnes and Bedurftig 1997:1453-151.
21. See %th 1956, which provides details about resistance in Nctway, Greece,
Denmark, Luxembourg, Holland, Yugoslavia, Belgium, France, and Italy. See also
M. Baudot" m m general view in Baudot et al. 1989:42&414.
22. See Rings 1979 for cliffewat patterns of cr~llaboration.
23, Parrish and Marshall 19;722:563;Snyder 19'7&32Q;Hans Urnbert in Dear and
Foot 1995:90-93, see also p.,998; Young 1981:589-90; Zentner and Bedurftig
1992872-873.
24. BeneB later fled first to the United States and then to England, where he be-
came the voice of Free Czechoslovakia. See Zmtner and Bedurftig 1997:77,
25. Dear and Foot 1995:521; Snyder 19174:234; Wheal, Pope, and. TayXor
1995:204-205; and Zentner and Bedurftig 4 997:175-1 76,
26. Mastny 19"7:2;?3.
27. Weinberg 1994:518.
28. Dear and Foot 1995:521; Parrish and Marshall 19[78:255; Wheat Pope, and
Taylor 4995:204-205; and Zentner and Bedurftig 1997:375,
253, Assor 199263-64.
30. See H. Bernard in Bauclot et al. 1989:129-130; and Paul Latawski in Dear
and Foot 1995:279-280.
33. MacDonald and Kaplan 1995:60.
32. See Runk 1972, [1977]; and Zentnes and Bedur.Etig1997:43,
33. The discclvery of the bctdies was made on April 12, 1943. For more on this,
see Paul 1994; Wittlin 1965; and Zaslavsky 4999.
34. Sword, in Dear and Fcmt 1995:644,646.
35. Claus Bjrcrrn in Dear and Frrot 1995:293-295; tittlejohn 1972:53-82; Wheal,
Pope, and Taylor IW5:125-126; and Zentner and Bedurftig 1992192.
36. See Novick 1948:184, on sentcmcing and ratios; and Baudot et al, 1989:401,
on the executionti.
37. Heavy water is an important component in the production of atomic en-
ergy.
38. SpeciaX Operations Executive was a British secret ser~iceaimed at subver-
sive warfare in enemy-occupied territory; see M, R, D. Foot in Dear and Foot
1995:101&-.1022,and his o>wn1984 book.
39. See Dear and Foot 1995:4244-1245; Callagher 1975; and Kurzman 497. Far a
more general context, see also Bermtein 1995, particularly pp. 25-27; Bmoks 1992;
Cruickshank 4986; Walker 198%and Weinberg 1994:56&570. The 4965 British mo-
t b n picture The Heroes of TeEemark, filmed on location, depicts these actions.
Notes 325
40. Olav Riste in Bear and Foot 1995:838-823; Wheal, 130pe, and "fylor
1995:339-340; and Zentner and Bedurftig 1997:652454.
41, Hoidal 'i%9:159,
42, Ibid., ch. 5.
43. Far example, the May 21, 1936, ""battle of Gjavik,"hhich invctlved street
fighting fo11lo)wing an indting speech by N.S. members. These members were at-
tacked and beaten, and after mare than seven hours of fighting they were able tcr
free thernslves only because state police troops were sent to Gjrrrr~ik;ibid., 229,
44. Ibid., 236237.
45. Ibid., ch. 8.
46. Ibid., 334.
47. Ibid., 319-320.
48. Their first meeting was on December 14, 1939, and their last in January
1945.
49. Wistrich 19@:313; and Zentner and Bedurftig 3992946947.
50. Hoidat 1989:4%"3.
51, Ibid., 473-474,
52. Ibid., 499-500.
53. Ibid., ch. 15.
54. Tbid., ch. 18,
55, Quoted by Hoidal 1"389: 717.
56, Hctid at 1989~773-774.
57, Nctvick 196&187.
58. Baudot et al. 1989:401.
59, For more on the Quisling affair, see Dahl 4999; Hewins 1965 (albeit cmtro-
versial); f-loidal 1989; Parrish and Marshalit 19783512-513; Zentner and Bedurftig
1992744,946-947. On Nomegian cl-rllaboration,see Littlejc3hn 19"il-52.
60, Baudot et al. 1989:153-160; and Dear and Foot 1995:346,
61. Dear and Foot 1995:701; and Zentner and Bedurftig 199"7:563.
62. Martin Conway in Dear and Foot 1995:121; see also Conway" s u c h fuller
1993work; j.Gerard-Liboisin Baudot et al. 1989:5%56,134; Littlejchn 1972131-1M;
m d Ent?ler and Bedurftig 199275-76.
63. Quoted in Snyder 1976:62; see also Zentner and Bedurftig 1997:187,
801-802.
64, Snyder 1976:62; Canway, in Dear and Foot 1995:289,
65. Quoted by Snyder 1976:62.
66, See Archer 1971:128 and Novick 1968:187 on the numbers of arrestees, and
Novick 1968on the population ratio. The number of executions is given in Baudot
et al. 1989:401.
67. From the Allied point of view, the Dutch undergrc~undwas one of the most
effective in Eumpe, See Warmbruun 1963:275282,
68,HirschfeXd" 3 988 work states that they won only 0.2 percent of the votes.
69. Foot in Dear and Foot 1995:782-786; Hirschfeld 4988; Rings 49"79:4-99;
Weal, Pope, and Taylor 1995:324-326; and Zentner and Bedurftig 1997:633.
70. Snyder 1976:239; and Zentner and Bedurftig 1992643,
71. 13arrish and Marshal1 197835643; Rings 1979:197-198; and Warmbruun
1963:206..
172. In Dear and Foot 1995:783; see also M. R. D. Foot in Baudctt et al.
1989:349-350; Littlejohn 2972:8%129; Hirschfeld 2988; and Wrmbruun 1963.
173. Yediol: Alzamnol, September 26, 1996; Foot in Dear and Fcmt 1995:782; and
Warmbruun 1963:165--184.
N.See Archer 1971:l28 on the number of arrestees and Nctvick 1968:187 on the
sentences given and the pc~pulationratio. Number of executions is given by Bau-
dot et al. 1989:401.
75. Dank 1974:12-43,
76. Quoted from Dank 1974:13.
77. See Roderick Kedward in Dear and I-asrot 1995:407408. See alsc~Littlejohn
1972:185-290.
178. Qtlo~tedin Dank 191;74:2;see also P. M. FT. Bell in Dear and Foot 1995:42@31
(on de Gaufle and Free France); E, Pognon in Baudot et al. 1989:181-183 (on Be
Gaulte) and 167-l@ (on Free France). On aspects of the I""4tain-deGauIle cmtrast,
see T ~ ~ u r m4964.
w
79. Daladier served as premier three times (the latest term being 1938 through
March 4940) and as minister of war from 4836 to 4940,
80, 13arrishand Marshal1 2978:148-149,527-528,
81. Quoted in Dank 19;7$:294.For more on P4tain" trial, see Roy 1968.
82, See also Dear and Foot 1995:396--398, 876-877; E, P o p o n in Baudot et al.
1989:38&388; Roy 1967; and Zentner and Bedurftig 19921782-1703.
83, Assvr 1997:84-95; Dear and Foot 1995:673; and Zentner and Bedurftig
19973528-529.
84, Cordon 1980:326,
85. See Dear and Fc>ot1995:396-398; Gordon 1980; Hirschfeld and Marsh 1989;
and Kedward and Austin 1985.
86. For example, see an agonizing account of some such cases in Bank
197'4:139-1 58.
87, See f-lirschfeld in Dear and Foot 2 995:24&249,
88. Selwyn 198Z220; see also Baudot et al. 1989:61.
89. Selwyn 2 %7:214.
90. See Dank 1974:322.1[am not sure that the numbers were tower in the %>viet
Union,-M.B.Y
91. Archer 1971:128.
92. Novick 1968~487.
93,Ibid., 228-22 9.
94, Ibid., 204,
95, Ibid., 187,
96. See also M. Baudot's lucid surnrnazy in Baudot et al. 1989:4G2403.
97, Quoted from the section ""A Ti>uchof History," p. 17, from Vicfiy Guzi;Je,pub-
Xished and distributed by the TcJurist Office. I used the pamphlet 1 received in the
hotel I was staying in-tes Celestirrs-in June 1998.
98. For more on the Vichy go>vernment,see Paxtc~n1972 and the illustrative
brtc~kby Az&maand Wievicnrka 1997.
99, See Baudot et al. 1989:173-175; Roderick Kedward in Bear and Foot
1995:405407; Kedward 1993; and Schoenbrm 1990.
Motes 32 7
100. On July 3,1940, the French fleet was destrayed by the British in veration
Cntnpzcll".at Mers el Kkbir. The "battXesM"began June 24-26 and lasted into Jufy 4.
For more, see Bear and Foot 1995:739-740; Parrish and Marshalt 1978:400; Tute
1989; Weinberg 1994:145-146; and Wheal, Pope, and Taylor 1%5:308-301.
101, According to Boveri (lf)56:129),Darlan was mueh closer to Pktain person-
ally than L a d .
102. Boveri 195k423.
103. Operation Torch, commanded by Eisenhower. See Dear and Foot
1995:81&818; Parrish and Marshall 49"i7:468-469; and Wheat, Pope, and Taylor
1995:633.
104. Wheat Pope, and Taytor 1995:11,345.
105. See Parrish and Marshall 1978:150-251,211-212; and Wheal, Pope, and
Taylor 1995:122,172-173.
106. From a 1942 letter to Rc>osveltquoted by Boveri 1956:132.
107. Wheat, Popef and Taytor 1995:469.
108. Verrier 1990:49.
109, Parrish and Marshalt 1978:74.
110. Wheal, Pope, and Taylor 4995:122.
111. ]Ibid., 188.
112. Bcj\reri 1956:12&134.
113, Quoted in Boveri 1956:131.
114. Bcj\reri 1956:132--133.
145. Parrish and Marshalt 1978:150-151; see also Assor 19(37:96-10T On
Churchill and de Gaulle, see Kersaudy" 1982,work.
116, See Bunting 4995; Cruickshank 1975; Dear and Fcmt 4995:202; Parrish and
Marshall 1978:112; Sinel19S9; Tarns 1967; and Wheaf, Pope, and Taylor 1995:90.
117. See, for example, Newswcek, Intei-national Edition, December 14, 1998, pp.
22-28,
Chapter 6
1. Tc>masevich1975:460--363. See also Dedijer 1992; M a ~ i n1978; Milazzc~1975;
and Roberts 1973. For a more general background, see 13arrishand Marshall 1978;
Zentner and Bedurftig 1997:1Q72-10173; and Cohen 19536. On atrocities, see Tbma-
sevich 1975:25&261; and Cohen 1996.
2. See Baudot et al. 1989:372, 484; Gojben 19"3:88-91, 100-1 06; Dear and Foot
1995:86(3; Wheal, Pope, and Taylor 1995:116, 490; and Zentner and Bedurftig
1992694,985.
3. See Dennis Deletant in Dear and Foot 19%5:954-959; and Zentner and
kdurftig 1997:809-810.
4. Dear and Fcmt 1995:45; Parrish and Marshall 197&22;and Yc~ung1981:523-524.
For a more pnerat discussion about Romania in this context, see H, Bemard in Bau-
dot et al. 198%417420;and a n t n e r and. Bdurftit-ig1997:33.
5. Mayer 19773246; Parrish and Marshall 1978:446, 561, 660; Wheal, Pope, and
Taylor 1995:496; Ycfung 1981:606407; and Zent-ner and Bedurftig 1997:997.
6. Andreyev 1987:37.
7. Ibid., 37.
8. Dear and Foot 1995:914.
9. Mayer 1972246.
10. Wheal, 130pe,and Taylor 1995:376-377.
11. The h l t a Conference took glace in February 1945 and was the second meet-
ing of Churchill, Rc~ssevelt,and Stalin.
12. Keegan 1978:214; ParrisEt and Marshal1 1978:G60; Wheal, Pope, and Taylor
1995:496; Young 1984:606-60'7; and Zentner and Bedurftig 4997:99T On the more
general issue of collaboratiron in the Soviet Union, see Littfejohn 1972:292-334.
13, Andreyev 1987:3.
14. Burton 1963:125,
15. ibid., 126;.
16. Andreyev 2 "387,
1'7. ibid., 2.
18. Ibid., 7.
19. Andreyev in Dear and Foot 1995:224'7-1248.
20, Keegan 49"3":214; see also Young 1981:607.
21. See Mach 2 989; McKafe 1974; Muller 1991; and Zmtner and Bedurftig
199ii7:gW-1WO,
22, Snyder 2976:153; and Zmtner and Bedurftig 1997:42M26,43M32.
23, See Koch 1989.
24, Snyder 2 "3&153.
25. Zimrnerrnann 1986:27.
26. Ibid., 9-11,
27. For example, see Baudot et al. 1989:18&186; Benz and Pcsble 199'7; Dear and
Foot 1995:477-478; Fest 1996; Graml, Mr~mmsen,Reirhhardt, and Wolf 1970;
Hamerow 1997; f-ledley 2 %6; Hofhann 1977,1988; Mlemperer 1994; teber 1957;
Masan 4978; and Zirnmermann 1986 for general reviews. On the JULY 20, 1944,
conspiracyf see Baigent and Leigh 19994; Farman 1973; Galante 1981; Kramarz
1967; Manvell 1971; Whalen 1993; and Wiltiarns 19%.
28, Bayfes 1945; Dulles 1947; Ctumbach and Newborn 1986; f-lanser 2979; Neu-
mann 1945; and Zent-ner and Bedurftig 1997:1045--1046..
29. Quote is from Dumbach and Newborn 19%:179-180, On Freislel; see Kcxh
1989:136--138; and Zentner and Bedurftig 199E295-296.
30. See Wheeler-Bennett 1967.
31, Bear and Foot 1995:478; see also Kershaw 1987, chapter 8.
32, For mare and fuller details, see Baigent and Leiglr 1994; Dear and Foot
1995:478; Fest 1996; Forman 1973; Friedrich 1972:104-108; Galante 1981; Kramarz
1967; Manvell 1973; Mason 19'78; Parrish and Marshal1 1978:6Q1-682; Snyder
1976:332; Whalen 1993; Wheal, Pope, and Taylor 19953252-253; and Zentner and
Bedurftig 1997:971-973. On equating ""lr,yaXtyf' with ""knor" in the S.S., see
Williamsan 4995; and Zentner and Bedurftig 1%7:682, This was an instrlxctirie ex-
ercise in rhetoric because it evaded the direct moral issue, which is ""loyalty to
what" "to whom""),
33-On Bohoeffex, see Bear and Foot 1995:152; 13arrishand Marshall 1978374;
Snyder lli376:34-35. See also New York Elnes, August 16, 4996, p. A2. On Niemoller,
see Hadley 1995:70-71; and Zentner and Bedurftig 1997:647-6448.
Motes 329
Chapter "7
1. See Weyl1%&364-373; and Edwards 4991.
2, Weyl 1950:388.
3. Eclwards 1991; and West 1987.
4, Wf;lyl1950:361-373; and Archer 1971:119-128,
5. Edwards 1%1:99-114.
6. On Wodehouse, see the Globe and Mail, Sept. 17, 1999, p. ,416; Edwards
1991:32; and Bergmeier and Imtz Rainer 19"3:112-114.
7. On ""Axis Sally," see Bergmeier and Lotz Rainer 499E126-130; Edwards
1991:8&93,97-98; and Weyl1950:3"17382.
8. Edw ards 1991:41-56; and Weyl1950:37&376.
9. See Cole 1964; Selwyn 1987; and Wharam 2995:166-172.
10, Selwyn 1487:43.
11. Stwyn 1987.
12. Cole 19@:21.
13. Ibid., 23,
14. ibid., 24.
15, Ibid., 26.
16. Bo>tihCole (1964) and Selwyn f198'7:16,22)derive this conctusisn.
17, See Cole 4964:2&29; quote is from p. 23.
18. Ibid., 29,
lli3. Ibid., 30.
20, Ibid., 35,
21. See Sherrner 1371.
22. CoXe 29&:41.
23, This passpc~rt-based on falsified infc2rmation-would eventually be used
by the British prosecution as an indication of Joyee's ppmfessed Icjyalty and his
breach of it. It would mean Joycefsdeath.
Motes
Chapter S
1. %twyn 198'7:219,
2. Bergmeier and Lotz Rainer 1W773-74,
Motes
3. Ibid., 74.
4, Ibid.,'75.
5. Redman 1991.
6. See Pound 19178.
7. Torrey 1984:161. The anti-Semitic tone in his transmissions in 4941 was very
salient. Casillo (1%88) points out that Pound" anti-Semitism emerged from his
work and his mind, ALtht->ughit diminished later, it remained a major theme in his
transmissians; see Carpenter 1988:594-597. Caryenter points out that Italian offi-
cials were puzzled by Parmd" motives and were cmcei-ned that his transmissions
might be using a code to pass informatian to the Allies, that is, that Pound may
have been a spy (p. 597).
8. Torrey 1984:161.
9. See Carpenter 1988:592-596: and Bergmeier and t o & Rainer 1991i":75-79.
10, Bergmeier and Lotz Rainer 1997:77.
11. Bid-.
12. Ibid., 77-78.
13. Cornell 1966:vii.
14, In Torrey 4984:196.
15, Cornell I"36:M.
16. Torrey 1984:155-Z 7%.
17, Ibid., 177-228.
18. Ibid., 195.
19, Ibid., 225-226.
20. I""c>undtended to deny his anti-Semitism when confronted with it. See Ibid.,
22622R See also the excelfenk review in Coles 1983.
22, Bergmeier and Lotz Rainer 1997:78-79; and Sc?lwyn 1987:219-220. Fur short
accounts of the case, see Boveri 1964:482-188; and Weyf 1950:400411. See Hey-
m a m 1975 on 130und's personal history; see Morn 1985 on Pound" usage of his-
tory
22, Zentner and Bedur.Etiig1997:379,
23, Quc)ted in Hoidat 1989:236,803, n57 and n58.
24, For example, in June 24/ 1937. See ibid., 272 and 8flt3,n179,
25. Zentner and Bedurftig 1997:379.
26. Bclveri 1961:197,
27, Assor 1997:26-28.
28. Hoidal1989:743.
29, Boveri 1961:199.
30. Zentner and Bedurftig 1992379.
31, Boveri 1961:198-199.
32. titt.lej;icthn197231.
33. Pwsorzne: The Catlected Slzorter Poe-lns of Ezrn Pound (New York: New Direc-
tions, 1926), p. 89. 1 am very gratehl to Declan Spring, editor; New P>.irectic>ns,
New York, who grmted me permission to quote the poem.
34. 130und's affinity far fascism did not fail to attract attentiron. For examplm,
see Carpenter 4(388:566-597 Casillu 4988; Chace 1973; and Redman 1991.
Chapter 9
1. This includes a 1980 biographical movie titled Edzuard Mrs. Simpsun, star-
ring Edwad Fux and Cynthia Harris,
2. The British television drlcurnentary prclgram on King Edward VIiI was trans-
mitted on November 16, 1995. The executive producers were Sally ttlovdward
and Davit3 Hart. The prc"ram was directed by David Hart and Nick Read-.1shall
refer to this program here as Channel 4.
3. Brown 1987:272.
4. For example, see Bloch 4988; Bradford 1989; Costello 1988; Higham 4988;
Parker 1988; and 'Thornas 1995.
5. Ziegler 1990:26&269.
6. See Bradford 1989:125127.
7. Bradford 498"3166.
8. Thomas 1995:41*
9. Channel 4,1995.
10. See Gilbert 1%3; and Morris 1991.
11. Pryce-Jones 1976.
12. See Shermer 49Tl for a shart review; see also Chapter 7 on radio traitors and
Lewd Haw-Haw.
13. Quoted in Bradford 1989:167.
14. Zieglctr 1990:163.
15, Bradford 1989.
16. Ibid., 164; and Costello 1988:49,
1'7. Brown 1987:181-182,678.
18. Zieglm 1990:267; Bradford 1989:165; and Costello 1988:451.
19. Ziegler 1990:268.
20, Costello lli388:449,
21. Thomas 1995:28-30.
22. Ziegler 4990:268.
23, Ibid., 207-208.
24, Ibid., 391.
25. The agreement was achieved within the framework of the 1925 Locasno
Facts.
26, Speer 1971:113,
27. Ibid.
28. Brown 1987:483.
29. ibid., 184.
30. Bradford 1989:465.
31, Thamas 1%5:69-'70,
32, Ibid., 7'0.
33-Ziegler 1990:270,
34. ibid. This telephone conversation was overheard and reported by Fritz
Hesse, a press attach4 in the German embassy.
35. Ribbentrop was Xater appcjinted foreip minister of the Third Reich (on Feb-
ruary 4,1938).
Notes 335
36. See Higham 1988, Brown (1987:179) notes that "C,,"' chief of the British Se-
cret Intelligence Service (SIS),was quite cmcerned about the relationship between
Mrs. Sirngson and Ribbentrop.
37. Bradford 1989.
3"3 Ibid., 283-284.
39. See Ziegler 1990:224,
40, For a statement that there was no fabrication and that in fact, Mrs. Simpson
Ifad such a past, see Thornas 2 995:3T, and Higham 1988,
41. For example, he suggested that Mrs. Simpson give up scjme significant
rights as queen; see Bradford 1989:182-186.
42. Thomas 1995388.
43, See Bloch 1988.
44. Blsch 1988:jQR;Bradford 1989:441; and Channel 4,1995.
45. Block 4988:108.
46. Ziegler 1990:362.
47. See Higham 1985:45, 45, 160, 164170; for a rather strange and dissenting
view, see Zic?gler 1990:456.
48. Ziegler 1990:454-459,
49, Ibid., 455.
50. Quoted in ibid., 456457.
51. Bloc11 1988:112.
52. Brown 198E186. For mc~re,see Bloch 1988:113; and ZiegXer 1990:391.
53. More pictures can be seen in Bryan and Murphy 19713 (Morrow edition),
eighth picture gage bllowing page 320 (Hitler shaking the hand of the Duchess);
Donaldson 1974, Brst picture page following page 324 (Hitler shaking the
Duchess" hhad and Mazi officials escorting the Windsors); Thornas 1995, third
picture page following page 128 (the Windsors Leaving Berchtesgaden, with Nazis
saluting in the back). With the exception of one insipificant picture of the Wind-
sors meeting with Josef Tehuven, the Nazi GauXeiter of Essen (on April 24, 1940,
he was appointed Reich Commissioner of Noway, a position he held until the
end of the war and that he executed with ruthless brutality), Ziegler (1990) prc~-
uides no pictures of the October 15337 visit to either Germany or Bel-chtesgaden
(picture gage before gage 319).
54, See Ziegler 11390:392.
55, Ibid., 392-393.
56. Bradford 1989:254-257.
57, Channel 4,1995,
58. Bradfc>rd1989:285-.
59, Bloch 1988:136-139; see there the transcript of the speech on pp. 315314.
60. Bradfc~rd1989:286.
61. See her boc~k,The Heart kiss Ifs Rmso~ts(London: Landr;borough, 49562, pp.
268-269. The duchess states that visiting Hitler was a last-minute, unplanned
event and that her husband refused to discuss with her the emtents of his meet-
ings with Hitler. Her version is that the duke told her that during the one-hour
meeting with ElitZer, it was Hitler who did most cjf the talking, focusing on "W hat
he's tying to do for Germany and to combat Bolshevism" ((p, 269).
62,Ziegler 1990:398-400.
63. Ibid., 398.
4%. Ibid., 399.
65, Ibid., 400. This cable was sent about a week before Hitter" invasion of
Poland, which marked the beginning of T/Vc)rld War TX, more than three months af-
ter the Verdun broadcast..
66. ibid., 401.
67. The duke was assigned to the command of Major General Sir Richard
Howard-Vyse, headqua&ered at Vincennes; ibid., 406407.
68, Ibid., 406.
69, Ibid., 406413.
70. ibid., 414.
71, Ibid., 415.
72. Different sources vary slightly about the exact date.
73. The incident is referred to as the ""Mechlin Incident." Young (1984:46), Bau-
dot et at. (1989:313),and Weinberg (Z994:11) all confirm the story about this forced
Landing of a German plane, Breuer (199T14-18) provides more details. He identi-
fies one of the two German officers on the airplane as army officer Major Fqefmuth
Reinberge~No name cjf the pilot is given, Keinberger tried to burn the documents
in front of the Belgian investigating officer, Captain Emilio Rodrigue. Major Rein-
berger threw a batch of papers, which he had been carrying under his gray coat,
into the burning stove in the room where he was waiting to be interrogated, Cap-
tain Rodrigue rushed to the stove and got the papers out ('. 15). Breuer d a t a the
incident to January 10,1940.
N.Baudot: et al. 1989:313.
75. Weinberg 1994:14.
76. Costeilo 1988:452.
77. Brown 1987:Ciiff).
78, Ibid., 273; see also Kessler 1992:143.
79. Ziegler 1990:416.
80. Tihomas 2995:181.
81. Ziegler 1990:4lf;.
82. Ibid., 417,
83. Ibid., 421. Hoare was a strong supporter of Chamberlain" appeasement
polcy; see Baudot 1989:224.
84, Quoted in Donaidson 1974:3M,
85, Ziegler 1990:421.
86, VVailer 2996:168.
87. Bradfc)rd 1989:578.
88, Quoted in Ziegler 1990:421.
89. ibid., 420.
90. Donaldson 1974:359.
91. Ziegler '11 990:422-423.
92. Ibid., 423.
93,Bradford 2 989:341,
94, Quoted in Bradfc~cd1989:5;76.
95, Brown 1%7:273.
Notes 337
Chapter 10
1. Kraus 1992A4.
2. Hassig (1994:47) states that there were 450; other sources place the entire
number of Spaniards at 508.
3- Plus "two hundred Tndiam . . . and a few Indian women for menial offices"';
I""rc3scott1925:124.
4. Jc~hnson197'7.
5. Hassig 1994:54.
Motes
6. Hassig 19%:13,
7. Ibid.
8. Thornas 1993:169-171.
9. See Prescott 1925:136. Please note that he cautions against attributing too
much credibility to numbers.
10. Hassig 1994:50.
11,Ibid., 51,163-164; and Thornas 4993:171,
12. 13rescutt1925:140.
13. Waillant F19443 4962:242.
14. Bavies 2 "373:243.
15. Johnsc>n197243. Others give different localities far her glace of birth; see
Hassig 1996:1.
16. See Gruzinski 19%:79.
17, Johnson (1977:43) states that, in fact, a slave's daughter tvas actually Erilled
for this purpox.
18. See Garnara 1964, chapter 26. There are difkrent versions regarding her en-
slavement; see Hassig 1996:1.
19. Hassig 1996:l.
20, See Davies 1973.
21. For example, see Hunter 1990:9; and Davies 1973:238,
22. Borner 19r;72:72,
23, Thornas 1993:172.
24, Thomas 1993472,
25. Jc>bnson1977:44.
26. Ibid., 44,64.
27, Ibid., 44.
28. See Hunter 1990:44.
29, Vaitlant [l 9441 1962:246.
30. Jcrhnson 19;7i7:93.
31. Bavies 2973:252. See also Hunter 1990:15; Prescatt 1"65:238-244; and
mornas 1993:260-262.
32, Joknson 497:94.
33. Prescott 1925:244.
3.Thomas 191)3262,
35. Davies 1973:288, See also Thomas (1993:594), who does not mention Ma-
linehe in this cmtext.
36. Vaillant 1962, fig. 50, p. 260.
317. Daviet; 1973:263; Hunter 1990; Jc>bnson197E116; Le6n-Pc>rt..iXla1990:65; and
Thornas 1993.
38. Valllant 1962:247.
39. Hunter 1990:23.
40. Je>hnson1972179.
41. Ibid., 192; see also Presott 1925:597.
42, Collis [l9541 2994:97; and Le6n-Portilla 1990:69,
43. Collis 1994:233. The volcano La Malinche is Ic~cated120 kilc~meterseast of
Mexico City, 225 kilometess northeast of 13uebla;,Its elevation is 4,461 meters.
44. Vajllant1962, fig. 34, p. 247.
45. Golf is 1994:235.
46, Johnson 197221-222. See also 13rescott1925:596--597.
417. Coltis 1994.
48, jahnson 197:222.
49. Hassig 1996:3.
50. Ibid., 1,17,
51. See Hassig" 1988,1992, and 2 994 works.
52, P-iassig 1%4:78-80.
53. Ibid., 80,
54, Hassig 1W6:44.
55, Ibid., 12.
56, Xbld., 16.
57, Hassig (1996:16) indeed offers a few possible explanations as to why Marina
was ""credited" k i t h the "discovery" of the CX-toXotitans"plot.
58, P-iassig 1W6:25.
59. Tbid., 16-2 7.
60.Ibid., 18.
61. Bid., 6-7; quote is from p. 6.
62. See &rubave11995,
63. Calder 1992,
64.Ben-Yehuda 1995.
65. Hassig 1996:17.
1. West 2995:352-366; Ostrovsky and Va%nunu star in that chapter. The topic of
treason has traditionally attracted much attention in Israel. Crorner has Bone
some academic work on both the case of Xsrael Beer (1985) and on Adiv (19%). Tn
the daily popular press, Maron (1998b) drafted one the more analytically con-
fused and contradictory but colorful pieces. He surveyed some of the traitors (Udi
Adiv, Yoseph Amit, Israel Beer, Markus Klingberg, Shimon Levinsctn, Nachum
Manbar, Victor Ostrovsky, and Mordechai Vakanunu), making the factually un-
substantiated claim that they all did what they did because of what he referred to
as a problem of "lost honor." That is, all these traitors felt that people did not give
them the honur for respect) they deserved.
2. Part of the description of this case is based on Ben-Yehucla 1W5:4M9.
3. See Ben-Yehuda 1995.
4. For short biographical sketches of Jc~sephttsFlavius-the man, his deedq and
his writings-see Encyclopedia jzddaica, 1971, vol. 10, pp. 251-2M; and fewr'sh E ~ c y -
~ I o p e d i~01.7.
~, For mow m J c ~ ~ p h u swritings,
's see Aberbach 1985; Feldman 1984;
FXusser 15385;Hadas-L&et 1994; Rajak 1983; Rapopvrt 1982; Stern 1987; Stone 1984;
and Thackeray 1968. There are literally thousands of works about Josephus Flav-
ius, and it is impossible, and counterproductive, far this short review to delve into
all of them. Nevertheless, the curious reader is referred to Feldman" summarizing
works from 4984 (about 100Ot- pages) and 1984 (about 700 paga),
5. %e HarareCs,June 15,1998, p. A3; and Vcdiot Altnronot, June 22,1998, p. 5.
Notes 341
6. There are several versians concerning his escape. See Ber 1976-1971:2 75-2 90;
Karninka 1933-1934; Lewris 1975:28-21; Zerubavel 1980:107-116; and Kedar
2 982:59-60, For more readings on Ben.-Zakkaiand Yavneh, see Alon 2 96R219-252;
bn-Dov 1998; Hadas-hbel 1994:112-115; En~-yckopediaHebmicn 1967-1 968, vol. 19,
pp. 346-349; Encyclopedia judait-a 1471, vol. 10, pp. 448-154; Goren 4987; and
Neusner 19178.
7. The Galats and the Sicarii were Jewish ideolt~giealand pc~liticalgroups that
existed during the time of the Great Revolt,
8. See Stern 19%:320-345,
9, Far an interesting discussian about the Masada-(""el;athI destruction"")
Yavneh ("life"")mtrast, and its possible implications for Judaism generally and
contemporary Jrrdaism particularly, see Weiss-Rosmarin 1966. See also Ben-
Yehuda 1995:413,531,n, 39.
10, Haredi is the ultra-Orthodox version of Judaism.
11. Segiiil 1996.
12. Ladoueeur 1487:95,
13. See Snyder 19%:184; and Trunk 1972,29777.
14, Fotr a short description of the historical development of these groups and
the historical context, see BeeYehuda 2 993:79-97,
15. For a fuller discussion, see Ben-Y&uda 1993, upon which the description of
these cases is based,
16. He alienated mojstly the non-ultra-Orthodm community; but some mern-
bers of the ultra-Orthodox cl-rmmunity too. Soxially, this put De Hahn in a ques-
tio~nabtegc~sitionwithin local contemporary Jewish,networks.
17, Far a fuller summary of the case, see Ben-Uehuda 19%:137-140.
18. 13robablyby the two leaders of Lehi at that time-Yellin-Mor and Shaib.
lli3. See Nevc~4987,
20, Ibid., 21..
21. For a fuller surnrnaT of the case, see Ben-Yehuda 19"3:252-254.
22. Schiff and Haber 197&:E2-223.
23, Shealtielfstestimony, Flln'nl.etz, October 19,1949, p. 2.
24. The S h i was the intelligence service of the Hagana. In June 4948 it was re-
placed by three different units: military intelligence (headed by Tsser Be'eery and
Chaim Herzcrg); imer intelligence sei-vice (headed by Isser Halperin and Uoseph Is-
raeli); and external political intellipnce service (headed by Reuven Shiloach).This
strudure was Later changed agah. As is clear, the case of Tabianski occurred during
a period of structural uncedainq when Israel as a state was emerging and when its
intelligence community was in the prc3ccr.s~of being fc>rmed.See Ben-Yehuda
1993:438, n. 2 15,
25. Be'eery- appointed himself as a prc>secutor:He appc~intedas judges Binyamin
Giblyf Avraham Kidron, and David Caron. No Legal (or other) defense was ap-
pointed for Tubianski.
26. M'nl-iv, July 5,4949, p. 2.
27, Tubianski"~file in the Hca'nretz archives.
28. Hn'arefz, July 5, p. I; july 7, p. 4; July 8, p. 1,1li349.
29, Ha'czret-z, Octclber 26, 1949, p. 2.
30. See also Bar-Zohar 19?0:39-45; Harel 19&9:113-1317; and Ha'nrefs, Nctvember
23,1949.
31. Katz 196:4217.
32. Far example, Gutman 1995:16&-269;and Teveth 1992.
33, For example, Kasztner was involved in Yoel Brand" misskn to the West,
mentioned elsewhere in this bc~ok.This was the famous diabolical "blood far
trucks" ""'offer" "c>m the Nazis; Jews were to be traded for trucks from the Ajlies.
34, See Haw1 1985:113-425,
35, Tamir was earlier a member of Etzel, and in the late 1970s he became Israel's
minister of law,
36. Sefer Toldat HaHagann (The History of the Hagana), vol. 3, pt. 1, pp. 635-640,
317. See Rosen feld 1955:415.
38. Haref 1985:106.
39. See Ibid., 4748,145-1 47.
40, See ibid., 55-"i"3,for a short accc~rant.
41. At 8 Shderc~tShrnuel Street
42. See bitz%nl.@t.z,
March 7 and 11,1957.
43, See Ha'nretz, p. 4.
44, Such as Tamir, Rumak, and Sheib.
45. Hare1 1985:138,
46. See Black and Mcjrris 3 991:153-156; Harel 1985; and Margalit 1982.
47. See Hadar 1971; and Bauer 1982:134-191.
48. See Gutman 1995:1817-196. For a fuller summaT of the case, see Ben-Yehuda
1993:27&2%.
49. For a short description, see khiff and Haber 19?6:495. See Cromer (1986,
1998) cjn the sclcietal reactions to this case.
50. Syfvia married in Paris, Adiv in Israel. See Mnrnriz?,August 4, 1993, p, 2;
Y,dit~fAAlraro~tol.,Supplement, August 6,1993, pp. 1-3,23.
51, Cohen 1993:55.
52. This is the same kibbutz that Udi Adiv and Assaf Adiv (discussed next)
came from.
53. See Schiff and Haber 19176:38; FJnknretz, January 16, 1955, p. 1; Granot
1984:39-43; and Melman 1999,
54. Flklrat.elz,May 6,1988, g. 82..
55. Hn"areEz, May 24,1988, p. 4.
56. Hahretz, May 3,1988, p,AI, and May 19,1988, p. ,412.
57. Miehal Schwartz was sentenced to eighteen months in prison; Ben-Effrat tcr
thirty months; and Assaf Adiv to Wenty months.
58. Flnkrefz, Nctvember 120,1989, p. 13.
59. In addition, he was handed a twelve-month prison sentence conditional
upon abstaining fmm similar activities for the next three years.
October 4,4989, p. 3, and October 253,1983, p. 3.
60.See bitz%nl.@t.z,
61. For an interview with the man who fired Ostrovsky-David ArbeX-see
Ma 'carizj, May 5, 1998, weekend supplement, pp. 12-80. Arbet cla i m that Ostlmv-
sky prwided inaccurate accounts and concocted blatant lies. Consequently, "it
was necessary to fire him" (p. 12).
62, nhis passage is partially based on Ben-Uehuda 1997 and 1998.
63. Ben-Yehuda 1993.
64.See for example Karpin 1999; and Sprinzak 1999.
65. See Ford 1985:286-287; and Lentz 1988:101-102.
66. An example is the so-called %ason-during the early 1940s. For a short de-
scription, see Ben-Uehuda 1993:240,
6'7".Haim ArtosowofE was a major Jew-ish political figure in Palestine at the time.
See Ben-Uehuda 4993:440-443.
68. As pointed out in my 19413 book, these are several other cases, far example,
Michael SchetZ and Chaya Gidenberg, among others.
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level, 42,308,309; in the emquest traitor, 22
of Mexico, 273; content of, 307, Black, Donald, 310
310; context of, 24,307; ""t3ack fuhreu;" 121
continuctus VS. discrete variable, Black, Ian, 70,277,293
25,37, 308; core of, 25,27, 196, Black marketeers, 167
307; and crisis, 2 2; and danger, 9; Blackshirts (British), 246
definition of, 115, 305,309; as Black Watch Mutiny?56
deviance, 25,213,127; 330,311; Blaiir, T h y ; 83
emotional, 52,312; encyclopedia Blitzkrieg, 241
of, 127,307; frequency of, 308; Bloch, Michael, 237; 240
forms of, 25,312; group, 309; and ""Blocjd for Trucks," "-96,292-293
identity, 311,312; intellectual, 226; Blue Angel, The, 185
international, 38, 72-75; Blunt, Anthony, 42,6J, 113,256,257,
interpersonal, 309; meaning of, 2CZO, 338n14.9
28,307; and morality, 28,411 Bohemia and Moravia, 141
motivation fctq 115,305; na"tonal, Boleyn, Anne, 123
309; ol-ganjzational, 309; personal Bomber Command, 146
level, 18,27,37,42, 125, 126,308, Bombing: Britain, 237; Jerusalem and
309; in pc~litics,303; and powel; Tel Aviv, 195,330n74
28,41,125; professional, 38; Bomb(s), 67; 7;7,291; death camps, 96;
reactions to, 37; of the State, 76; in Hitler" airplane, 183
and secrecy, 37,39,116, 260,309, Bonhmffer, Dietrich, 181,18>184
31Q, 312; and secuf arism, 294; in Bonnier, Fernand de Xa Chapell% 163
society, 52; socially constructed, Boston: siege of, 35
23; socic~logyoft 127; state level, Boveri, Margaret, 442-114, 416,162,
217,3";7;structure of, 23,27,3i7,196, 164,165
2128,273,306,307,309, 310; vs. Bowels, Camilla Parkeu; 50
treason, 17, 3 2 ; typolo~gyoft 38; Bowel; Donald E,, 189,190
universal structure vs. mcsral Bcjwyer Bell, J., 95
contenl; 310; as violating loyalty, BoyB, Belle, 118
23,308; as viola"ting trust, 42,23, Bradford, Sarah, 234,235,23% 240,241,
308; and Weirnax; 180,196; 245,246,248,249,1250, 254,256
widespread existmce of, 2 01. See Brand, tloel: mission, 95-96,97,290,
also, Loyalty; Stealth Traitor; 2 E , 293
Treason; Trust; Turncoati ng Brando, Marlon, 65
Betrayers of Trutlz, 95 Brandt, Clare, 30,31
Bible, 19,36,68; and spies, 34Cin64 Brandt, Wilfy, 444,138
Big Three, 170 Brassiiilach, Rcjbe~,160
Billings, ttliznen, 119 Brnz~ellelteart,21, 123
Binet, Major Meir, 67 Brazil, 77; 85
Bicjgraphy 34,41,311; personal and Brewer M., 10
social, 312 Bridge cat Remagen, Tke, 20
Bridge on trlte Riuer Kwal;, Tfze, 20,217 "C," 223,250,335n314
Britain, 66,75,82,83, 435, 463, 489, 495 Cacr'que?2261;,269
British: admiralty 205; anti-, 119; Cadogan, Alexander, 245
Army, 31,32,286; blackshirts, 246; Caesar, Jufius, 92
citizens, 20(1"3";commandc1,167; Cahos, 17
empiref 230,239; fascisti, 201; Cair-zeMufiny, The, 56
fascist movement, 231,246; Free Cairncross, J o h , 63
Corps, 124; intelligence, 250; Claircl, &5,95,145
Legion of St. George, 124; CaXanter, Racharnim, 81
Mandate, 281,285; morale, 210; Calanterism, 81
Royal family, 233,236; secret California, 194
service, 250; submarines, 164; CaXigula, 92
traitors in WW XI, 123; Union of Caliphate, 90
Fascists (B.U.F.), 202; tzromen, 167 Cambodia, 76
Brc>ad,W J., 95 Cambridge: spy ring, 63,111,114;
Brokers, 95 university, 63
Broc~ke,Gertrude Emily ("Queenie"), Camp: concentration 24,143,167,184,
200 239; death, 24;internment, 166,
Brookf y n,36 'I94
Brothels, 235 Campbell, Rcybney, 55
Brc>wn,Anthony Cave, 229,234,239, Canaan, 316n64
243,247,253,255,257 Canada, 58,62,1 00,'I'I9,298; fifth
Brom, John, 118 column in, 432; invasion aft 32;
Brcx, josip (Marshal Tito), 1'70 Royal commjssisn, 132; and
Bruno?JJiordano, 321117 Vermont, 'I17; visit of George V I,
Bryant, Michael, 286,287 King, 240
Buchenwald, 184 Canaris, Admiral Wilhefm, 181,
Budapest, 290 'I84-1 85
B.U.E, see Jayee, British Union of Canterbury: archbishop aft 122;
Fascists. Cathedral of, 122
Bujold, Genvieve, 123 Cargo, 78
Bulgaria: surrender of, 437 Carol 13 (King), 471,472
Bulloch, John, 109-1 11 Carre, John ZR, 72
Bulow, Claus von, 51 Casement Roger, 24,8586,105
Burgess, Guy, 558,bJ Caspi, Dan, 303
Burma, 186; National Army, 65 Celibacy, 22
Burr, Aaron, 117 Central China Expeditionary Army,
Burton, Kehard, 422,423 187
Bustun, Xiobert Bentley, 1177 Chalfengex;78
Bus no. 300,4 Chamberlain, Joseph, 82
Buthelezi, Mangosuthu, 84 Chamberlain, Neville, 73,137,234,235
By Way of Decepl.io:on:A Devaslnthg Chambers, Whittaker, 59,f;R
Insider% Portmit of the Illossnd, 299 Chandler, Bouglas, 213
374 Index
Cornfad women, 186 274; power of, 274; wife of, 269;
Comintei-n, 189,192 See also Chalollans; Malinche;
Communism, 129,136,159,1;78,188, Marina; Tenepal; Montezuma;
192,220,239,239,257 "fiaxcaltecs
Commrmists, 75 Cosel; 108
Conceal, 37; 40,41,54 Cosmetics, 13
Conceal(ment), 80,217,261 Costella, J o h , 233,243,256,257
Con: artistry, 338,42,93-94; game, 93 Coughlin, Father Charles, 120
Confederate army, 1l8 Counterfeit Traz'iol; T k , 21
Confederate: prisoners, 119 Courageous man, 34
Confession(s),41,77 Court-martial, 30,157, 184,247,296,
Confidence, 10,11 302
ConBict, 105,261,265 Cowens, Major Charles Hu&, 216;
Congo Free State, 885 subversive intentiom of, 214
Congress, 29,30,34,51 Co>ventry35
Congressional Medal of Honor, Cover-up, and bus 300,4;
495 Cozumel, 264
Connecticutf 28,32,35,36,47 Crimea, 174
Conquistadors, 267 CroatQia): independenl; 171;
C1omciencl.e~~ 4484 na"tonalism, 171; and Nazi
Conscientious o>bjection,65,87,2Q2 influence, 171; and massacres,
Consent, 40,M 171; and Pavelic, 171; and purges,
Comeivative orthodox, 239 171; as faxist, 471; and terror, 170;
Conspiraey(tors), 183; Canaris, 184; as units, 369
traitors, 1283 Cromer, Gerald, 294
Comtrudionism, R contextual 7,8, CruiserCs): Achilles, 205,331n50; Ajax,
204,309,311; strict 7; variants 7 205,333 1150; Exeter, 205,206,
Continental Army, 28,35 331n50
Conversion, 38,66,84-85,85,188; and Crusaders, 91
Va'aanunu 14; Cuauhte'mmoc, 269
Cook, J,, 9 Cuba, 91,263,267; missile crisis, 61
Crstppc~la,Franeis Ford, 65 Cultrtre(s), 4,8,17; belonging to, 37;
Cornell, Julien, 222 boundaries of, 275; definition of,
Corruptian, 34,79,11 C; 9; fiction, 47; and heroes, 114;
Corte's Hernan, 263,265,267', 269,272, hostile, 275; Israeli, 4% and
2174; accumulated treasures of, mistrust, 102; moral point of view,
267; burning his ships, 267; and 12; pluralistic, 24; political, 54;
Catalina" death, 269; cmquest af worldviews, 423
Mexico, 269,271; encounter with Cultural: cmtext, 311; interpreter, 267,
Cholollam, 268; and Tlaxealte~s~ 270,272,272; mosaic, 307
268,272; entangled in lacal Curtis, Ms. Catherine, 420
politics, 272; military qualities, Cynical, 12
265; military strength, 26S264, Czechs, 207
376 Index
13rague,142; destruction of, 176; 13.O.A. elections, 148; executed, 151; and
manifesto, 176; spring of?73; Hamsun, 225,226; ideological
uprising in, 1% views of, 148,149; marginal
13redictability, 11 position of, 149; marriage, 147;
Prescott, William H., 268 military career, 147; as minister of
Prince Charles, 58 defense, 147; as minister
13rinceof Wales, 233 president, 151; and Na$onal
Princess Diana, 50 Sampling, 448; as the pnrtqorel;
Prisoner(s) of war (POW), 42,295; 148; and patrio>tism,151; political
coercion of, 296; expectations career of, 147; political failure,
from, 295,296. See also Illan; 149-151; and "praf. A," 88; and
Levinberg; Cousens Terboven, 149; as a traitor; 151.
13ritchettthe Very Rwerend Harry S., See also Duke of Windsor.
228 Qumm, 90
Private: investigation, 38,42,94; life, 51
13robst,Christoph, 182 Rabin: Leah, 301; Yitzhak, 279,
Professional Betrayal, 38,94-95 29-305; and ideological
Profurno, John, 112 differences, 303; in Nazi unifc~rm,
13ropagc2nda,11(4,120,174,175,177, 301; similarities to other
491,203,213,304,303 assassinations, 303; threats on,
Prostitute, 47,5Q 303; as traitor, 299-301
13rotestantism,85 Rachel (Israeli poet), 51
Public life, 51 Kad, Hertzel, 313~11
Public vs. private, 112 Radfa, Munir, 59
13uertacarrero,Alonso Hern6ndez de, Radio: Hi-rmbuq, 203; Luxembourg,
267 208; traitors, 25,196,213;
Pu-M (emperc~r),187, 196 transmissions, 69,103,120,174,
204,213,220,240; from Verdun,
Quebec, 34 240,241,254
Queen Alexandra, 46 Rahab, 317n64
Queen Mary, 230 Ramos, Fidel, 21
Quetzalcaatl, 265 Kappalo, 249,220,222
Quisling, Vidkun, 24,36,42,108,113, Rastenburg, 183
114,226,14&152,155,164, 166, Rathenau, Walteu; 304
467, 488,218,228,260,304,302, Kauter, Hanm Albin, 154
307,310,313,312; adapting Nazi- Ravna Gora, 170
like insignia, 148; admiratian of Reality; 7,304; construction of, 13, 311;
Germany and Italy, 148; and anti- false, 309; vs. image, 304; mirrors
Semiitism, 150; Germany's and masks of, 127,311
attitude towards, 149; conspiring Red Army, 100,144,174,176,177,178,
with Hitler and Raeder, 151; 189; intelligence unit, 189
contacts with Germany Nazi Reichstag: burning of, 137,192,
party, 149; and democracy, 148; 323n9
394 Index
St. John the Divine Cathedral, 228 296; telephane lines in, 296; and
Stephanie of Monaco, 50 Y m Kippur war, 294
Sternberg, Josef von, 185
Stern Gang, 2281, See Lehi Tabasco, 265,266,267
Stigmatization, 34 Taiwan, 191
SlingI 93 Takada, Tadashi, 192
Stohreu; k%erhard van, 245,247, Tarnir, Shmuelt, 2854,290,291,292,293
248 Target, 37
Stc~rrs,Rc>naldSir; 282 Teheran, 170
Strauss, Anselm, 323n71 Te1 Aviv, 70,99,284,286,288,291,293,
Strikebreaking, 38,87-89,404 304; university of, 70
Students: in Nazi Germany; 181; Telemark, 146
revolts (1%8), 76 Tenepal, Malinali, 24,266,267,270,
Subversion, 47,132,167,194,216,217; 274; acts of, 274; brc~therof, 270;
as morally questionable, 217 CirnatX (mother of), 266,270;
Sudeten, 134,135,141,142,143; crossing cultural boundaries, 275;
German, 38,432 family of origin, 266; lingual
Suez Canal, 66 talents of, 2%; place of birth, 266;
Sugarno prison, 2 93 social construction of, 274; and
Suicide, 459, 476,278,296 slavery, 2&5,2"i"; and trust and
Sztfnnz,291,292 lo>yalty275; and VEasc)v, 275. See
Sunday Dispn tck, 254 also Cltolollam; Co&e%s,
S u n d q Tifzes, 14,15,9St320n126 Malincfie; Marina
Surgery: unnecessary 94 Tenochtltla'n, 26F269
Surveillance, 38,97-98; military, 97 Terboven, Josef, 149,225,335n53; see
Survey 212-21 3 also Norway.
Suspicion, 1I Terror: countex; 170; mass, 1170; reign
Swap, W., 9 of, 57,77
SWAPO (South West Africa Pe.oplePs Theater, 40
Organization), '77 Theft: by individuals, 71; of
Sweden, 2 45,208; iron ore from, 145 information, 71,72
Swinging, 44 Theological circle, 113
Switzerland, 134,135,182,290; banks, Therapistfs), 94
168 Thermopylae, 2 S
Sydney, 216 Third man, 316n53
Symbolic interaction, 311 Thomas, Gwynne, 233,234,236,243,
Symbolic moral universe, 9,12,22,24, 249
55,180,260,274,275, 285,294, Threat potential, 27,33,45,52,108,115,
304; and betrayal, 217,3017,312; 196,309
competition beween, 312 Thugs, 90
Syria, 3,64,69,91,95,130,294; "Ticking BombfPT7
captivity in, 245; intelligence of, Emcs Lz'temq Sznppletnenl, 127
293; and POWs, 295; and prison, Tito (Marshal), 170
398 Index