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Fluency in Second Language Assessment
Fluency in Second Language Assessment
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1 Introduction
While speaking, a speaker needs to translate his thoughts into intelligible sounds
fast. This rapid translation of thoughts to speech transpires in roughly three stages:
by conceptualizing what to say, then by formulating how to say it, and finally by
articulating the appropriate sounds (Dell et al. 1997; Levelt, Roelofs, and Meyer
1999). The processes run incrementally which means that speakers conceptualize
and formulate the next (part of the) message while articulating the current (e.g.,
Roelofs 1998). If at any stage of the speech production process the speaker cannot
keep up with his own articulation, the speaker will become disfluent. Perhaps he
stops speaking (and is temporarily silent), perhaps he will use a filled pause (e.g.,
“uh”, “uhm”), slow down the current articulation, or use a repetition (e.g., “the
the”). In addition to lagging behind his own articulation, a speaker also becomes
disfluent when, while monitoring his own speech, he notices some kind of error
that needs a repair.
In everyday speech, the processes needed to articulate intelligible sounds that
reflect the intended message run at an astonishing speed, as evidenced by a normal
articulation rate of around 6 syllables per second (Janse 2003). At the same time,
everyday speech is strewn with disfluencies such as silent pauses, filled pauses,
lengthenings, repetitions, and repairs. As many as six to ten per hundred spoken
words in speech are, in fact, disfluencies (Bortfeld et al. 2001; Fox Tree 1995). The
filled pause “uh” is the most frequent ‘word’ in Dutch, according to the Corpus of
Spoken Dutch (CGN). In other words, disfluencies in native everyday speech are
normal.
To communicate effectively in everyday conversation, a speaker of a second
language (L2) needs to translate intended messages into comprehensible speech
rapidly as well. Becoming fluent in the L2, together with attaining a native-like
accent, may be the hardest skill for an L2 speaker. Speaking is a skill that is chal-
lenging in particular because of the strict time constraints under which the speaker
needs to operate. A fluent speaker of a language is a speaker who is able to handle
these time constraints such that he can deliver his intended message in time.
In this chapter, I will introduce two views on fluency: fluency as a phenom-
enon that is revealing of underlying processes in first language (L1) speaking (a
psycholinguistic/cognitive view) and fluency as an aspect of L2 acquisition and
proficiency (an applied linguistic/evaluative view).1 The third section describes ob-
jective measures that may be used to globally assess L1 or L2 fluency.
1 In both views, I will confine this chapter to describing non-pathological speakers only (thereby
ignoring, for example, stutterers).
204 Nivja H. de Jong
2.1 Production
As briefly described in the introduction to this chapter, speaking involves a number
of processes that run incrementally. If, at any of these stages of processing, a
speaker encounters a problem, the articulation of the previously planned speech
may “run out”, causing a speaker to be disfluent. In general, whenever conceptual-
izing and/or linguistic formulation is relatively difficult, speakers are more likely
to be disfluent. For instance, when speakers plan what to say, before (major) con-
stituents or at syntactic boundaries, disfluencies are more likely to occur (e.g.,
Swerts 1998). Within clauses, pauses are more likely to occur before open-class
words (Maclay and Osgood 1959), unpredictable lexical items (Beattie and Butter-
worth 1979), low-frequent words (Kircher et al. 2004), and when more word choices
are available (Hartsuiker and Notebaert 2010; Schachter et al. 1991). In addition,
speakers are more likely to be disfluent before naming discourse-new referents as
compared to referents that are mentioned recently and are therefore more acces-
sible (Arnold et al. 2000).
In addition to such local indicators of disfluencies, global aspects also play a
role. Disfluencies are more likely to occur when talking about an unfamiliar topic
as compared to a familiar topic (Bortfeld et al. 2001; Merlo and Mansur 2004).
Finally, inter-individual differences can also be predicted to some extent: older
speakers tend to be more disfluent than younger (Bortfeld et al. 2001), male speak-
ers more than female (Branigan, Lickley, and McKelvie 1999), and extraverts more
so than introverts (Dewaele and Furnham 1999; Ramsay 1968).
Fluency in second language assessment 205
2.2 Perception
Traditionally, in (psycho)linguistic views of speech comprehension, disfluencies
are seen as aspects of speech without added value for the listener (Fox Tree 1995),
which listeners therefore need to “edit out” to understand the actual message of
the speaker (Levelt 1989). More recently, however, the communicative meaning of
disfluencies has been acknowledged. Clark and Fox Tree (2002) argue that the
filled pauses “uh” and “uhm” are conventional English words (interjections) that
speakers use to indicate that they are searching for a word or deciding what to say
next. Although they do not add to the propositional content of the speaker (the
primary message), they are part of the collateral message, in which the speaker is
informing the listener about his performance (Clark 2002).
Research using response times, eye-tracking, as well as ERP recordings in con-
trolled listening experiments, has indeed found that listeners use information car-
ried by disfluencies and predict speech following disfluencies to be relatively com-
plex (e.g., Arnold et al. 2007; Bosker et al. 2014; Brennan and Schober 2001; Fox
Tree 2001; MacGregor, Corley, and Donaldson 2010). Listeners apparently suppose
that the speaker is having difficulty whilst planning the linguistic message when
the speaker is disfluent. It has been suggested that upon hearing a disfluency, the
listener will heighten his attention to be able to integrate the upcoming (likely
complex) speech more easily into the ongoing discourse (Collard et al. 2008).
3.1 Production
Applied researchers have investigated the effect of task complexity on linguistic
output, namely on linguistic complexity, accuracy, and fluency showing that in-
creasing task complexity in any way leads to decreases in speaking fluency. For
instance, less planning time (Mehnert 1998; Yuan and Ellis 2003), talking about
there and then versus here and now (Gilabert 2007), and tasks that require talking
about more elements as opposed to fewer elements (Michel, Kuiken, and Vedder
2007) lead to decreases in fluency.
In addition to effects of tasks on linguistic output, applied research has investi-
gated the relation between L2 proficiency and fluency. For language assessment
206 Nivja H. de Jong
purposes, this research is crucial as it may indicate which measures of fluency are
indicative of L2 proficiency.
3.2 Perception
Whereas L1 psycholinguistic research has found that disfluencies are beneficial for
the listener, and therefore are part of successful communication, L2 applied re-
search on perception of fluency is mainly about evaluation of speech, as fluency
is seen as a component of overall speaking proficiency. This research thus investi-
gates how disfluencies negatively impact the impression on the listener of a speak-
er’s proficiency.
cause raters are quite capable of following instructions (at least naïve raters that
are carefully instructed, see Bosker et al. 2013), it seems worthwhile to incorporate
such weighing in the current language testing practice.
4 Measures of fluency
Most research asking questions from a psycholinguistic point of view, investigates
disfluencies on a local level because disfluencies are seen as manifestations of
problems in underlying cognitive processes. For this reason, there has been little
discussion about global measures of fluency. In research on L2 fluency, in contrast,
most research questions have revolved around the issue of relating global aspects
of fluency to proficiency. Essentially all studies in this line of research investigate
fluency on a global level. To quantify fluency at such a global level, a multitude of
measures have been introduced. Tavakoli and Skehan (2005) have proposed to
make a distinction between several aspects of fluency: breakdown fluency, speed
fluency, and repair fluency3. Breakdown fluency has to do with “breakdowns” in
speech such as pauses and filled pauses. Speed fluency is the speed with which
speech is delivered, in between such breakdowns. Repair fluency has to do with
the frequency with which the speaker uses corrections or repairs. In Table 1, eleven
measures most commonly used in research on fluency are presented, together with
the ways in which they can be calculated.4
For research that aims to unravel which aspects of speech are related to ratings
on fluency or to speakers’ L2 abilities, it is wise to use measures that are not con-
founded. For instance, speech rate is mathematically related to number and dura-
tion of silent pauses because the more or longer a speaker tends to pause, the
slower the speech rate will be. Another example is phonation time ratio, which
measures both number and duration of silent pauses at the same time. The king of
confounded measures must be pruned speech rate, which is a measure that in-
cludes speed of speech (number of syllables or words per minute), silent pausing
information (in the same way as speech rate does), and information about other
disfluencies that are subtracted from the number of syllables in the numerator.
3 This division in breakdown, speed, and repair fluency leaves out one major aspect of fluency:
turn-taking fluency. In dialogues, speakers need to manage their turns. Speaking fluently therefore
also entails being able to keep the floor when needed and knowing how (not) to overlap with
the interlocutor’s speech. Because research on this topic in L2 speech is relatively scarce (but see
Riggenbach 1991), this chapter leaves out a discussion on turn-taking fluency.
4 This table presents almost the same variables as Kormos (2006: 163) had in her Table 8.2. I have
added the measure pruned speech rate, and subdivided her measure “number of disfluencies per
minute” into “number of repetitions” and “number of repairs”. Finally, her measure “Space” has
been left out here.
212 Nivja H. de Jong
Measure Formula
For speed of delivery, articulation rate is the one measure that is mathemati-
cally unrelated to other measures of fluency and thus can be considered as a pure
measure of speed. Its inverse measure, mean syllable duration, has an advantage
over articulation rate because its distribution is more normal than the skewed dis-
tribution that articulation rates tend to show. A problem with any measure of speed
is that counting syllables is by no means a straightforward task. If the researcher
decides to make transcripts, counting the number of canonical syllables (as can be
looked up in dictionaries for instance) is feasible. However, in running speech,
native speakers tend to reduce pronunciation of frequent words, such that three-
syllable sequences may be compressed into one single syllable (Johnson 2004; Ern-
estus and Warner 2011). The number of actually pronounced syllables can be
counted by inspecting the spectogram and waveform of the speech signal or, if the
speech is recorded with relatively little noise, it can be measured automatically
(De Jong and Wempe 2009). The number of actually pronounced syllables may be
significantly lower than the number of canonical syllables, and therefore, counting
actually pronounced syllables will lead to lower measures of speech rate and ar-
ticulation rate. It is as yet unknown, however, how raters judge reduced speech as
opposed to unreduced speech, and to what extent reducing speech is related to L2
proficiency.
Turning to the aspect of breakdown fluency, a number of measures that are
conceptually and mathematically not confounded can be calculated. For instance,
there is a difference between the number of breakdowns in speech and their dura-
tion. Therefore, number of silent pauses can be measured separately from mean
duration of silent pauses. Another measure within the category breakdown fluency
that has been popular in fluency research is mean length of utterance. If mean
Fluency in second language assessment 213
speed of speech measured as number of syllables per time (or mean duration of
syllables) across these languages meaningless.
Pausing in speech is also language-specific. Riazantseva (2001) suggested that
cultural differences between English and Russian could explain the differences in
mean pause duration found in her data (where Russian speakers tended to pause
longer than English speakers). With respect to filled pauses, the cross-linguistic
differences are remarkable. Firstly, there are differences with the form of filled
pauses: English and Dutch speakers may most frequently use very similar (two)
forms “uh” and “uhm”, but Japanese speakers, for instance, use multiple different
forms, and choose the correct form depending on context.
In summary, if measures are used to compare speakers within a language, and
if a researcher needs measures that are theoretically unrelated, a reasonable subset
of measures would be: mean syllable duration, mean duration of silent pauses,
and frequency measures of number of silent pauses, filled pauses, repetitions, and
repairs. These frequency measures need to be corrected for the length of the speak-
ing performance (by dividing by speaking time). If a researcher needs one single
measure that encompasses all aspects of fluency at the same time, the measure of
pruned speech rate is the best choice, although by doing so, the researcher no
longer has insight into the possible weights that the subcomponents within this
measure may have.
5 Future directions
When comparing the psycholinguistic/cognitive approach to fluency with the ap-
plied linguistic/evaluative approach, a couple of observations can be made. Firstly,
psycholinguistic studies have investigated the cause and effect of local disfluencies
with their main research questions “how is a disfluency revealing of underlying
cognitive processes” and “how does a disfluency affect a listener’s comprehen-
sion”? Applied linguists, in contrast, have been mainly interested in cause and
effect of global measures of fluency, by answering the research questions “which
measures of fluency are revealing of a speakers’ L2 proficiency” and “how do meas-
ures of fluency affect raters’ impression of the speaker”? Secondly, from spelling
out these research questions, it becomes clear that psycholinguists are interested
in the positive role of disfluencies in communication, and have focused on benefi-
cial effects for the listener. Applied linguists, on the other hand, have focused on
negative effects of disfluencies in evaluation and on showing which aspects of
fluency may be indicative of L2 proficiency.
Researchers in both fields should learn from each other and adopt each other’s
research questions. For research on L1 fluency, psycholinguists need to ask the
question why individuals differ with respect to speaking style (which includes flu-
ency), and what effects these speaking styles may have on evaluations about the
Fluency in second language assessment 215
speaker. For research in the applied field, in addition to furthering our understand-
ing about measures of fluency that are telling of proficiency, researchers should
investigate local effects of disfluencies: will the beneficial effects of L1 disfluencies
also exist when L2 speakers are disfluent? By expanding the research from negative
global effects on ratings to beneficial local effects on listeners, we will get a better
understanding of which disfluencies help, and which disfluencies hinder commu-
nication.
In the end, language testing scores are valid when the scores reflect communi-
cative language ability. A component of this ability is to be able to get the intended
message across within strict time constraints. This component entails that a speak-
er needs to be able to efficiently access his linguistic knowledge, effectively antici-
pate potential problems and come up with strategies to circumvent these, and to
inform his interlocutor when he is experiencing problems in the speech production
processes. In other words, being fluent also means using disfluencies in a commu-
nicatively meaningful manner.
Rubrics of speaking tests already partly reflect this (e.g., “hesitations are lan-
guage- rather than content-related”) but as yet it is unclear whether raters are ca-
pable of distinguishing between such different types of hesitations, and how auto-
mated tests would be able to differentiate between different types of hesitations.
To get a clearer picture of how aspects of fluency are indicative of L2 proficiency,
we need more research disentangling L2 disfluencies that are caused by L2-specific
problems in speech production from those that are related to personal speaking
style and from those that are part of a communicatively successful performance.
Subsequently, the language testing practice may change speaking rubrics and algo-
rithms to exclusively penalize disfluencies that are L2-specific, and that hinder
communication.
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