THE ROUTLEDGE COMPANION TO LATIN AMERICAN CINEMA Edited by Marvin D’Lugo, Ana M. Lépex, and Laura PodalskyHiana 2 SILENT AND EARLY SOUND CINEMA IN LATIN AMERICA Local, national, and transnational perspectives Rielle Navitski Editors’ introduction ged over the past three decades, film ir attention to the early twentieth century, ly profound transformations research on silent As new audiovisual technologi historians have inereasingly turned ¢ tioment when cinema and recorded sound sparked eq alled “historical turn sd by persistent challenges of popular culture. In the context of this and early sound cinema in Latin America has been shat as well astnew opportunities. Due to the discontinuous chs in the region and other obstacles to film preservation, oF Lite American silent files have survived, and many early sound features have also ations the primary soutce for early film histories: The ‘d newspapers and magzzines, along with the rediscov- ay restoration, and video/digital release of silent and early sound films, has opened tip new avenues for exploring cinema's profound impact i early ewentieth-eentury ‘a small pete Latin America Providing an overview of key developments in Latin American film culture between 1896 and 1936, Navitskis essay also interrogates dominant critical ten aervcr in Latin American film historiography—in particular, the use of “national cinema” as an 0 framework and a focus on production (especially of fiction Cacia to the detriment of other aspects of film culture. Throughout, she empha ply with distibution, exhibition, and f the potential of engaging more Salture and highlights some of the insights yielded by stadies that adopt ape ebuve of below the level ofthe nation, ranging from a focus ona single city to xchange ‘complex networks of cross-bordesBeginning with the frst surveys published in che late 1950s (Di Nebila 1959; Viany 1959 Garcia Riera 1969), most historians of Latin American cinema have focused on analyzing: or recovering the traces of film production within the bordets of a single nation. These accounts have implicitly framed filmmaking as an affirmation of cultural identity in the face of North American and European cinema's dominance of local screens. Recuy histories of production took on particular ungency in the case of the silent and early sound eras, given the dismal survival rate for Latin American films produced in che absence of self sustaining industries or government policies to foster preservation. Yet recent scholatship vn Latin Ametican film culture, rather than treating imported cinema solely as an agent of ‘cultural colonization, has begun to offer more nuranced accounts of how audiences, industry Workers critics, and exhibitor, as wel as filmmakers, reacted to its presence on local sereens (Geinia 2014a). By shifting focus to the site-specific (and often overlooked) practices of dis tribution, exhibition, and fan culture, chese histories open up fresh approaches that attend not only to the social meanings inscribed within a film text at the site of production, but ilso to the cenegotiation of these meanings in the course of a film's circulation within and beyond national borders. In this vein, scholars have highlighted the complexities of intra regional exchanges—such as the significant presence of Mexican cinema throughout Latin America and beyond from the 1930s through the 1950s (Castro Ricalde ang McKee Irwin 2011, 2013) —as well as the variety of film cultures outside national capitals, which tends to be obscured by the "national cinema” framework. At the same time, nationalist imaginaries undeniably shaped filmmaking across the region in the first decades of the twentieth cen- tury. Providing an overview of key developments in Latin American film culture between 1896 (when moving images were first projected for audiences in the region) and 1936 (often jewed as the end ofa period of experimentation with sound film, as it marks the consolida tion of Mexica’s sound film industry with the sweeping success of Fernando de Fuentes’ All ‘el Rancho Grande [Over atthe Big Ranch]), this essay outlines the possibilities and limita. tions of national, local, regional, and transnational approaches to Latin American cinema. While the past two decades have witnessed an explosion of critical interest in the trat national dimensions of moving-image production and consumption, in Latin American cultural criticism, local and national experiences have long been interpreted through a ‘continental framework. Scholars have debated the extent to which the region's diverse coun: tries share a common relationship to (neo)colonial powers and Euro-American models of modernity. Néstor Garefa Canclini has argued that Latin American nations possess “hybrid cultures” marked by “multitemporal heterogeneity,” an uneasy coexistence of modernity and tradition (Gasefa Canclini 1995: 3). This emphasis on the multiplicity of experiences of modernization productively highlights disparities within and between nations. Films were ereened in Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, and Montevideo only six months after the fis public exhibition of the Lumigre Cinématographe in Paris in December 1895, with other iajor cities in the region close behind, yet the fist confirmed screenings in Bolivia did not ‘occur until 1904 (Paranagu 1984: 11). Fairly complex narrative films were being produced ‘Argentina and Brazil by 1908 and 1909, while no fiction features were shot in Bolivia ot ru until the latter half of the 1920s (Lépez 2000: 65). The transition to souned widened the gaps between the filmic output of Latin: American nations; Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil established profitable industries in the early 1930s, while sound features were not rade in Peru until 1937 with the founding of Amauta Films (Bedoya 2009b: 33) Arguing that silent-era filmmakers across the region shared a common practice of vl ating between local cultural referents and international trends in fim style and narrative, Paul Scheoeder Rodriguez proposes a periodization for Latin American silent file thatSilene ad early snd cine evelopment in the United States and Western Burope (Schroeder Rogue: 2008 veges between a peri dominated by actualites (short, topical nonfiction is clvely to the ealy cinema period as defined in the United States nal era (1908-1915) characterized by experiments with narrative film a riod asked by the dominance of feature-length fin films (1915-1930) irae this periodization does not address the lasting significanee of nonfiction the sheer heterogene ims. For example, Juan ming associated fox While well a: Frnunaking in early ewentieth-century Latin America. ft ako minimis ity of gences and styles © un and even within individual Sexttin Orpina Leén (2013) notes the use of both sai, tableautye ft Seely cnet, and the interationally dominant continuity editing conventions forged in n melodrama Alma provinciana (Provincial Sou, Félix J. Rodeiguez, ‘om Gunning calls the “view aesthetic” of eaely cinema, which scapes] and preserfes] a look or vantage pint” on a seemingly urstaged subject (Cunning 1597. 14), persist in both non-fiction and fiction films made in Latin America through vial of the slent ea, allowing spectators to contemplate familia locales and events on-screen Ie her influential essay “Early Cinema and Modernity in Latin America,” Ana M. Lope: vst “any attempt to directly superimpose the developmental grid of U.S. and beie with its own discontinuities and heterogeneity) on the Lat American experience,” emphasizing that “the history of filmmaking in Latin America ic too profoundly marked by differences in global postion, forms of social infrastructure nomic stability, and technical infrastructure” (Lopez 2000: 50). Instead, Lopes reeasts Euro-American accounts of silent cinema's development by attending to local conditions of reception and production. She argues that upon cinveas initial reception in the region, ‘fascination with cinematic technology and its images of modern life positioned audience embers ax both “voyeurs” of imported modernity and avid consumers of “whatever forms Hollywood, ia the Colombi 1926). Elements of what European early film history Grmolemity... were available locally" (p. 53). While imported films continued to domni- nate, filmmakers exalted Tn his analysis of ealy fiction features, Schroeder Rodrigues critiques nationalistic nar ratives aligned with dominant ideals of modernization, suggesting these films embody a ‘tiollo aesthetic... directly linked ro the political project of inserting the young repub- lies into a Euro-American modernity” (Schroeder Rocrfgue: 2008: 38), He attributes this “Earocenttic worldview and ... correspondingly Europeanized aestheties" to the upwardly inobile ambitions of filmmakers, most of whom were members of the emerging middle ‘lasses, Buropeatn immigrants eager to align themselves with their astopted country, oF both ‘Yer many filmmakers moved frequently across national borders, complicating the ise of national allegiances, Kalian immigrant Pedro Sambarino worked in Argentina, Bolivia, and han filmmaker Raraén Peén in Mexico, and Chilean Alberto Santana in his hom inPeru (where he directed the silent wartime drama Yo perdfmi corazén oh Lima Lost My Heart in Lima] in 1933), and later in Colombo, Paraguay, Costa Rica, and Panama, Schroeder Rodrigue:'s analysis also glosses over the complexities of film finane ing prior to the emergence of industries. Funding schemes ranged from private investment in fletion features to sponsorship of nonfiction films ay government or busin auch as Silyino Santos’ No as das Amazonas (In the Land of the Amazon, Brasil, 1922) and a group of comparable films highlighting the “cvilisrg” efforts of wealthy landowners and Catholic missionaries in the rubber-producing regions of Peru (Bedoya 200% 150-152) ‘Cinema was thus linked to a diverse series of modernizing projects, both local and npley the working-class filmmakers active in the city of Recife 5 produced their own visions of locel modernization and narratives that tional identities. ‘country, in Ecuador interests, ‘national in scope, For ex Bin the Brazilian Northeast in the 1920s were arguably more invested in using filmmaking to demonstrate the modernity of their city and region—increasingly imagined as drought- stricken, impoverished, andl decadent (Cunha Filho 2010: 160-170; Muniz de Albuquerque Jr. 2014)--than in filling the ambitions for a Hollywood-style national cinema arte lined by Rio de Janeiro fan magazines such as Cinearte, Selecta, and Pant Toxlos. On the opposite extreme of the class spectcum, elite women’s organizations in Uruguay preduced teeure-length documentary and fiction films promoting social hygiene in the late 1920s, asserting the relevance of their charity efforts in the context of an expanding welfare tate (Ehvick 2006), Cinema’ initial presence in Latin America was certainly marked by close Tinks to state power, asthe presence of presidents Porfirio Diaz of Mexico and Nicobis de Pietola of Peru at eatly film screenings suggests (de los Reyes 1995: 123; Bedoya 2009s: 26). Yer the ideological projects that shaped filmunaking were diverse andl sometimes conflicting, complicating thei relationship to hegemonic nationalism and positivist notions of progress. TAs Paranagi’ (1984: 9) and others have noted, moving-image technology arrived in Louis Amores asa ote import ather than an outgeowth of broader technological and conoinie shif. Since the Lumiére Cinématographe (one among, several competing apPa- sees) could be wed oth to enpnute and ro project moving inages che Lumitres! filmed actualities that were then nied tothe company’s catalog. Gabriel Veyte produced the eae films made in Mexico, including a number of actualtc® featuring Diz. He then traveled to Gaba, where he shot the first known film preuced there, che 1897 Simuaco de tirincendio(Sinadaerum ofa Fie), document of training exercises by local firefighters before thoving on to Venezuela and Colombia, Veye, like other exhibitors of imported file Tologies, hols an uneasy place in national fil histories asa representative ofthe fore serene tha dominared Latin American sceens fom cinema's earist days. Earlier Latin ‘Amvican film scholars often presented the interests of filmmakers snd exhibitors as dia srentcally opposed: withthe later viewed a complicit with foreign interests (Salles Gomes 1998), Inde fies 1910, when permanent movie theaters were well established in many Teme Latin American cities, impresario cae to lyon steady supplies of European and Inter Nucth American productions Ye, as noted in moe recent histories addressing the activities Mhllimexhabaor producer in Mexico and Beal, produetion and exhibition remains closely hretuwined throughout the silent era (de los Reyes 1983; Miquel 1997; Melo Souza 2003). Dring he so-called “bela epoca’ of Brazilian cinema (1908-1911) in Riode Janeiro and Sto Paul fm exhibitors were pivotal in film prodction, producing shor, topical "local fits” ung 2002) tha showed the elites engaging in leisure activities fat public events, vMfering these spectators the pleasure of recognizing themselves and their socal world on ser (Melo Souza 2003: 154). Peoducer-exhibitors such as AntGnio Leal and Jilio Fetes erm short comedies, reconstructions of sensational crimes, and fines flados e ca tenes (tllng and singing fils). Accompanied by ive performances by ators behind the arreen, these locally matte adaptations of operttas and the tei de neista (musical reve) sired incredible popularity. A film based on the satirical musical Paz e amor (Peace and ioe) financed by dinpresario William Avler and filmed by Alberto Botelho, was erect ‘er 1000 times in Rio in 1910 (Melo Souza 2003: 291) In Havana, behind-the-sereen terformances were ued a screenings of imported filmsas eat as 1906 and as late a6 1920, helping to ground imported images in their ‘exhibition context, often through locally spe~ cif humor (Agramonte and Castillo 2011: 82-87), rnin prelucer exhibitor” success was short-lived, especially a che powerful dist bution and exhibition company owned by Spanish immigrant Francisco Serrador crowded ur other theater onmers beginning in 1911. Yet exhibitors continusd to play an important 4fe 21. Asti fom the “cinematic operetta” The Geisha, shor by filio Ferre: and exhibited in Rio de Joneiro's Cinetna & janco, accompanied by waeal performances Feom io de Janet), November 13,19 Braslcim, role in film production across Latin America, The Buenos Aires-based distribution exhibition network owned by Austrian immigrant Max Glucksmann produced most of 00: 66), matogrifica Mundial companies le in Peru, a rivalry Uruguay's actualities between 1913 and 1931 (Lope berween’' the Teatros y Cinemas and Compaiia Cine prompted them to produce competing newsreels between 1923 and 1926 (Bede 229-234). In Colombia, the Htalian-born di Doménico family, whose exhibition and dliscribution empire stretched across Venezuela, Central America, and the Caribbean, ven 115 de structed the assassination of politician Rafael Uribe Uribe and docu sath. Although the film provoked controversy and proved a commercial isoppointment, the di Doménicos went an to produce four fiction features in the 1920s. tute roduction in 1915 with Bl dram October), whic As exhibitors experimented with production, other enterprising filmmakers sought to A Mario Gallo drama: tap into nationalistic sentiments. tized national history in films such as fusilamiento de Dorrego (The Execution of Dorreg, 1910). In Cuba, Ei Jes, including of the Cub ique Diaz vel Garefa 0 el Rey wnpos de Cuba (Manuel Gare wnyside, 1913) and Bl cap cin or Liberators and Guerilas, 1914). Mexico's earliest known fiction feature, 18 .ez Arredondo, 1917), filmed in Mérida, doves (1810 or the Liberators, Carlos M: ile Et hisar de la muerte (Th also capitalized on patr E «dro Sienna, 1925) narrated the exploits of Manuel Rodriguez, a hero of Chile'sRielle Novis Et hogar del “il”, en Buenos Aires migrant impresarios whose businest spanned national orders, such a the di Womenico fail in Colombia and the Circum-Caribiean, and Max Glucksmmann nictuted) in Argentina and the Southern Cone, played a pivotal role in the evelopment of film exhibition distribution, and production in Latin America. Cares» Careta (Buenos Aires, January 3, 1914 wars of independence. Other silent-era features invoked national patron saints: Tepeyse (Carlos E. Gonzalez, Mexico, 1917) and La Vigen de la caridad (The Virgin of Charity Ramén Pesn, Cuba, 1930), Beyond overtly nationalistic themes, Latin American silent cinema displayed and firmed emerging urban modernity, often in counterpoint to eural life. This strategy #9 aps exploited most suecessfully in Nobleza gaucha (Gaucho Nobility, Humberto Cait®sity, Silene and early sound. Eduardo Martinez de la Pera, and Emesto Gunche, 1915). The fil’s plot—a gaucho rescues his innocent love interest after she is kidnapped by a wealthy, unserupulous city Gjveller framed the countryside asa space of purty. A Buenos Aires’ broad avenues, historic buildings, and mode ‘After reportedly being seen by over 50,000 spectators in Buenos Ares in 1915 (La Pren 1915: 18), Nobleza goucha sereened in Barcelona (Batlle 1916: 395), Rio de Janeiro (Fon Fon 1916), and Santiago de Chile (El Mercurio 1917: 6). Yielding a $200,000 profi in its frst year of release (Ortega 1917: 437), Nobleza goucha was exhibited into the late 1910s, playing in Lima three years afer its premiere (Derteano 1918: 582), Tn the wake of Nobleza gaucha, Gunche and Martine: de la Pera directed Hast desputs de muerta (Until afer Fer Death, 1916), one of several Argentine melodramas that explore the ultramodern yet corrupting environment of rapidly growing cities. The prolific Afro Aggentine director José Agustin “El Negro" Ferreyra explored related themes into the sound cra. Iva sitilac vein, the 1918 adaptation of Federico Gamboa’s naturalist novel S (Luis G. Peredo) linked Mexico City’s modernization with moral decay through the tale ofan innocent country gist who becomes ‘on what Doris Som national unification chrough the formation of heterosexual couples across polieal parties, ;oups—including Amalia (Enrique Garcia Velloso, Argentin: 1914), based on José Mésmol’s novel, and che multiple silentera versions of José de Alencar’s O gusani same time, the film displayed » public transportation system. h-class courtesan, Other eaty features drew wr (1991) calls “foundational fictions"—licerary works thatallegorized ethnicities, and regional Figure The display of urban space and modern transportation technologies take center stage in 4 feygment from the 1918 version of Santa, whose title characters transformation fom innocent village gil ro courtesan allegories the remprations of bigciy fe. Actress Elena Sénches Valenzuela crosses an avenue in Mexico Citys upecale westem districts with Chapoleepec Caste in the backgrouRielle Navisk © guaran, which portrays the chaste love between the young white setter Celis and her indigenous protector Pert, excimplifies a tegion-wide fascination with romanticized images aeons peorle, decimated by the Congquestand snarginalized within Latin American coe ee Regentina, El imo malén (The Last Indian Attack, Aleides Grees, 1916) Trcuimented the dismal living conditions of the Mocov{ tribe in an ethnographic mode aasracecagning them tothe nation’s past (Tompkins 2014: 104-105), In Chile, La agonda aan athe Aga ofthe Arico, Gabriela von Bussenius and Salvador Giambastiani 517) lamented the impending disappearance of the Mapuche tribe, while also erivalizing 1 through parallels tothe sifering ofa grieving mother from the city (Doneso 1994: 34), To Bolivia, Corazfn aymara (Aginara Heart, Pedro Sambarino, 1925) portrayed a virtuous in Fine woman victimized by the supposedly rigid sexual morality of indigenous commury vies while José Marta Velasco Maidana’s La profeia dl lgo (The Prophecy ofthe Lake 1925) ie Wana Wana (1929) depict troubled romances between white and indigenous characters (Gurmvcie Dagron 1983: 63-68, 104-119). Trnesntragt tothe dominance of the fiction Feature in Argentina Bracl, ancl Cuba beain- ing nthe ently 1910s, filmmaking in Mexico was shaped by a collective fascination with creecralent events of the Revolution (1910-1920). Cameramen such as Enrique Roses Sclvetor Toscano, Jests HL. Abitia, the Alva Brothers, and others dgcumented the final seats of Porivio Diar’s dictatorship, the uprising led by defeated! presidential candidate Francisco 1c Madero, and the bitter struggles between military factions that marked the Ince phaves ofthe confit. Very few fcton films were prxtuced before 1917, when enthu vere uch ms variety ateess Mimi Derba, together with Rosas, began to film high-society vinadeamae, These were modeled on popular Italian “diva films," which starred celebrates actresses such as Pina Menichelli and Francesca Bertin Newico’s distinctive tradition of nonfiction filmmaking fostered unique exhibition practices, ax camera operators combined their footage with images shot by odhers In comp Frum ls that reviewed recent events. These images were often repurposed in later yeas: Ros incorporated scene showing the 1915 execution of members of the infamous “Gray ‘Rrcomobile Gang” into his 1919 crime serial El automsuil rs (The Gray Automobile). From Ae1bIOs through the 1930s, Toscano assembled multiple versions of Historia complet de a Revolucién Mesicana, 1910-1920 (Complete History ofthe Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920) ved Los mos vinta ccs en Mésico (The Last Thirty Year in Mexico) (Miquel 2010). In the 1930s, Felix Padilla, an itinerant exhibitor active in the US-Mexico borderlands, com USS. and Mexican sewsteels, original footage, and images from U:S. serials to create La jgmaade Pancho Vila Pancho Vile’s Revenge), which contested both racist Hollywood i Ae Mloxicans and official versions of revolutionary history (Serna 2012: 12-13). Rooted in ‘epresentational practices linked to the Revolution, the eases of Padilla and Toscano sussex ‘he rich afterlives of moving images in cher circulation across time andl space, underlining the “multitemporal heterogeneity" of Latin American cultural formations The “delayed” circulation of imported films also proved generative for filmmaking outstle major cities across Latin America. In 1920s Brac, where films were exhibited inthe Nosh rr Northeast months and even years after theit releases in Rio de Janciro and Sio Paulos Tllpwood westerns and crime serials of the 1910s inspired dynamic adventure films that qThowensedloval transportation infastructure and industry, including Retribuito (Reston, Gentil Rois 1925), tade in Recife, and Tesouro perdido (Lost Treasue, 1927), made it Caaeaeee Mines Gems, by Humberto Mauro, later a pivotal figute of Bec’ early sum aaa vimilar fascination with physical action and modern transportation technologies ‘leat in the adventure films El ven fantasma (The Ghost Train, 1927) and El praio deide Ih lo, nd de Silene and early son cinema hieto (The Iron Fist, 1928), directed by Gabriel Gareia Moreno in Orizaba in the Mexican state of Veracruz. The Colombian regional productions Bajo el cielo antioquerio (Ber veath the Shs of Antioga, Arturo Acevedo, 1925) and Alma jrovinciana (Provincial Soul, Félix J. Rodriguez, 1926) showcased both agriculture and industry through scenes that displayed fee plantations and cigarette factories, testifying to the productivity of local economies “The multiplicity of loal production practices is paneled by the heterogeneity of film audiences in Latin America Far from constituting a unified national public, spectators were lamented by geographic location, ethnicity, and class Given elites’ early embrace of the ‘Cinema, working-class spectators wete barred from eatly exhibitions of Eclison's Vitascope (Bedoya 2009; 29), In tum-of-the-century Rio de Janeiro, a society columnist ishionable screenings") intended for the affluent (Melo varied by seating area reinforced internal divisions as Rio de Janeiro and Mexico City, neigh ators emerged quickly (de los Reyes 1983: Lin advocated for “soirées da moda” (" Sourzn 2003: 143). Ticket prices within exhibition spaces, and in capitals bhothood venues catering to working-class spe 31-32, 66-67; Gonzaga 1996: 90, 102; Serna 2014a: 58-67). Yet class-segregated venues failed to quell the anxieties generated by the new medium, including concerns that movie pickpocketing and sexual advances (both welcome and uninvited). Crities’ descriptions of “unruly” film audiences also indicate they were far from passive in the face of imported films. Particularly n neighborhood theaters, spectators real nertitles aloud for the benefit of illiterate audience members and reacted to the on screen action with aplomb (El Universal 1920: 16). ‘Attempting to account for the unique dynamics of spectatorship outside Euro-American contexts, Hamid Naficy (1996) a “hailed” by imported films subjects within the ideological order established by these texts), theaters’ dark environment encouraged es that rather than bei (recognizing themselves 2 “Third World” spectators engage in “haggling,” assert ng their ability to proxluce meaning at the ste of consumption through oral commentary and other practices. This negotiation With the purveyors of imported images took on liveral form in yome cases. Juan Sebastisn (spina Ledn (2017) notes that the tradition of the Fapa (“extra gift”) —a film added to the program at the audience’s request—prevailed in Colembian movie theaters in the 1910s, signaling an active exchange between spectators and exhibitors. Vocal protests by audience members who stamped or whistled to express their d'spleasure could also influence a key int. Ranging from full orchestras film music drew on Latin pect of the moviegoing experience: musical accompanin palaces to lone piano players in neighborhood theaters American genres such as marimba, dane6n, and tango, as well as North American ehythans such as foxtrot and jazz (EI Universal 1920: 16; Serna 2014a: 15, 60). Film music could complement projected images with familiar melodies, or render it chrllingly cosmopolitan, Many of the strategies used to domesticate imported films for local consumption, includ. ing musical accompaniment, would be eliminated by the sweeping changes wrought by the ating in major cities in 1929, synchronized sound established new I distribution of films, which had previously required relatively inexpensive—though often transformative—adjustments such as the translation of inter- 14b: 122-123). Initially, Hollywood studios tried to cater to the lucrative Spanish-speaking marker, among others, by producing Usually remakes of English-language productions shot with actors fluent in Spanish, multiple- cities and spectators pe standard for Spanish: sting practices that combined actors from multiple film (Gunckel 2008: 333-334). Foreign-language Rasim cea versions generated contioversy among Latin Ameri Many objected to the studios’ choice of a Castilian accent as ¢ language dialogue, as well as to ~Rill Navies versions also disappointed aences accustomed coche high prodvetion Wy vehclangnage productions (Vasey 1997: 96). Yet Liss Jarvingn en cat that erties’ negative reception of Hollywood Spansh-fensines OT overs Jhadowed their considerable success with audiences. Furtermot Hollywood productions awe papal vith Latin American spectators in paca, Ye 6° Paramount ae eet rang legend Carlos Gardel (D7 Lugo 2008 Navitsis 201) provided a model for Latin American sound film industries: a “basic com! ination of comedy, melodrarma, and foot songs” (King 2000: 37). Although improvements dubbing and subticling allowed Foot eT sion to recapture and even increase thei lobal marks share, Argentina and Heer oved powerful competitors in Spanish language market ico Trove erica sound fins capitate on the continent wide spularity of amaceal genres inereasingly viewed as embodying national identity the Argentine tango, are vecamba, and Mexican ranchera. Following che early ecesse, 1 TO (directed br Las Moga Barth for Aegentina Sono Film) and Loses berets (The Three Amatevers eras Mallectively by che Lumiton studio's founders) in 1933, Argensiis industry eee meloammatic formulas that dramatized clas conflict exemohl by the series ese opel ing ang singer Libertad Lamargue (Kanwsh 2012: 108-110) Early Brazilian oF en alee capitalized on radio performers’ popularity in Carnivals ‘med chanchadas an, alé Bro (Hello, Hello Bras, Wallace Downey, Jose de Bar, nd Alberto wa os 1995) and ALD, ald Camaval (Hell, Hello Camancl, Adheinar Core 2, 1936), pine the pessimistic tone of allen- woman films suc. as Sania (Save NS Moreno, Tot) nad La mujer dl puerto (The Woman ofthe Port, Arcady Boyes, 34) and evolu oa a raay such as Fernando de Fuentes’ El prisoner 13 (Prisoner Non 13, 1933) one Mendota (Godfaher Mendoza 1934), andl Vdmonos con anche Villa (Let's Go de ch Vila, 1936) gave way c the light-hearted comedia ranchert Allé en el Rancho wae Te [Owe a the Big Ranch, Fernando de Fuentes, 1936), a huge hit it Mexico and dares Lavin American industries increasingly resorted to “exaggerating the national prockaging popular customs and music to appeal to domestic and overseas markets alike nen 2012: 139). “While sound cinema fostered industries in ‘Argentina, Mexico, and Bri il, its increased cot ehtological complexity alo protonged stent filmmaking and give A Te tee exhibition practices. Arguably the only Latin Americ an exaraples of modernist silent aoe premicted in Bra after sound cinema's debut in lowal mows Thee Sao Paul fmt da mero (Sao Paulo, Symphony of the Metopsy Rodli'o Hos and Adalberto Panne O19) anal Mario Peixoto’ Limite (Lim 1931)- Cr flake exhibitos Kemeny, 1 ations inthe absence of syneh-sound equipment. Unable © afford the costs Hare cpa, some movie theater owes used phonograph reeords to loosely “synchto- Me (ete 2011) In 1950, filmmaker Jota Sones accompanied Deva ar No eendtio da vida (On the Stage of Life, co-directed with uie Maranhio) aN prerecorded sound effects (Canha Fillo 2006 33). Also in Bel “e nio Tibitigh reed on duc accompaniment for his 1926 film Vii ebeexa (Vis cand Beaty) (Cinemateca Brasileira 1930). Even Acabs tdros (No More Suckers, Liz de Barto ae aan alread the fies Brain synch sound feature, used existing phono raph record aan or sical scenes (Freire 2013: 109), wile tn Ecuador, Guayagude 1 ors Maine of My Loves, raclsco Diumenio, 1930) was aecompani ive with the ponulat Co raniion to sound thus fstered production and exhibition Prete a rhe (llnge any straightforward account of Hollywood dominance red then quickly reaffirmeduincement of the tempor Western Electric a the eity often imp s. Arquivo Nacional res, Latin American film cultures ofthe silent and listic and industrial charge de in other contexts, as well as the s jon between moving-image froducers and consumers that sttucture many previous histories of Latin American cinema, “he med complex trajectories in the region al ound cle ons between early and classical cinema andl between fictional and nonfictional modes, Furthermote, practice: that blur the a . exhibition—the conjunction of film projection with vocal performances or ad mnchronization” with recorded sound in Brazil andl Cuba, the continual cework: he compilation films that circulated through Mexico and i bonderlandds—challenge the notion of the cinematic text as a fixed, bounded entity that can be understood in isolation from the context ofits tecepti light the impact of distributors, exhibitor, fans, and crities tivities exceed these retrospectively defined roles—in negotiating the range of meani retached to cinema in early twentieth-century Latin America. Film produc on snd consumption articulated the incerests of foreign film companies, local impresarios filmmakers, government representatives, elites, intellectuals, and audience members surations that defy binary opp ven neocolonial powers and national inter ests, Filmmaking was linked ion-buil cts (both in its iconogeaphies andRielle Navitsk themes, and in public discourses that framed it as @ marker of modemity and progress), but the circulation and consumption of cinema intersected with heterogeneous experiences and ideals of modernization inflected by regional, racial, and class differences. Attending to cinema's links to national imaginaries, as well as to the circulation of filmmakers and films ‘on local, regional, and transnational scales, generates fresh perspectives on the polities of the moving itnage in eaely twentieth-century Latin Americ References Agramonte, A.ad Castillo, L. (2011) Cromologa del ein cubano vol I: 1897-1936, Havana: Ediciones ICAIc Baill, JL. 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