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Podcast On The Economics of Trade Policy
Podcast On The Economics of Trade Policy
Podcast On The Economics of Trade Policy
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PODCAST ON THE ECONOMICS OF TRADE POLICY
Motivation
Listening to a Trade Talks episode, a podcast on the economics of trade policy. I am the
editor of Trade and Globalization for The Economist. In this episode, we will speak about the
views of Stephen Vaughn on the economics of trade policy. Stephen was the United States Trade
Representative's General Counsel or USTR. And so, basically, he was Robert Lighthizer's chief
lawyer. And to clarify the outcome, it is not really the point of this episode to win any of the claims
here. I don't think that kind of episode could have lasted for many days, and I'm not sure that any
minds would have changed. But what we are trying to do is provide listeners with a deeper
understanding of the reasoning behind some of the Trump administration's trade policies. If this is
the first Trade Talks episode you've seen, and you're not sure what all the points could be, please
Context
Now we should say a few things before we start. The episode is a really long one. We're covering
the Trump administration's stance on China, the EU, the World Trade Organization. Basically, the
controversy relates to commerce between the United States and other nations. The essence and
scope of trade policy initiatives, as well as everything relevant to foreign trade. In global terms and
Questions
2. How are we going to support those people who were affected by the trade policy?
5. Are you concerned about any of the Trump administration's trade policies that might
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backfire?
7. Will you summarize why the US is killing the Appellate Body of World Trade
Organizations?
Preview of Results
According to Stephen Vaughn, the tremendous versatility is to deal with all the many
distinct and varying problems that occur in a nation with over 300 million citizens. People need to
think more about trade policy in the same way they think about tax policy. Some people will want
lower taxes, and some people will want higher taxes. But a great deal of this really goes into the
specifics and the basic nuances of the specific case. And so, there is a lot of versatility you need—
two, what you are doing for the individuals on the other side of the trade policy. I think you have to
have legislative solutions that would make it possible for people to believe that the system works
and is treated equally. And then three, it has to be done by US elected leaders in terms of who
makes the foreign policy, because they're the only ones who actually are accountable to the
electorate. It's really their responsibility to figure out what kind of country we want to be and how
It is important to realize that China still has a lot of confusion that people are concerned
about. If they want to do it, they have to decide. And we are waiting for that. And they have, as you
know, been sending mixed signals for a very long time, long before President Trump was elected.
So, basically, they'll know where they want to go. But in the meantime, if they want to keep going
with these measures, they won't have the same access to this market.
In a case involving the European Union regarding the subsidies they give to Airbus, the
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United States has just earned a major victory. That's one significant industry, then. And that's been
the case at the World Trade Organization for 15 years now. Therefore, the notion that you will use
a similar mechanism to exclude individuals who have set targets to be reached by 2025 is not very
practical. On the other hand, to bring together an alliance of the willing against China. I have not
seen any indication that there is a large alliance of the willing, either in this administration or in the
last administration or the administration before that. The European Union was very cautious not to
take sides between China and the United States. And I think that the United States could do little to
get them to change their minds. The relative values of the two currencies are a problem for the
President. This is something he talked quite a bit about. He is worried about the relative rates of
interest in both markets. He was unambiguous that he feels that this partnership needs to be
rebalanced, that we need to generate more, and that they need to consume more. And I think in the
In terms of compliance, there is not anything that the United States can do. There have been
a variety of unorthodox proposals. Blocking student visas, for example, doing more stuff in the
field of human rights, or going after individual businesses. And for the most part, as opposed to
dragging on non-trade variables, the President has pushed back on those kinds of actions and
When you look at what has happened in the last couple of years, Europeans have reached an
agreement with Korea, China, Mexico, Japan, India, and Canada. And the Europeans, for the most
part, have declined to have substantive talks with the government. US issues should be taken more
seriously by Europeans. And that could ultimately have repercussions for the relationship between
the EU and the United States. But at the same time, if we need to make trade policy changes, we
ought to make trade policy adjustments. I don't think it would make American politicians less
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sensitive to these other issues to bring trade policy back on the ballot. It will make American
politicians more open to other issues, so they will be more likely to say okay as people have more
faith in trade policy, so now I have confidence in trade policy. Let's talk about some of these other
problems now.
Main Contributions
Yeah, I do agree that there would be flexibility in other nations. Actually, I believe the truth
of the situation is that there is flexibility in other nations, and they do act. And I believe we were
too limited in how we reacted to that. So we've been trying to get Europe to recognize our beef
hormones for a very long time, which they vowed to do when joining the World Trade
Organization. Other nations are developing their own trade policies, and I believe the Americans
So we've been trying to get Europe to recognize our beef hormones for a very long time,
which they vowed to do when joining the World Trade Organization. Other nations are developing
their own trade policies, and I believe the Americans ought to do the same. When you have talks,
and when you have to give and take, a lot of what you see in the process is just what it's like. This
is how trade talks look. If you look at the economy's response and the markets' reaction, the
unemployment rate is meager, the inflation rate is shallow, and the Dow is relatively high.
There has been a lot of effort between the United States and other nations to speak about
China in the first place. Ambassador Lighthizer and Commissioner Malmström, and the
Government of Japan released a series of trilateral statements to seek consensus on what market-
oriented powers will look like. It was apparent to the United States that they did not like the French
Digital Services Tax, and France went on with it anyway. I think it was evident to the United States
that they were worried about US agricultural access to the EU market. The Europeans were not
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really able to negotiate that. It was evident to the United States that it was worried about the
subsidies being given to Airbus. The Europeans were relatively uncompromising about that. It was
evident to the United States that it was worried about some of the commission's latest inquiries into
US technology companies. And the US gave more authority to Commissioner Vestager recently. I
say, the EU gave more power to Commissioner Vestager recently. And the EU recently named a
man who said that he would teach President Trump the error of his ways" as its new Trade
Commissioner. So that's how the Europeans agreed that this partnership should be handled. And
there could be repercussions. With the United States, they run a huge trade surplus. We're one of
their largest markets for exports. For us, they're not nearly as great a market. They aren't almost as
Trade is a win-win for economists. And yes, tariffs can be levied by the government. But
the problem is the other nation can do the same thing that is worse off. But that's the worldview
that economists have, which might not be what everybody shares. Maybe we disagree with them as
to what the democratic systems are leading us towards. There is proof that the retaliatory tariffs,
speaking about the recent trade wars stuff. So far, the trade war phase has driven you to record low
unemployment; it has pushed you to meager inflation; it has pushed you to a very high stock
market.
Details
The United States sees the World Trade Organization agreements as a kind of arrangement
in the same way that the United States continues to interpret most of its diplomatic agreements.
They have made a certain set of promises. Still, elected officials are not in a position to bind other
elected officials or prospective elected officials or the United States government on policy issues
on which they have not decided. For the United States, it is a susceptible issue. The Americans said
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very clearly that in the first place, there must be a vigorous dialogue about how we came to have
such a great misunderstanding. An honest dialogue about how the Appellate Body was going to
function and whether it was ever possible to create a kind of body that would respect the members'
retained rights and how the kind of judicial activism we have seen would be avoided.
In the years after World War II, US politicians were very active in promoting free trade,
encouraging free trade, and opening up the US economy. And as the United States opened up and
became more vulnerable to trade, the American policymakers made reforms. But there were all
these sorts of trade-offs that they made along the way, making sure the Americans moved on board.
From an economic point of view, trade helps, and where there are real issues with trade and US
trade policy, combine items that should not be of concern, such as bilateral trade deficits.
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Reference
https://www.tradetalkspodcast.com/podcast/111-trade-policy-under-trump/