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Relationship of Fan Identification to

Determinants of Aggression
a a
James A. Dimmock & J. Robert Grove
a
The University of Western Australia
Published online: 23 Feb 2007.

To cite this article: James A. Dimmock & J. Robert Grove (2005) Relationship of Fan Identification
to Determinants of Aggression, Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 17:1, 37-47, DOI:
10.1080/10413200590907559

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 JOURNAL OF APPLIED SPORT PSYCHOLOGY, 17: 37–47, 2005
Copyright © Association for Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology
ISSN: 1041-3200 print / 1533-1571 online
DOI: 10.1080/10413200590907559

Relationship of Fan Identification to Determinants of Aggression

JAMES A. DIMMOCK AND J. ROBERT GROVE

The University of Western Australia

Fan identification refers to the psychological connection that individuals have with sport teams.
This study sought to determine whether fans possessing different levels of identification respond
differently to the antecedents to aggressive spectator behaviors that are addressed by the theory
of planned behavior. Fans of four professional sport teams (N = 231) were placed in one of three
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groups based on their scores for fan identification strength. Consistent with hypotheses, highly
identified fans felt less control over their behavior at games than moderately identified fans and
lowly identified fans. Contrary to hypotheses, however, neither attitudes towards aggression
nor subjective norms on aggression differed between identification levels. Discussion centers
on the relevance of the findings for the control of different types of aggression.

Aggression by spectators has concerned sport and civil authorities for many years (Russell
& Arms, 1998). Spectator aggression consists of behavior by spectators that intends to destroy
property or injure another person, or is grounded in a total disregard for the well-being of self
and others (Coakley, 1998). Recently, concern for public safety at sporting events has led to
the development of new stadia and stringent anti-violence policies in many sports (Bale, 2000;
Wann, Melnick, Russell, & Pease, 2001). Unfortunately, spectator aggression still presents
a problem to authorities despite their attempts to curb its incidence (Bale, 2000), and some
reports even suggest that spectator aggression is becoming more severe (e.g., Wann et al.,
2001). The prevalence of spectator aggression and its societal effects have fuelled constant
debate within the social sciences over its precursors.
Most of the studies that have adopted a psychological approach to the analysis of specta-
tor aggression have been framed within one of three long-standing theories: instinct models,
frustration-aggression models, or social learning theory (Wann, 1993). Although the long-
standing theories of aggression have significantly increased our understanding of spectator
violence, they all fail to discuss the importance of individual-difference variables in spectator
aggression (Wann, 1993). Recent research suggests that individual differences are important
determinants of aggressive acts by spectators. Measures associated with the self-reported
likelihood of escalating a disturbance include physical aggression (Russell & Arms, 1995,
1998), psychopathy (Russell & Goldstein, 1995; Russell & Arms, 1998), impulsivity (Arms
& Russell, 1997; Russell & Arms, 1998), and sensation seeking (Mustonen, Arms, & Russell,
1996). Fan identification is another individual difference variable that is likely to influence
spectator aggression (Russell & Arms, 1998; Wann, 1993). Fan identification refers to the

Received 13 January 2003; accepted 15 September 2003.

Address correspondence to James A. Dimmock, The University of Western Australia, School of
Human Movement and Exercise Science, Parkland Entrance No. 3, Crawley, WA 6009, Australia.
E-mail: dimmock@cyllene.uwa.edu.au

37
 38 J. A. DIMMOCK AND J. R. GROVE

extent to which a fan feels psychologically connected to a team (Wann & Branscombe,
1993).
The theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985) indicates that an individual’s intention to
perform a behavior is dependent on attitudes towards the behavior, social (subjective) norms
related to the behavior, and perceived behavioral control. Attitudes, norms, and behavioral
control are also central to many psychological and sociological accounts of aggression, in-
cluding contagion theories, convergence theories, and emergent norm theories. However, to
our knowledge, no study has examined the influence of fan identification on attitudes towards
aggression, social (subjective) norms on aggression, or perceived behavioral control. Research
of this type is important for two reasons. First, such an investigation is likely to provide a
greater understanding of the factors underlying spectator aggression, and will provide sport
and civil authorities with more control over spectator violence. The relative influences of at-
titudes, norms, and behavioral control over impulsive and premeditated aggression will also
provide an indication of the influence of fan identification over these types of spectator ag-
gression. Second, research of this nature is important is because it incorporates an inferred
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method of measuring spectator aggression. Participants involved in such studies are less likely
to respond in a biased manner due to social desirability concerns than they would in direct
approaches (see Leary, 1996).
Although fan identification has only attracted academic attention over the last decade,
research on social identification in other domains has flourished since the establishment of
social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Social identity theory states that a social category
into which one falls, and to which one feels one belongs, provides a definition of who one is in
terms of the defining characteristics of the category—a self-definition that is part of the self-
concept (Hogg, Terry, & White, 1995). Self-categorization theory, which is part of the same
theoretical and metatheoretical enterprise as social identity theory (Hogg & McGarty, 1990;
Hogg et al., 1995), elaborates on the operation of the categorization process as a cognitive
basis of group behavior (Hogg et al., 1995).
Two explanations of the relationship between fan identification and spectator aggression
have drawn upon processes discussed in social identity theory or self-categorization theory.
The psychosocial model of fan violence (Simons & Taylor, 1992) suggests that identification
predisposes fans to follow a sequential series of psychological processes that ultimately primes
them for aggression. According to Simons and Taylor (1992), highly identified fans are more
likely to experience a strong sense of group solidarity and are more likely to deindividuate
within a crowd of fellow supporters than fans low in identification. In the presence of leadership,
Simons and Taylor suggest that the highly identified, de-individuated fans are more likely
to aggress than fans low in identification. Deindividuation has consistently been related to
increases in aggressive activity in laboratory studies as well as in actual crime (Mullen, 1986;
Zimbardo, 1970). According to self-categorization theory, deindividuation is also inextricably
tied with self-categorization and therefore, identification. Deindividuated fans are more likely
to experience a sense of lost behavioral control at games due to their tendency to abandon
personal responsibilities, weaken personal and social restraints, and react to immediate cues,
motivations, and emotions (Diener, 1980; Milgram & Toch, 1969; Simons & Taylor, 1992).
Wann’s (1993) self-esteem maintenance hypothesis also addresses the relationship between
fan identification and spectator violence. Wann theorizes that highly identified fans are less
able to protect their self-esteem by distancing themselves from the team after failure, but are
more likely to repair their identities by acting in a negative or hostile manner against players or
fans of the opposing team. This process, called ‘blasting,’ has been drawn from social identity
theory’s tenet that people have a basic need to see themselves in a positive light in relation to
relevant others (see Hogg et al., 1995). According to social identity theory, group members
 FAN IDENTIFICATION AND AGGRESSION 39

respond to unfavorable group comparisons by making comparisons along another dimension

which yields positive distinctiveness. Aggression is an example of one such social creativity
strategy. By acting in a negative and/or hostile manner toward out-groups, people maintain the
perception that they are ‘better’ than others which subsequently leads to increases in self-esteem
(Oakes & Turner, 1980; Wann, 1993). Although most studies indicate that fan identification is
not related to trait aggression (e.g., Wann, Fahl, Erdmann, & Littleton, 1999; Wann, Peterson,
Cothran, & Dykes, 1999; Wann, Shelton, Smith, & Walker, 2002), evidence indicates that fan
identification influences instrumental aggression (Wann, Carlson, & Schrader, 1999; Wann,
Peterson, et al., 1999), which constitutes conscious and reasoned behavior. Therefore, highly
identified fans may hold more positive attitudes towards spectator aggression because it offers
them an opportunity for identity reparation following their team’s losses.
The need for positive distinctiveness may also influence perceptions of behavioral control
at games. Team failure undermines the need for positive distinctiveness, and although social
creativity mechanisms allow identity reparation, highly identified fans may become frustrated
by team failure and lose a sense of behavioral control as a result. Empirical evidence indicates
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that highly identified fans experience greater levels of arousal and anxiety while watching
their team compete (Wann, Schrader, & Adamson, 1998)—probably because their identity and
evaluation of self is on trial.
Attitudes towards aggression and subjective norms on aggression are likely to be correlated
due to the ‘false consensus effect.’ The false consensus effect refers to the tendency for people
“. . . to see their own behavioral choices and judgements as relatively common and appropriate
to existing circumstances while viewing alternate responses as uncommon, deviant, or inap-
propriate” (Ross, Greene, & House, 1977, p. 280). Strong evidence for the existence of the
false consensus effect in sport was provided by Russell (1995), who discovered that spectators
with motives for attending a hockey game because they “liked to watch the fights” also believed
(disproportionately) that other fans attended the game for the same reason.
The purpose of this study was to determine if individuals possessing different identifica-
tion levels also differ in their attitudes towards aggression, subjective norms on aggression,
or behavioral control at games. It was hypothesized that highly identified fans would hold
more positive attitudes towards aggression due to social creativity mechanisms. It was also
hypothesized that level of fan identification would positively influence subjective norms on
aggression due to consensus effects. Finally, due to deindividuation processes and frustrations
resulting from identity threats, it was expected that highly identified fans would report feeling
less behavioral control at games than fans with lower levels of identification.

METHOD
Participants
Respondents (N = 231) were Australian community members who had attended at least one
sports match involving one of four teams. In total, 78 respondents were fans of a professional
soccer team, 63 respondents were fans of a professional basketball team, and 90 respondents
were fans of two different professional Australian Rules Football teams. From this sample,
three groups were formed based upon scores on the Sport Spectator Identification Scale (SSIS;
Wann & Branscombe, 1993). Those individuals who scored within the lower 25th percentile
on the SSIS were placed in one group, participants scoring in the middle 25th percentile on the
SSIS formed another group, and a final group was comprised of individuals scoring above the
upper 75th percentile on the scale. These groups represented individuals who were low in fan
identification, those who were moderately identified with the team, and those who were high
 40 J. A. DIMMOCK AND J. R. GROVE

in fan identification, respectively. The final sample (N = 181; 92 males, 89 females) consisted
of 62 professional soccer team fans, 47 professional basketball team fans, and 72 professional
football fans. The mean age of the participants was 32.38 years (SD = 14.84), and they varied
in educational background and socioeconomic status.

Instruments
Identical questionnaires were constructed for each of the professional sport teams. The
questionnaires consisted of three sections. The first section included demographic items that
asked respondents to list their age, gender, household income and education level. The second
section of the questionnaire contained the SSIS. Respondents were asked to complete the SSIS
with reference to the team for which they felt the closest affiliation. Investigators from several
countries have successfully used the SSIS in their work on fan identification (see Wann et al.,
2001). Wann and Branscombe (1993) report that the SSIS has strong test–retest reliability
and internal consistency, and that the scale predicts a number of fan behaviors such as ticket
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purchase intentions and attendance.

The third and final section of the questionnaire measured attitudes towards spectator aggres-
sion, subjective norms on spectator aggression, and behavioral control at games. Each of the ten
items in the attitudes towards aggression scale contained the same stem: “What sort of reaction
would you have if you observed the following behaviors at a [team name] game?” Response
options ranged from −5 (extremely negative reaction) to +5 (extremely positive reaction). The
items in the scale measured either attitudes towards verbal aggression by spectators or attitudes
towards physical aggression by spectators. Example items included “Fans pushing and shov-
ing other supporters” and “Fans chanting negative songs or slogans about the opposing team.”
Construction of the scale was guided by Trivizas’ (1984) report on disturbances associated
with English football matches and Coakley’s (1998) definition of aggression.
The attitudinal items were followed by four items that measured subjective norms on ag-
gression. Two items were related to subjective norms on verbal aggression, while the other
two items were related to subjective norms on physical aggression. Examples included “Most
of the people who are important to me think that verbal abuse at [team name] games is dis-
graceful” and “Most [team name] supporters would think that physical aggression at games is
disgraceful.” Responses were made on a bipolar rating scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree)
to 9 (strongly disagree).
Our measurement of perceived behavioral control at games, which was also included in the
third section of the questionnaire, was similar to prior measures of perceived behavioral control
(see McAuley, Duncan, & Russell, 1992). We chose to measure behavioral control at games
rather than behavioral control over aggression due to potential social desirability problems in
measuring the latter. Thus, four items assessed the extent to which participants felt in control
of their behavior at the team’s games. Each item contained the same stem: “To what extent is
your behavior at [team name] games something . . . .” Concluding statements to the stem were
then provided at either extreme of 9-point bipolar scales. Anchors for the scales were “not
manageable by you” (1) and “completely manageable by you” (9); “you cannot regulate” (1)
and “you can easily regulate” (9); “over which you do not have power” (1) and “over which you
have absolute power” (9); “that is not under your control” (1) and “that is under your personal
control” (9).

Procedure
Trained research assistants approached supporters of one of four professional sport teams
and asked for their voluntary participation in a “study about sport fans.” The respondents were
 FAN IDENTIFICATION AND AGGRESSION 41

approached in a variety of venues away from the stadium belonging to the team in question, and
each participant completed the questionnaire on a day during which that team was not involved
in a game. Respondents were required to have attended at least one recent game involving
the team in question. Upon agreeing to take part in the study, they were given an informed
consent form emphasizing that their responses would remain confidential, and they were asked
to complete the questionnaire. Completion took approximately 5 minutes, and participants
were then debriefed concerning the purposes of the study.

RESULTS
Preliminary Analyses
Exploratory factor analysis using principal axis factoring was conducted on the attitudes-
towards-aggression measure. An examination of the pattern matrix revealed that items corre-
sponding to attitudes towards physical aggression loaded on a separate factor to items measur-
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ing attitudes towards verbal aggression. Factor loadings for the items are presented in Table 1.
Two verbal aggression items which loaded as the weakest items on the physical aggression
factor were eliminated from subsequent analyses. The eight remaining items were then used
in subsequent analyses to measure attitudes towards physical aggression and attitudes towards
verbal aggression (four items for each construct). A correlation of .52 ( p = .01) was obtained
between the two constructs.
Cronbach’s alpha for the SSIS (.94), the attitudes toward verbal aggression scale (.88),
attitudes toward physical aggression scale (.88), subjective norm scale (.80), and behavioral
control scale (.95) indicated that each instrument was internally consistent. Although subjective
norms correlated weakly with attitudes towards physical aggression (r = .15, p = .02), the
correlation between subjective norms and attitudes towards verbal aggression (r = .38, p =
.01) indicates that a consensus effect might have been operating within the sample. Correlations
between fan identification and attitudes towards verbal aggression (r = .03, p = .66), attitudes
towards physical aggression (r = −.08, p = .24), subjective norms on aggression (r = .11,
p = .10), and behavioral control (r = −.13, p =.06) indicated that linear relationships between
fan identification and each antecedent to aggressive behavior were weak.
Preliminary ANOVAs indicated that attitudes towards verbal aggression, F(2, 175) = .13,
p = .88, attitudes towards physical aggression, F(2, 176) = 1.28, p = .28, subjective norms

Table 1
Factor Loadings for Items Measuring Attitudes Towards Aggression
Item Factor 1 loading Factor 2 loading

Fans pushing and shoving other supporters .85

Fans throwing objects onto the playing surface .80
Fans physically aggressing against players .78
Fans physically aggressing against the referees, umpires, or linesmen .78
Fans verbally abusing other supporters of the same team .50
Fans verbally abusing home team players .44
Fans verbally abusing opposition supporters −.84
Fans verbally abusing opposition players −.84
Fans chanting negative songs or slogans about the opposition team −.81
Fans verbally abusing the referees, umpires, or linesmen −.79

Note. Factor loadings under .30 are suppressed.

 42 J. A. DIMMOCK AND J. R. GROVE

Table 2
Descriptive Statistics for Aggression Measures Based on the Theory of Planned
Behavior (TPB)
Low identification Mid identification High identification

n M SD n M SD n M SD

Attitudes towards verbal aggression

Male 26 .27 3.18 28 − .71 2.47 36 .73 2.34
Female 32 −1.34 2.44 33 −1.51 2.34 23 −1.23 2.44
Attitudes towards physical aggression
Male 27 −2.54 3.11 27 −4.33 1.11 36 −3.02 2.34
Female 32 −3.56 1.70 33 −3.58 2.07 24 −3.62 2.24
Subjective norms on aggression
Male 28 4.72 2.17 28 5.23 1.91 36 5.68 2.07
Female 32 4.65 1.80 33 4.84 1.85 24 4.74 1.74
Behavioral control at games
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Male 28 8.27 1.76 28 8.15 1.22 35 7.31 1.74

Female 31 8.32 1.35 33 8.22 1.07 23 7.88 1.37

on aggression, F(2, 178) = 1.83, p =.16, and behavioral control at games, F(2, 175) = .80,
p = .45, did not differ between the sport codes (football, basketball, soccer). However, males
and females did differ in their attitudes towards verbal aggression, t(176) = 4.00, p = .01.
Males (M = .60, SD = 10.74 ) were significantly more accepting of verbal aggression than
females (M = −5.49, SD = 9.52). Consequently, all further analyses included gender as a
grouping variable but ignored sport code. The hypotheses were examined using four separate 3
(Identification Level) × 2 (Gender) ANOVAs. Table 2 shows the means and standard deviations
for the antecedents to aggressive behavior by fans classified as highly, moderately, or lowly
identified with the team.

Relationships Involving Team Identification

The first ANOVA examined attitudes towards verbal aggression as the dependent vari-
able. Results of this analysis did not reveal a significant main effect for identification level,
F(2, 177) = 1.75, p = .18. Contrary to our hypothesis, attitudes towards verbal aggression
did not vary according to identification level (M Low = −.62, SD = 2.89; M Mid = −1.14,
SD = 2.41; M High = −.03, SD = 2.55). Consistent with the results of the preliminary anal-
yses, however, the main effect for gender was significant, F(1, 177) = 14.4, p = .01. Men
(M = .15, SD = 2.69) held significantly more positive attitudes towards verbal aggression
than women (M = −1.37, SD = 2.38). No interaction effect was observed between Gender
and fan Identification Level, F(2, 177) = .81, p = .45.
A second ANOVA was conducted with attitudes towards physical aggression as the depen-
dent variable. Once again, contrary to hypotheses, no significant effect for Identification Level
was obtained, F(2, 178) = 2.72, p = .07. Attitudes towards physical aggression did not signifi-
cantly vary according to Identification Level (M Low = −3.09, SD = 2.48; M Mid = −3.92,
SD = 1.74; M High = −3.26; SD = 2.30). Males and females did not differ in their attitudes
towards physical aggression, either, F(1, 178) = .80, p = .37. No interaction was observed
between Gender and Identification Level, F(2, 178) = 2.69, p = .07.
A third ANOVA sought to determine whether perceptions of subjective norms for aggression
differed between males and females or levels of fan identification. No significant differences
 FAN IDENTIFICATION AND AGGRESSION 43

were observed between men and women, F(1, 180) = 2.61, p = .11, or between the three
identification levels, F(2, 180) = 1.12, p = .33, in scores for subjective norms. Unexpectedly,
level of identification did not significantly influence perceptions of what friends and fans of
the same team felt about aggression at team games (M Low = 4.68, SD = 1.96; M Mid =
5.02, SD = 1.87; M High = 5.30, SD = 1.98). Gender and Identification Level did not interact
to influence scores for subjective norms, F(2, 180) = .75, p = .47.
Consistent with the hypotheses, a final ANOVA revealed a significant main effect for the
influence of fan identification on perceived behavioral control, F(2, 177) = 3.88, p = .02.
Highly identified fans (M = 7.53, SD = 1.61) felt significantly less control over their be-
havior at games than moderately identified fans ( p = .04) and low-identified fans ( p =
.01; M Mid = 8.19, SD = 1.13; M Low = 8.30, SD = 1.54). Moderately identified
fans did not differ significantly from lowly identified fans in perceived behavioral control
( p = .91). Neither the Gender main effect, F(1, 177) = 1.13, p = .29, nor the Gen-
der × Identification Level interaction, F(2, 177) = .60, p = .55, was significant in this
analysis.
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DISCUSSION
The theory of planned behavior proposes that behavioral intentions are contingent on atti-
tudes toward the behavior, social (subjective) norms about the behavior, and perceived control
over the behavior. Attitudes, norms, and behavioral control are also central to many socio-
logical and psychological explanations of aggression. The present study sought to determine
whether fan identification is related to these three antecedents to aggressive behavior. Contrary
to our hypotheses, highly identified fans did not differ from less identified fans in their attitudes
toward aggression or their beliefs about subjective norms on aggression. However, our hypoth-
esis that highly identified fans would feel less control over their behavior at games than fans
low in identification was supported. Although moderately identified fans did not significantly
differ in their perceived behavioral control to low-identified fans, highly identified fans differed
significantly from both groups.
Two reasons may account for the significant differences between highly identified fans and
less-identified fans in perceptions of behavioral control. First, numerous studies have indicated
that highly identified fans experience extreme fluctuations in emotion during games (e.g., Wann,
Dolan, McGeorge, & Allison, 1994; Wann et al., 1998), and these strong emotions are likely to
influence perceptions of control. Fans who feel that their identity is threatened (or enhanced)
are likely to experience emotions that could lead to a loss of behavioral control. For situations
involving identity enhancement, highly identified fans are likely to feel more euphoric and
more prone to engage in celebratory rioting than fans low in identification. Celebratory rioting
is a phenomenon that has been observed in connection with a number of sports (Wann et al.,
2001).
An alternative explanation for the observation that highly identified fans perceive less control
over their behavior is that, according to theories by Simons and Taylor (1992), highly identified
individuals are more prone to deindividuate within a crowd of in-group members than fans low
in identification. The influence of the deindividuation process on aggressive crowd behavior
seems to be unequivocal. The process is deeply rooted within long-standing sociological ex-
planations of spectator violence, such as convergence theory and deindividuation theory, and
it has been related to crowd aggression in a number of studies (e.g., Mann, Newton, & Innes,
1982; Wann, Peterson, et al., 1999). A clear association exists between deindividuation and
perceptions of lost behavioral control because deindividuated persons experience a sense of
diminished self-awareness and weakened social restraint.
 44 J. A. DIMMOCK AND J. R. GROVE

The results did not support our hypothesis that highly identified fans are more likely to
condone aggressive behavior at games. It seems that highly identified individuals are no more
likely to endorse aggressive acts even though they are more prone to use social creativity
mechanisms than are less-identified fans. One explanation for this finding is that participants
completed the survey under neutral conditions rather than at a game or following a team loss. It
is conceivable that attitudes toward aggression fluctuate, and that highly identified fans would
be more likely to condone aggressive acts immediately following a loss—when social creativity
mechanisms are more likely to operate.
It was originally argued that a positive relationship would exist between identification and
subjective norms on aggression. We theorized that the positive relationship would be mediated
by attitudes towards aggression, and the relationship would only emerge if two conditions were
satisfied: a positive association between attitudes towards aggression and identification, and
the existence of a consensus effect within the sample. Although support for the existence of
the consensus effect was obtained, the results did not indicate that attitudes towards aggression
and identification were positively related. It is not surprising, therefore, that subjective norms
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on aggression and identification were unrelated.

Results from the present study carry a number of implications for the control of spectator
aggression. As previously mentioned, lost behavioral control is conceptually more associated
with impulsive behavior than premeditated behavior. Attitudes towards aggression and subjec-
tive norms on aggression are stable psychological constructs that are more likely to influence
premeditated aggression. The finding that fan identification influences behavioral control but
not attitudes towards aggression or subjective norms on aggression indicates that the construct
may be more likely to influence impulsive aggression than premeditated aggression. Impulsive
aggression and premeditated aggression are considered independent constructs with different
correlates (Barratt, Stanford, Dowdy, Liebman, & Kent, 1999; Dodge & Coie, 1987; Vitiello,
Behar, Hunt, Stoff, & Ricciuti, 1990).
Many sport organizations are developing a renewed focus on customer relations (Mullin,
Hardy, & Sutton, 2000), but such attempts to increase the bond of identification among sup-
porters may also result in an increase in impulsive aggression at games. Such organizations
may wish to employ more measures to control such impulsive aggression as they engage in
marketing campaigns that aim to strengthen fan identification. According to Goldstein (1989),
attempts to curb violence among fans fall into two broad categories: Intrinsic measures at-
tempt to change attitudes towards violence, while extrinsic measures attempt to minimize the
opportunities for violence, penalties for engaging in violence, and injurious consequences of
violence. Based on the results from Goldstein’s study, extrinsic measures may be particularly
useful for controlling the aggressive behavior of highly identified fans. Intrinsic measures may
be of limited benefit in this regard because attitudes towards spectator aggression do not seem
to fluctuate according to level of fan identification.
It is recommended that extrinsic measures for controlling aggression are strengthened during
times in which fan identification becomes a salient basis of self-definition for fans. According to
self-categorization theory, identity salience is influenced by chronic accessibility and situational
accessibility of the category (Hogg & Mullin, 1999). Thus, identification with a sport team
is likely to become a salient basis of self-definition if the team is involved in a number of
games within a short period, the team is involved in a playoff or finals series, or the team
is playing against a fierce rival. During such periods, fans of the team are likely to increase
the salience of this identity and their potential for impulsive aggression at games is probably
enhanced. Examples of some extrinsic measures that could be used during these periods include
restrictions on alcohol consumption, post-game events to prevent fans from leaving en masse,
strict segregation of rival fans, and strategic selection of commencement times for games.
 FAN IDENTIFICATION AND AGGRESSION 45

In England, for example, many ‘high risk’ football matches are commenced early to avoid
excessive alcohol consumption by fans and clashes between rival groups.
The results from this study provide indirect evidence of a non-linear relationship between
fan identification and perceived behavioral control. Future research could explore the nature of
the relationship between these constructs further. Among the entire sample in the present study
(N = 231), a weak correlation of −.13 ( p = .06) was obtained between fan identification and
perceived behavioral control. The magnitude of this correlation may have been diminished by
the low-identified and moderately identified groups, which did not differ significantly in their
perceived behavioral control ( p = .91). Highly identified fans, however, differed significantly
from both moderately identified fans ( p = .04) and low-identified fans ( p = .01) in their per-
ceptions of behavioral control, indicating that non-linearity may characterize the relationship
between these variables.
A premise of the psychosocial model of fan violence is that highly identified fans are
more sensitive to crowd norms and are more impressionable within the collective group. The
present study indicates that identification does not influence attitudes towards aggression or
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subjective norms on aggression, but studies that strategically examine these relationships in
separate sections of the sport stadium may yield different results. Subgroups of fans that locate
themselves in particular sections of the venue are likely to possess different norms towards
aggression, and highly identified fans in those sections could be more sensitive to such norms.
Ingham, Hall, Clarke, Marsh, and Donovan (1978), for example, noted that English football
hooligans tended to congregate in certain areas of the stadium.
A longitudinal analysis that investigates the stability of the relationship between attitudes
towards aggression and fan identification is also warranted. According to Wann’s (1993) self-
esteem maintenance hypothesis, highly identified fans are more likely to employ social cre-
ativity mechanisms during periods in which their team is losing. Social creativity mechanisms,
such as aggressive behavior, are employed by highly identified fans in order to restore a positive
sense of identity. The present study suggests that fan identification does not influence attitudes
towards aggression, but the participants were fans of traditionally successful teams. If these
same teams were experiencing losses, then stronger relationships might have been evident
between identification and attitudes towards aggression.

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