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What Is Social Dimension of Urban Design
What Is Social Dimension of Urban Design
Social Dimension
the physical form of a room clearly affects what its users can &cannot do- a window in an
otherwise solid wall allows a person to see out; a solid wall without a window does not afford
that opportunity
The relationship between people and their environment starts with architectural or environmental
determinism, where the physical environment has determining the influence on human behaviour.
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By shaping the built environment, urban designers influence patterns of human activity and thus,
of social life. Dear & Wolch (1989) argued that social relations can be:
less interaction due to spatial arrangement more interaction due to the spatial arrangement
The relationship between people and their environment is best conceived as a continuous two-way
process in which people create and modify spaces while at the same time being influenced by
those spaces.
“Public space relates to all those parts of the built and natural environment where the public have free access.
It encompasses- all the streets, squares and other right of way, whether predominantly in residential,
commercial or community/civic uses; the open spaces and parks, and the “public/private” spaces where public
access in unrestricted (at least during daylight hours). It includes the interfaces with key internal and private
spaces to which the public normally has free access.”
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Public Life:
The public realm can be considered to be the sites and settings of formal and informal public life.
The concept of physical public realm extends to all the space accessible to and used by the public,
including:
External public space – those pieces of land lying between private landholdings (e.g. public
squares, streets, highways, parks, parking lots, stretches of coastline, forest, lakes and rivers.).
These are all spaces that are accessible and available to all.
Internal public space – various public institutions (libraries, museums, town halls, etc.) plus
most public transport facilities (train stations, bus stations, airports, etc.)
External and internal quasi- ‘public’ space – although legally private, some public spaces –
university campuses, sports ground, restaurant, cinemas, theatres, nightclubs, shopping malls –
also form part of the public realm but includes privatised external public spaces.
The criterion of universal access (open to all) suggests a single or unitary public realm. A
constructivist interpretation, however, suggests there is no single or unitary public realm since a
space that is public for citizen A may not be public for citizen B.
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The key functions and qualities of the public realm relate to a notion of a ‘democratic’ (and
political) public realm – one that has a physical or material basis, but which variously facilitates
and symbolises socio-political activities regarded as important to democratic citizenship.
NEIGHBOURHOODS:
Overlaid on the physical and spatial design of a neighbourhood were more social ideas and
objectives, such as social balance (mixed communities), neighbour interaction and the creation of
identity and sense-of-community. Three interrelated strands of thinking thus informed
neighbourhood design:
1. Neighbourhoods have been proposed and/or designed as a planning device – that is, as a
relatively pragmatic and useful way of structuring and organising urban areas.
2. Neighbourhoods have been proposed and/or designed as areas of identity and character to
create or enhance a sense-of-place.
3. Neighbourhoods have been proposed and/or designed as a means of creating areas of greater
social/ resident interaction and enhancing neighbourliness.
Some ways how design can support neighbourhood diversity, Talen (2009a: 184-5):
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Creating a sense of security and safety is an essential prerequisite of successful urban design.
Fear of Victimisation:
Many people are fearful of certain parts of urban areas, such as pedestrian subways, dark alleys
and areas that are deserted or crowded with the ‘wrong kind of people’.
In public space, it is important to distinguish between criminal and disorderly behaviour since it is
often disorderly rather than criminal behaviour that is problematic.
‘Dispositional’ and ‘situational’ represent two main approaches to crime prevention. The
dispositional approach involves removing or lessening an individual’s motivation to commit acts,
through education and moral guidance. The main thrust of the situational approach is that once an
offender has made the initial decision to offend (i.e. has become motivated) then the techniques
make the commission of that crime in that particular place more difficult.
Situational measures manipulate not just the physical but also the social and psychological settings
for the crime. There are four overarching opportunity reduction strategies:
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Opportunity reduction methods have been developed within the mainstream urban design
literature with key themes of activity, surveillance, territorial definition and control. Jacobs argued
that, rather than by police, the ‘public peace’ was kept by an intricate network of voluntary
controls and standards and that sidewalk, adjacent uses and their users were ‘active participants’
in the ‘drama of civilisation versus barbarism’.
The relative safety of different dwelling types is affected by the number of sides on which the
dwelling is exposed to the public realm (flats are most safe; detached dwellings least safe).
Living in higher density areas reduces risk, with ambient ground-level density (as opposed to
off-the-ground density) correlating particularly strong with safer living.
Good local movement is beneficial, but larger-scale thorough-movement across areas is not.
Where large-scale movement exists, the greater movement potential provided by more
integrated street systems lower risk.
Relative affluence and the number of neighbours has a greater effect than layout type, whether
grid or cul-de-sac.
A Larger number of dwellings per street segment reduces risk in grid, cul-de-sac and mixed-use
areas.
Higher wealth increases safety in flats by decreases it in houses, particularly in low-density cul-
de-sacs.
Dwellings should be arranged linearly on two sides of the street in larger residential blocks that
allow good local movement but that are not over-permeable.
1. Image: Use of opportunity reduction techniques has often raised concerns about the image
presented and the ambience of the resulting environment e.g. resulted in the emergence of
highly defensive urbanisms.
2. Displacement: By restricting opportunities for crime in one location simply redistributes it.
Displacement takes different forms:
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Lynch and Carr (1979) identi ed four key public space management tasks:
Distinguishing between ‘harmful’ and ‘harmless’ activities – controlling the former without
constraining the latter.
Increasing the general tolerance towards free use, while stabilising a broad consensus of what is
permissible.
Separating – in time and space – the activities of groups with a low tolerance for each other.
Providing ‘marginal spaces’ where extremely free behaviour can go with little damage.
Jones & Newburn (2002: 139) distinguished different types or levels of social control:
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Primary (formal) social controls – these are direct and are exerted by those for whom crime
prevention, peacekeeping, and investigators and related policing activities are a primary and
defining part of their role.
Secondary (informal) social controls – these are more indirect and are exerted by those for
whom social control activities are an important secondary aspect in their role.
Tertiary (informal) social control – these are also indirect and are those exerted by
‘intermediate’ groups within local communities.
EQUITABLE ENVIRONMENT:
If urban design is about making better places for people, then the ‘people’ referred to are all the
potential users of the built environment – old/young, rich/poor, male/female, those able-bodied
and those with disabilities, the ethnic majority and ethnic minorities.
Equitable – the design should be usable by people with diverse abilities and should appeal to all
users
Flexible – the design should cater for a wide range of individual preferences and abilities.
Simple and intuitive – use of the design should be easy to understand, regardless of experience,
knowledge, language skills or current concentration level.
Perceptible – the design communicates necessary information effectively to the user, regardless
of ambient condition or the user’s sensory abilities.
Tolerance for error – the design minimises hazards and the adverse consequences of accidental
of unintended actions.
Low physical effort – the design can be used efficiently and comfortably with a minimum of
fatigue.
Size and space for approach use – appropriate size and space is provided for approach, reach,
manipulation and use, regardless of the user’s body size, posture or mobility.
Burton & Mitchell (2006) demonstrated a range of design features and helping to deliver six design
attributes:
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Familiarity – streets that are recognisable, with long-established forms and features and designs
that are familiar to older people.
Legibility – streets that help older people to understand where they are and to identify which
way they need to go.
Distinctiveness – streets that reflect local character in their built form and uses and thereby give
a clear image of the place.
Accessibility – streets that enable older people to reach, enter, use and walk around places they
need or wish to visit, regardless of any physical, sensory or mental impairment.
Comfort – streets that enable people to visit places of their choice without physical or mental
discomposure and to enjoy being out of the house.
Safety – streets that enable people to use, enjoy, and move around the outside environment
without fear of tripping or falling, being run over or being attacked.
Automobility is a ‘source of freedom’, whose flexibility enables car drivers to travel at speed at any
time in any direction. Cars also provide a means of security. Lower income groups, devoid of the
luxury of owning a car, rely on public transport. The poorest people tending to live in the least safe
and healthy environments with the greatest likelihood of environmental hazards such as floods and
pollution. Exclusion of such groups is a product of inaccessible facilities, poorly managed parks and
public spaces, dilapidated housing, living in locations with high traffic volumes, and the
disturbance, pollution, noise and potential injury this causes.
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Rather than positively designing for and managing such activities, the more common strategy is to
banish such uses to dedicated spaces and to design or police them out of shared spaces.
Neighbourhood and semi-domestic spaces, such as shared forecourts, school lobby etc.
Neighbourhood parks where young people interacts.
Local markets encouraged casual encounters between who would otherwise not come into
contact.
Gender Perspectives:
It has been observed that in most of the environmental designs – intentionally or unintentionally-
women are excluded. Women make up over half the population and have a very different lifestyle
and patterns of movement to men. Many women spend a greater portion of their time in and
around the home environment, they take shorter cross-town rather than into- centre trips.
Women frequently experience inconvenience and obstruction in the designed environment, inadequate
solutions are imposed on them and they encounter a widespread lack of knowledge and understanding
among professionals about how they use space.
An example of gender blindness is that there is a general under-provision of female public toilets
.whereas women, who for biological reasons need to use toilets more often and for a longer time.
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Inclusive Design:
Keates & Clarkson argue that, whatever the product, inclusive design is not a niche activity, nor
one addressing ‘special needs’, instead, it is about ensuring design outcomes are of greatest value
to the widest possible range of users.
By its very nature, good design is inclusive and is the responsibility of all built environment
professionals, as well as land and property owners. Inclusive design thus aims to:
CONCLUSION:
More than any other dimension, urban design’s social dimension raises a host of issues concerning
values and difficult choices regarding the effects of urban design decisions on different individuals
and groups in society. While the aim should e to create an accessible, safe and secure, equitable
public realm for all, economic and social trends can make his increasingly difficult to deliver
requiring urban designers to consider their values and their actions in designing and creating
public spaces.
This is a Summary of the Dimensions of Urban Design from the Book “PUBLIC PLACES-
URBAN SPACES“ by Matthew Carmona, Tim Heath, Taner Oc and Steven Tiesdell, Architectural
Press
Arnav Saikia
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